Prydanian News Section

Prydania

Það er alltaf sólríkt í Býkonsviði
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OOC Note: This thread will be for IC news postings from various Prydanian outlets

King Addresses Nation on First Christmas After the Civil War

King Tobias III Calls for Elections

Predice Sells Prydania Five Warships

Prime Minister Brandt Reaches Out to Congratulate Artijom van Spaava on Election Win in Andrenne

New Right Wing Messianic League Political Party Forms

Forer ÖSU and FRE Operative Axle Skov Named Thane of Alaterva

Shooting at LGBT Club in Keris

King Tobias III Re-Introduced Old Royal Standard

Anne Ulburg and the Dangers of Populism in Craviter

King Tobias III Praises New Vestrugat Emperor as Force for Stability

Joint Norsian-Prydanian Space Program Launches First Manned Mission into Eras Orbit

Empress Alycia and King Tobias III Congratulate Norsian and Prydanian Cosmonauts

Crown and Government Agree to Open Books on Joint Space Program with Norsia

Cosmonauts Address Prydania and Norsia from Orbit

Stjarná 1 Returns

Heavy Metal Takeover in Inner Cities/ Anne Ulburg Elected Prime Minister of Kanada

Mads Adami- The Present Life of a Former Syndicalist Outer Party Member

Government Agrees to New Funding for Syndicalist Compensation

Craviter Heavyweight Championship Review

Reflections on Thomas Nielsen from a Child of the Inner Party

Royal Babies Confirmed!

Prydania Meeting FSO Full Membership Goals

Prydanian Deputy from Saintonge Slams Prydanian War Effort in Ducrijeka

Summer Solstice Celebration Peaks in Haland

Polykor opens new regional HQ in Beaconsfield

Town Accidentally Bans Santonian Football Shirt

Annika Winterbach Elected President of Highton, Suspicions of Syrixian Tampering Mount

Oktoberfest 2020

Free Democratic Party Unveils New Logo
 
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The Advent Executions: Five Years Later
by Sölvi Buhl


What more can be said about the Advent Executions of 2015? The solemn speeches and the memorial have said so much about the dead. How their faith was carried to the end, how they prayed for peace in a time of war. We are at peace now, and we all pray that the evils that strangled our country will be banished forever. We pray that the dead will be at peace in the afterlife, knowing that those they left behind know peace now.

What hasn't been said, but what we should talk about despite how hard it is, was how pointless the executions were. The dead- the innocent victims of it all- suffered and died purely for the sadistic impulses of a criminal regime. Their deaths have meaning, to be sure. To friends, family, to everyone who took inspiration in their dignified deaths in the face of spiteful indignity.
The executions though, served no purpose for the regime that carried them out. They were, as I said, killed to fulfill a sadistic impulse. By examining this we can learn just how morally bankrupt the Syndicalist regime was, despite their desperate attempts to claim a perpetual moral high ground.

Marching Through Hadden

The Front of National Unity (FRE) broke out of the backwoods of Austurland in 2013, having amassed a growing army over the previous decade. By March of that year Haland to the Norsian border- including Stormurholmr- was freed from Syndicalist Republic control. Eiderwig would be liberated by the summer.
A separate FRE offensive westward to Alaterva and across southern Vesturland in 2014 split Syndicalist Republic military forces, and pressed many a People's Militia member into actually fighting trained soldiers as opposed to terrorizing civilians. It also made a FRE offensive north, aimed at capturing Hadden, possible. Especially with Goyanean and Andrennian military aid.

Nearly two years of fighting across the border between Austurland and Midland brought the FRE to Hadden's doorstep. The Syndicalist government, convinced that the farming communities around the city were aiding FRE agents, conducted the Harrying of Hadden in October of 2015. Farms burned. Innocents were hung or shot. There are towns that no longer exist thanks to the Harrying.

It didn't stop FRE advances though, who were within shelling distance of Syndicalist lines outside of the city by early December. Andrennian and Goyanean landings on the mainland made the Syndicalist military position in Hadden even more precarious. The Syndicalist government was feeling the pressure. They would be hammered at Hadden, and soon Prydania's second largest city- long a hotbed of Syndicalist sympathy- would be in FRE hands.

Sadistic Impulses

The Syndicalist regime in Býkonsviði watched the military situation around Hadden with what can only be described as panic. And it is here where we have to examine the pointlessness of the Advent executions.

The Harrying of Hadden didn't stop the FRE's advances, but it did at least serve a certain sick and twisted logic. The Syndicalist government, convinced that rural areas of the country were finally rising up after over a decade of abuse, looked to make an example of them. It was utterly barbaric and indefensible, but it made sense from the perspective of an authoritarian state that placed ideological purity and and revolutionary fervour over human life.

The Advent Executions, however, don't even meet that very disturbed and low bar.
Would the public humiliation and murder of Courantists have aided the Syndicalist war effort? No.
Would it have made an example of a group that was believed to have aided the FRE in said war effort? No- unlike the people and farmers of Hadden and its surrounding townships the Courantists of Býkonsviði were nowhere near the fighting.
Would the execution of Courantists have changed anything about the way the War was going? No.

The Harrying of Hadden was a twisted regime none the less following its own internal, yet mad, logic. The Advent Executions, however, were pure sadism.

Their military situation was degrading. Their ability to strike at the FRE was lessening- not just around Hadden, but in the hills of Krummedike.

So what did Thomas Nielsen do? He ordered his Militia to strike at the meek and the vulnerable. Courantists who were doing nothing but practicing their faith.
Father Salvar Hesketh, Styrbjörn Granseth, Kristfinnur & Finnbjörn Skaug, Björnólfur Rössvoll, and Gabriel Bokn all died to appease the sadistic flailing of a regime that wasn't even following its own deranged logic any longer.

They were tortured, humiliated, and killed because fanatics needed to hurt someone. No matter how nonsensical it was.

Making Sense of the Madness

How do we understand the tragedy that these executions were?
We have already been doing that on some level. As mentioned at the top of this article the commemorations and speeches celebrating the lives, faith, and hope of the dead give us meaning. We work towards a better future. A future that the dead prayed for and a future where such tragedies will no longer occur.

We can also look at the executions as another sobering reminder of Syndicalist barbarism.
The Syndicalist regime was not a government that looked to better its own citizenry. It did not care for building a better future. It cared only about anger, about rage, about rhetoric, and about the violent impulses these fed.

Those six souls lost their lives because ideological thugs wanted to hurt someone. May their deaths serve as a reminder of why such movements cannot be allowed to rise to prominence ever again.
 
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The Heilagurkonungur Once More? Or for the First Time?

by Pálmfríður Brodd

Býkonsviði- The term "Heilagurkonungur" gives politically astute Prydanian and Prydanian historians alike fits. It's a fundamentally contentious term that will likely never escape the shadow of the man who wielded it like a weapon, the late King Anders III. It is important, however, to examine the history of the term before we talk about the muck Anders dragged it through before examining why it's being bandied about once more.

The Development of the Holy Crown
The term "Heilagurkonungur" means "Holy King" in Prydanian. This is not the same as the Syrixian concept of a divine emperor- rather it's an idea of a reigning monarch embodying the holy aspects of their office to their fullest, a sort of pious protector, or paladin monarch. Some will point to the current King's namesake, King Tobias I, as the start of the concept in Prydania. The King so pious he was made a saint. We can push it back further though. King Tobias I's father, King Vortgyn I, was not just the first King of this country in a unified sense he was also a saint. While Vortgyn I is more well known as a warrior King, he is also recognized in most Messianic denominations as the Saint of Slaying Werewolves. Can we go further back though? Yes. Perhaps it's the first of the three Loðbrók Saints; Lord Kaldor Loðbrók, Grand Thane of Stormurholmr and pretender King of Heorot. It was his conversion to Messianism, after all, that led to the conversion of most of our ancestors. The image of St. Kaldor awestruck before the stag with the holy cross between its antlers is well known to most Prydanians.

The stag though...that gives away the real secret. The Royal family's emblem- the stag- comes from the Thaunic god Jägdar. Jägdar's role in the Thaunic faith is that of the hunting god, and is often symbolized by the stag. Our ancestors, the people of the Andrennian Kingdom of Heorot, venerated Jägdar. And the Loðbróki clan- which our Royal family emerged from- were chief among Jägdar's followers. The Thaunics today even refer to His Majesty as "Champion of Jägdar," along with an assortment of other Thaunic titles. And that is the root of the Heilagurkonungur concept; the clan chiefs, the governors, the petty kings, the Grand Thanes, and finally the Kings of Prydania; they've all claimed a sort of divine inspiration, be it from Jägdar or the Messiah. Regardless of if they knew or not, or even cared or not.

The idea of the "Heilagurkonungur" grew as religious toleration took its shape in this country. King Vortgyn II settled the issues between Thaunics and Messianists his saintly father had stirred up granting Thaunics religious freedom if their clergy in Prydanian swore loyalty to his throne. They did. From that point onward the Prydanian monarch was equal parts Champion of Jägdar and Defender of the [Messianic] Faith in this country. The advent of the Laurentist Reformation did little to change this.

The concept fell out of use when King Erik III bent the knee to UKAG, rendering the Prydanian monarchs vassals to the King-Emperor in Gothis. The re-emergence of Prydanian nationalism in 1819 following the twin events of King Rikard III's successful defence of Prydania during the Wars of the Callisean Republic and the dissolution of UKAG was new in that it was a strictly Enlightenment based "secular" nationalism, where religion was often shunted off to the side. Not out of sight, but hardly at the centre of the Crown's identity. Prydanian monarchs from Richard III-Robert VII were content to let the Thaunics and the state church operate on their own. Enter Anders III.

Anders III and a New Type of Fascism
Our first fascist King, Richard VI, had little to no time for the Church. Or the Thaunics. The Social Commonwealth movement that supported his dictatorship would play with Messianic or Thaunic themes for propaganda purposes, but Richard VI himself didn't seem to have much time for faith. He was a mid 20th century fascist in every sense, meaning he was a bit of a revolutionary. A nationalistic one, to be sure, but still someone who saw the rising nationalism of his time as a means to supplant old ways with a new modern outlook of national greatness. The church, the Thanunics...all of that was too stogy for Richard VI.

His grandson Anders III, however, was not so dismissive. The second Social Commonwealth dictatorship of 1984-2002 was not a retread of Richard VI's government. It was a refined sort of fascism. Stefan Toft understood the need to learn why the first dictatorship fell, and to avoid repeating those mistakes. It was a fascism that had a veneer of respectability to anyone who didn't look hard enough. And it was decidedly more traditional. Fascist thought had time to stew between the end of the Fascist War in 1951 and the emergence of Anders III's regime in 1984. It refined itself in the shadows. Casting out revolutionary concepts, and codifying itself around authoritarian nationalism that leaned heavily into the traditional.

Anders embraced the concept of the Heilagurkonungur, which had last been truly invoked in the 1600s. Anders dressed his public image in the vestments of the idea, portraying himself as the defender of Prydanian civilization, a holy king guided by ancestors and angels alike to defend hearth, home, and kin.

The Unexpected Rebirth of the Heilagurkonungur
Of all the things the Syndicalist coup of 2002 smashed, the thing the victorious FRE was least interested in putting back together was the concept of the Heilagurkonungur. Then-Prince Tobias Loðbrók took great pains to repudiate Anders' legacy.
The new King has, so far, lived up to that. The mass pardon granted to Syndicalist Outer Party members and Syndicalist Republic Armed Forces personnel below the rank of Captain was something Anders never would have considered. His Majesty's call for calm, and insistence on giving the Messianist League rebels earlier this year a chance to stand down resulted in a largely peaceful resolution to that uprising. King Tobias III has even seemingly made it a point to make amends with the victims of Anders' reign. Even if their path was touched by Syndicalism.
The avoidance of the Heilagurkonungur concept goes along with this. Neither His Majesty, Absalonhöll, or the government have invoked the imagery associated with it.

So why are we discussing it?

That's because other people are invoking the Heilagurkonungur concept. Not political parties, just people. The roots of this come from the Civil War. The Syndicalist regime's militant atheism lead to the FRE being seen as an agent for religious liberty. And His Majesty- then just a rebel prince- was a huge part of the FRE's public face. To underestimate the role then-Prince Tobias had in galvanizing support for the anti-Syndicalist movement is to vastly misunderstand the Prydanian Civil War and the FRE in particular.
The Syndicalists, of course, did not discriminate when it came to persecuting religious faith. This meant that Laurentists, Courantists, Thaunics, Shaddaists...they all found some sort of salvation in the FRE- and Prince Tobias'- message.

This is how the modern concept of the Heilagurkonungur is being born- not as a defender of the ancient religions, but as a guardian of faithful, whatever they happen to believe in. We see this in events like last year, when His Majesty addressed the country's largest Shaddaist congregation on Yirhet'kel, in the midst of the Christmas season. We see this when His Majesty gives a speech to commemorate the Advent Executions, both the six Courantist martyrs and the Laurenist and Shaddaist clergymen whose deaths immediately proceeded it. We see this when His Majesty engages in the Summer Solstice festival not as a political stunt like his uncle did, but as a celebration to bring Prydanians of all faiths together.

The War. The reconciliation and the healing afterwards. To be clear; I'm not accusing His Majesty of trying to be a Heilagurkonungur. What I am saying is that by simply being a voice against the injustices visited upon the faithful His Majesty is being viewed as a protector of faith, a Defender of the Faith if you will.
Anders desperately wanted the trappings of the Heilagurkonungur. He reached down and tried to take it. His nephew does not aspire to be a Heilagurkonungur. That title is foisted upwards onto him. Perhaps the fact that he does not seek the title has made it all the more appropriate that it should be applied to him.

Absalonhöll did not respond to a request to comment on this story.
 
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Santonian navy captain reconnects with his roots
by Oddbjörn Skröder

Haland - Frigate Captain Thorlákur Höjbjerg had finally set foot in his birth country after seventeen years, and reconnected with a long-lost friend. Fjölnir Järnefelt, the mayor of Haland, and Captain Naómí Varmdal, head of the Royal Prydanian Navy detachment in the city, officially welcomed the Royal Santonian Navy flotilla to the city’s port.

Training Mission
The Royal Santonian Navy flotilla is part of the Santonian Military Mission to the Prydanian military. The Kingdom of Prydania requested assistance from the Kingdom of Saintonge for the re-training and re-orientation of the Prydanian Armed Forces, as they shift from an offensive semi-professional force, into a fully-professional military with a defensive doctrine supported by conscription.

The 24th Flotilla is led by Rear Admiral Gabriel-Charles Lecacheux and is one of the two flotillas in the Santonian Military Mission. Sailors of the mission were welcomed to the port of Haland Thursday, and a joint banquet in honour of the Santonian and Prydanian sailors on Friday night.

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Royal Santonian Navy Captain Thorlákur Höjbjerg.

Prydanian Captain
During the banquet, the presence of Captain Höjbjerg was highlighted. He is the second-highest ranking former Prydanian refugee in the Royal Santonian Navy, being the captain of the frigate Ravennes (F602). (The highest-ranking former Prydanian refugee in the Royal Santonian Navy is Rear Admiral Finnkell Stensaker, who leads the 44th Flotilla, also part of the Santonian Military Mission. The highest-ranking former refugee in the Royal Santonian Navy is Vice-Admiral Caio Iannicola, from Predice.)

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Thorlákur Höjbjerg as a child in Kollsloekr, during happier times.

Born and raised in the Auburn Coast town of Kollsloekr, in 2003, Thorlákur Höjbjerg and his family fled in their rickety fishing boat to escape the persecutions of Courantists. Their stricken boat was picked up in the Auburn Sea by the Royal Santonian Navy ship Ravennes.

Thorlákur was thirteen years old when the Höjbjergs were settled in Saintonge. After his National Service and naturalisation, Höjbjerg opted to continue training and enrolled in the Royal Santonian Naval Academy.

Captain Höjbjerg used to lead the Santonian patrol vessel Parentis-en-Born (P740), before his promotion as frigate captain and his reassignment to Ravennes in early 2020. “My life is coming in full circles,” Captain Höjbjerg said during the banquet. “Imagine, the same ship that rescued me seventeen years ago… I am now captaining it. Imagine, the country I left seventeen years ago, I am returning to help it.”

Reconnecting with a friend
The string of fateful coincidences did not end there. Captain Höjbjerg reconnected with an old friend of his. “Imagine, seventeen years ago, I thought I would never see my best friend again. But today, I saw her again,” Captain Höjbjerg related to the Santonian and Prydanian sailors. “Naómí was my childhood best friend.”

Apparently, the two naval captains, Naómí Varmdal and Thorlákur Höjbjerg, hailed from the same fishing town. They were classmates and best friends at school. “Naómí was a bit boyish back then and was bigger than me… she could beat me up if she wanted to,” Höjbjerg recounted, to the audience’s amusement. The six-foot-six-inch tall buff sailor with the stereotypical Viking looks continued, “but instead she beat up the bullies who used to make fun of my appearance and our humble origins of being fisherfolk.”

The Santonian captain then turned to his Prydanian counterpart. “But look, Naómí, I’ve all grown up! I come here because we wanted to help you beat up baddies that will try to invade Prydania.”

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Royal Prydanian Navy Captain Naómí Varmdal and Royal Santonian Navy Captain Thorlákur Höjbjerg.

Captain Varmdal was seen smiling ear to ear as Captain Höjbjerg recounted stories from their childhood, chuckling at the mention that she used to be bigger than the tall and buff Thorlákur. She could be seen saying “it’s true!” to colleagues sitting with her.

“Thorlákur,” Captain Varmdal said, addressing the audience. “Seeing you again, it brings back so many memories. I remember teaching you how to tie a bowline knot, and how it was different from a bight,” she recounted, “and how our fathers wouldn’t let us head out until you got it. I remember the games we used to play, hiding around the docks. After you vanished I would think of you and wonder where you were. I always dreamt I would see my friend again, when the War was over. And here you are. Here to help. I’m so happy to see that we both survived, and that we get the chance to see each other again.”

The two captains vowed to keep up with each other. “In fact, Naómí and I are going on a date on our first day off to catch up with each other.” Captain Höjbjerg looked at his best friend with puppy eyes. “Naómí… please don’t reject me,” the Santonian captain said facetiously.

The Prydanian captain laughed. “Of course we could go!” Captain Varmdal affirmed. “We have seventeen years to make up for!”



OOC Notes. Post co-written with @Prydania . Thank as well for the third picture! :)
 
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31 December 2020
6:00 pm
On a Thursday
Býkonsviði, Prydania


"Hello" Tobias said as he looked into the RÚV cameras. He was smiling as he prepared to give the King's New Year's speech. He'd given three of these now, as King. And for the first time he was feeling as if he could give a speech that wasn't so...dower.

Tobias addressed the camera as he sat at his desk in Absalonhöll, which was done up nicely with a picture of his wife, and another of his kids. The rest of the office was done up festively.
That was reflected in Tobias' outfit. He was wearing a dark red sweater over a white collared shirt, following in the tradition to wear the flag's colours on New Year's Eve.

"This past year started with a reminder of why we must always have to work to preserve the peace we have fought for" he began, referring to the Messianic League's uprising in early January.
"But we came through that strong, united, and committed to peace. We proved to ourselves that we could be better. And all of us deserve to value that."

He smiled as he spoke. The relative peacefulness involved in subduing that uprising was, in Tobias' estimation, proof that his country could be better.

"We have learnt the lessons of peace" he continued.
"We have seen and heard our country call out for peace, and not war as we move forward. And I couldn't be happier!"

"This past September we saw school after school open. We saw our children receive the greatest gift of all- an education for the future. And it makes me happy beyond belief to know that the future they will be walking into is one where their country believes in peace over war. We've seen enough of that, and so I say to you all. What better time is there to turn over a new leaf and embrace a new way forward than New Year's?"

"Of course this year has been important for me personally. I began a family with my beloved wife. We welcomed our twin boys into this world. And I found new friends who showed me how to be better. We should all be so lucky. So above all, please take time to turn to your friends. Turn to those you love and cherish. And tell them you love them. Tell them and embrace each other as we all wait for another page to turn."

"Be it the gift of education we gave our children, our commitment to peace over conflict, the wonders of our friends and family and how they illuminate our lives, or the amazing victory of our men's football team at this year's Odinspyl, we have much to treasure and be proud of as Prydanians as we look forward to 2021. I love you all, and may the New Year bring you all bright figures."

"May God preserve Prydania."

The camera light clicked off indicating they were no longer broadcasting. Tobias leaned back in his chair and looked out the window. It was already dark out, and the snow was falling over the city lightly.

"You all finish up here. I'm going to find my wife and sons."

"Of course Your Majesty" the director replied as Tobias stood to shake his hand. Tobias smiled and made his way to the office door where a Knight of the Storm was waiting to take him to Alycia, Baldr, and Hael.
 
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Íshokkídeildin Prydansk to Expand by Six for 2021-2022 Season
by Marís Laufland


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Býkonsviði- The Íshokkídeildin Prydansk (Prydanian Hockey League) 2020-2021 season reaches its final leg before the playoffs. Four of the six team will battle for the Hamar Cup in the playoffs next month (we're sorry to tell His Majesty that Stormurholmr won't be among them), and it'll be the last Hamar Cup contested among just the ÍDP's traditional six team.
ÍDP Commissioner Skardi Gylling announced that six new teams will be added for the 2021-2022 season. The new teams- all of whom have secured ownership- will be the Eiderwig Stýrimaðar (Eiderwig Steermen), Erkiengill Íshokkífélag (Erkiengill Ice Hockey Club), Jórvík Ljón (Jórvík Lions), Krummedike Griffinar (Krummedike Griffins), Leiruvagr Hrímþursar (Leiruvagr Frost Giants), and Skiodalr Krossfarar (Skiodalr Crusaders).

"There is a glut of hockey talent in Prydania," Commissioner Gylling stated.
"Traditionally our minor league systems managed the excess talent, but many of those leagues are no longer functional, and haven't been since the Syndicalist era. We still have talented young men who want to play, and so it falls on the ÍDP to accommodate them."

The six cities selected, when combined with the six cities that traditionally make up the ÍDP, make up the twelve most populous cities in the country. Some of them are actually larger than others that have traditionally made up the ÍDP. Eiderwig, for example, has 69,000 more people than league stalwart Alaterva.
The cities that traditionally make up the ÍDP were selected back in the early 1900s as representing a broad enough swath of Prydania. A combination of changing demographics and a glut of players due to the minor league system's collapse during the Syndicalist era/Civil War have led to potentially profitable markets in need of teams and players to fill roster spots.

"We're happy to work with a variety of ownership groups," Commissioner Gylling stated. Variety indeed. Of the six new teams three are owned by Prydanian interests, two have foreign investors, and one- Jórvík -is community owned. The new team arenas will be made up of a combination of local rinks and old minor league arenas refurbished since the end of the War.
 
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The Constitutional Referendum- Your Questions Answered
by Alfífa Íshólm

Býkonsviði- The referendum on the proposed constitution ordered by His Majesty is only twelve days away. Both the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition have been crisscrossing the country trying to make the case for or against the constitution. This piece isn't to promote one side or the other- rather it's been written to inform you, the electorate, on the details of the constitution and what it entails so that you may make an informed decision in the ballot box come referendum day.

No More Peers
The biggest change is the elimination of the thirty Peer seats in the Alþingi. Many countries such as Goyanes, Saintonge, and Predice, developed separate legislative houses for Peers as opposed to elected deputies. The Alþingi- which dates to the year 1030, just months after Vortgyn I's coronation- developed into a unicameral system where peers sat alongside what became elected seats.

The Peers were abolished by the Syndicalist Republic, but brought for the 2018 Alþingi following the elections of that year. Notably so few nobility survived the Syndicalist Era that His Majesty had to knight a number of FRE personnel who showed exemplary service during the Civil War to fill out the necessary thirty seats.

The Peer seats are seen by some as a relic though, and a roadblock to true democracy. These people point to the 2018 election where the Free Democratic Party won an outright majority of elected seats but had to coalition with the Peers to form a working majority in the Alþingi.

Proponents of the Peers maintain the Peers provide a check on the elected representatives- bastions of "sober second thought."
Thane Mathies of Jórvík has led the charge against the constitution, advocating for the Peer seats to be retained. The other Thanes- Stig of Eiderwig, Axle of Alaterva, and Níels of Krummedike- have declared themselves neutral on the matter.
Thane Mathies is joined by the Laurentist Church of Prydania in defending the necessity of the Peer's seats. The Church's clergy holds ten seats among the thirty Peer seats as Lords Spiritual.

Thanedoms? Provinces?
The other notable change in the proposed constitution is the status of the feudal lands. The country's five Thanedoms, one Grand Thanedom, one Free City, and two Crown Protectorates will not be abolished. They will remain in a symbolic sense, but will be stripped of their last vestiges of feudal authority, stripping away any governmental authority they once had as legal entities.
Instead the country will be divided into provinces- fifteen of them.

So Both?
Yes, in a way. The Thanedoms will remain in a symbolic sense, and the Thanes themselves will not be stripped of their titles. They will be losing their administrative authority though, which had become purely ceremonial by the reign of Queen Alexandria anyway.

Instead the new Provincial governments would govern on a local level. These governments would be elected in the same manner as the Alþingi was elected, overseen by a Viceroy appointed by His Majesty on the advice of the national government. Seven of the new provinces will overlap with the existing Thanedoms, Grand Thanedom, and Free City. The other eight will be carved out of the Crownlands and the Protectorate of Austurland.
If approved the new constitution would devolve local matters to these provincial governments rather than through the archaic bureaucracy of the feudal government structures.

Strange Bedfellows
Support for the proposed constitution seems strongest among two groups one would be shocked to find allied in anything political. Rural communities and small towns seem enthusiastic about the proposed changes because they would give them a stronger direct say in local government. For a group of people still recovering from dispossession, collectivization, and dehumanization forced upon them by Syndicalist orthodoxy the promise of greater local autonomy is seen as a positive thing.

The other group where support seems highest is among former Syndicalists. They see the constitution's proposed reforms as the sort of smart modernization the country needs, in contrast to the regime they once supported that unleashed terror across the country in the name of "modernization."
For many of these people who are still coming to grips with the Syndicalist Republic's crimes the proposed constitution offers modernization without revolutionary terror.

The irony is that this places many former Syndicalists on the side of supporting a constitution negotiated in part by the King. His Majesty was the boogieman of Syndicalist propaganda for many years. Coming to terms with the real King Tobias III Loðbrók has been a steady process that's gone hand in hand with coming to terms with the Syndicalist Republic's atrocities.
And now former Syndicalists have to marry that with the fact that their pro-constitution position is shared by the group of people most negatively impacted by Syndicalist policy.

For many this has created strange bedfellows, but not uneasy ones. Rare is it you'll find a former Syndicalist who tries to defend the Syndicalist regime's treatment of the rural farmer and rural communities. The vast majority of them have, indeed, come to terms with their former government's abuses. That involves- by necessity- a degree of penance. If not overt than private.

For many rural voters it's strange, but promising. A sign that elements of society that once viewed each other in stark opposition can now seek common ground, a fulfillment of the post-Civil War hope for reconciliation in peace.

Opposition
Opposition to the proposed constitution is centred in Jórvík, where Bayardi communities feel their Thanedom is being "downgraded."
While this is true for all Thanedoms Bayardi voters in Jórvík point to the unspoken understanding that the Thanedom of Jórvík was unique as an entity in feudal Prydania. Jórvík Knights were known by their gold tabards, and many past Thanes of Jórvík served as first consul to past Kings, giving the Bayardi a powerful voice in government. The proposed changes that will render the Thanedoms symbolic and replace them with provinces is seen as a repudiation of this tradition and legacy and would reduce Jórvík to just one of fifteen provinces, not unique in any way.

Opposition to the new constitution also exists among FRE veterans who feel that such changes after a hard-fought victory in the Civil War is unnecessary debate that has gotten in the way of more pressing issues. These tend to be voters of the now-defunct Bandalag, mainly Conservative Party voters represented by that party's leader Sören Högh.
For many they have the opposite issue the ex-Syndicalists have; the constitution they are opposing was partially negotiated by His Majesty, who served as a rallying point during the Civil War. The uncertainty is eased, however, by the fact that the King refused to sign the constitution into law without a referendum. This has allowed the opposition a chance to make its case before the nation.

So Who's Winning?
Polls indicate a lean towards approving the constitution. In addition to the above demographics it's young voters across communal, ethnic, or political lines who are most eager to vote "Yes." For them it's a symbolic rebirth of the country following the devastation they grew up within. The youth-leaning Peace not Blood Alþingi caucus was instrumental in getting Alþingi approval for the constitution.
What is fascinating is that these Þingmenn were once all members of the Bandalag. Indicating a willingness among young conservative voters and politicians in the country to be more daring and experimental than the old stalwarts of the Conservative Party.

The Choice is Yours
His Majesty indicated the reason he called for the referendum is because he believes in the country's ability to choose its future- either way, the choice will be up to you. All those of us at RÚV- and indeed in the media in general- can do is inform you as best we can. Whatever you choose, your country's future is up to you.
 
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YES Vote Wins Majority of Eligible Voters in Constitutional Referendum
by Alfífa Íshólm


Býkonsviði- The constitution negotiated between the government of Prime Minister Magnus Brandt and His Majesty has been approved- in more ways then one. The YES vote won not just a majority of votes cast nationwide with 72.59% to the NO vote's 27.41%, but it also won a majority of eligable voters. Turnout for the referendum was high at nearly 73% and the YES vote represents 50.45% of Prydania's total eligible voters.

So the YES vote not only exceeded polling data- which suggested it topping out at around 65%- but it also gave as clear of an answer as possible to the question- Should the Kingdom of Prydania adopt the constitutional document jointly agreed to by the King and Alþingi?

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Results of the Constitutional Referendum by region
What do the Results Tell Us?
Many analysts tended to focus on smaller groups. Rural voters were heavily leaning YES- with a few notable exceptions- and groups such as ex-Syndicalists or ex-FRE personnel were split. What we can tell from these results is that the Constitution was favoured by a broad cross-section of the country. Rural voters supported it heavily, as expected, but there was strong urban support in places like Býkonsviði, Hadden, Alaterva, Stormurholmr, Haland, and Alaterva. Ex-FRE personnel broadly supported the constitution by a rate of 2:1 according to exit polling. Ex-Syndicalists were, however, a bit more even. 60% of ex-Syndicalists supported the referendum.

Motivations
Exit polling indicates that the most pressing issue for YES voters were the peer seats. Most seemed eager to establish a truly democratic Alþingi for the first time.
Sentiment for the Thanedoms was mostly absent for most YES voters, but there was little hostility towards them. The provincial system the constitution will establish didn't seem to factor into the minds of urban YES voters, but was a major factor for rural voters, who stressed the importance of a degree of democratic local autonomy.

Former Syndicalist Heartland Was Too Close to Call
The heartland of the former Syndicalist movement- the mining areas of southwestern Prydania- were home to a back-and-forth debate between ex-members of the Syndicalist Party and regime. Some expressed eagerness for the proposed constitution and its democratic modernizing reforms- a fully elected legislature and the introduction of local democracy to replace the symbolic powers of the Thanes. For many this constitution was a second chance, an opportunity to strive for modernizing the country in far less destructive way then the dictatorship imposed by the Syndicalist Party.

For others, mostly older ex-Syndicalists, the constitution was a product of a Loðbrók King and a former FRE officer. This group considered it dead on arrival because of this. Krummedike, Thomas Nielsen's home region, ultimately voted YES, but only won 51.76% of the region's vote. Older ex-Syndicalist opposition also depressed Keris' YES vote to just 65.36%. Both it an Krummedike were the only regions to vote YES with a percentage lower than 70%. In Keris the majority of NO votes came from ex-Syndicalists in the city of Keris itself, with the more rural areas broadly supporting the constitution.
Ex-Syndicalists in Hadden, another longtime Syndicalist hotbed, seemed far more willing to accept the constitution, proportionally voting YES in line with the rest of the region's urban voters.

NO Holdouts
Two regions voted NO. Vesturmarch and Jórvík each voted NO for different reasons.

In Jórvík it was a NO charge led by Thane Mathies of Jórvík. Though the Thane had argued the necessity of keeping the Peer seats in the Alþingi- a caucus he leads- his arguments in his home Thanedom were centred on the Bayardi's place in Prydania. Jórvík has long remained a centre of Bayardi culture in Prydania, with the language receiving special protected status in Prydania as a whole and co-official status in Jórvík. Prydanian Kings long saw the advantageous to appealing to the Bayadi of Jórvík. Many Thanes of Jórvík served as chief advisors to the crown through the medieval and early modern periods, Bayardi Knights retained autonomy within the feudal armies of medieval Kings of Prydania, and in turn the Thanes of Jórvík would enforce loyalty to the monarchy in their lands.
While the evolution of parliamentary democracy sidestepped the traditional system of peerage that had benefited Jórvík's Thanes influence remained. The Thanes of Jórvík advocated for Bayardi interests in the Alþingi via their Peer seat and seven Bayardi politicians from Jórvík have served as Prime Minister since 1848, across both the Bandalag and Liberal/Free Democratic Parties.
Thane Mathies played on these traditions, emphasizing that the Thanedom of Jórvík held a special, ceremonial place in Prydania and that the provincial system that would supplant the feudal divisions would make Jórvík only one of fifteen provinces. His efforts may have failed nationwide, but he won the day in the Bayardi heartland, with NO carrying Jórvík with 53.32%. It should be noted that polls had support for the NO vote as high as 62% during the lead-up for the vote.

Vesturmarch's NO vote was a combination of a few factors. The first is spillover from the affects in Krummedike. Krummedike's mining country actually crosses into southern Vesturmarch, where ex-Syndcialist opposition was a factor. It wasn't just this though.
Patrik Huseklepp of Lundr served the FRE with distinction during the Civil War, and was one of the former FRE personnel knighted by His Majesty to take a Peer seat in the Alþingi ahead of the 2018 general election. Such knightings were necessary to fill the required thirty Peer seats, as the Syndicalist era had resulted in the extinction of many aristocratic families.
Discussions of potentially abolishing the Peer seats were floating around even back in 2018, but filling the seats with newly knighted Peers was seen as a quicker way to get the Alþingi running. The newly knighted peers such as Patrik Huseklepp were predicted to stay relatively quiet and take their marching orders from their caucus' leader, Thane Mathies of Jórvík.
Riddari Huseklepp, however, used his seat to advocate for his home region. Vesturmarch was among the last parts of the country fully liberated during the Civil War, and as such lagged behind the eastern areas of the country. Some of which had been freed from Syndicalist tyranny as early as 2010. Huseklepp effectively argued for resources to be allotted to Vesturmarch to ensure its recovery didn't lag behind the rest of Prydania. As such he became very popular in Vesturmarch. So when he said he was voting NO on the constitution citizens from Ute to Vadstenna to Skorraey listened.
Huseklepp argued that the Provincial system would leave the country too decentralized. Vesturmarch would need to rely on itself, and it lacked the urban infrastructure needed to be effective in its own rebuild. Skiodalr is its only large city of note, and lacks the mining and industrial base of Krummedike, the maritime trade hubs of Keris or Fölurpunktur, or the urban centres of Býkonsviði, Hadden, or Alaterva. Like Thane Mathies, Riddari Huseklepp was effective. NO won in Vesturmarch with 52.02%.

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Results by region

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Turnout

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YES vote

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NO vote
Onward
The NO vote's ascendancy in Vesturmarch and Jórvík couldn't change the overall national vote, however. The results were so clear that Thane Mathies conceded that YES would win the night just half an hour after polls closed. He reiterated that Jórvík and the Bayardi's place within Prydania continue to be respected. Riddari Huseklepp followed suit minutes later from Skiodalr, emphasizing that the national government must ensure equal treatment to all new provinces regarding the allocation of funds, materials, and personnel for rebuilding efforts.

No doubt both NO leaders felt a ping of disappointment to hear that the final tallies put the YES vote over the 50% threshold of eligible voters. That benchmark means that there is no reason for His Majesty to not sign the Constitution into law. Arguments could be made that- even with a high turnout- a vote that failed to win the approval of less than fifty percent of the eligible voter base hadn't really "won." That final mark has been cleared though. The people have truly spoken.

OOC Note: A huge thanks to @Kyle for not only helping me work out the results of the vote, but for making me maps and graphics!
 
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How Malor-Kanada Won Craviter

by Pálmfríður Brodd

The Long Peace on Craviter began in 1825 with the end of the Second Nordic-Imperial War and ended violently with the Cogorian Revolution in 1917. Whereas the Arcanstotskian Revolution sixty-nine years earlier ushered in a democratic republic the Cogorian Revolution ushered in a socialist state bent on world revolution.
The domino effect cannot be over-emphasized. The Cogorian Revolution made many of the ruling classes on the continent who were already suspicious of the political movements coming from organized labour downright hostile. This resulted in a number of authoritarian fascist regimes sprouting up across Craviter. These tensions- not sated by fascism’s defeat worldwide in 1951- led to Craviter’s troubled decades from the 1980s-2010s.

What emerged from the fallout of all of this was a geo-political contest between the Syrixian Empire and the Malorian Empire for mastery of Craviter’s destiny. Today Maloria-Kanada stands victorious. Both because it proved able to better understand the continent and because it proved to be far more flexible and less all-encompassing in how it approached Craviter.

The Harmonious Society and the Misjudging of Craviter

The Harmonious Society is the ideology espoused by the ruling elite of Syrixia since the end of the Syrixian Emergency in the 1960s. It's based on the idea of a Sólfriður* world (or regional) order where Syrixian economic domination ensures a peaceful co-existence of nations. In many ways it’s an imperial tributary system with the Jade Throne at the apex. Everyone trading happily within a Syrixian-dominated economic order.

The Harmonious Society was successful in the colonial context. The Syrixian government’s hands-off approach with their colonial possessions allowed for a broadly harmonious colonial system where goods and raw materials flowed freely between the colonies and Home Islands. The end of the Fascist Wars and decolonization led to this system being abrogated. Syrixia remained the primary trading partner of many of their former colonies, but independence naturally led to new engagements- such as Iraelia opening up its markets to the rest of Iteria in the late 1950s.

The end of the Syrixian Emergency in the late 1960s ushered in the present-day Syrixian political order. It’s here that the old lessons of the Colonial period were re-interpreted to serve as a roadmap for the future. By asserting Syrixian economic domination Syrixia could take the old colonial system and foist it on Craviter, enforcing peace through bountiful trade.
What the Syrixians failed to understand was the notion of the nation-state, which made the tributary system that underlay the Harmonious Society a non-starter.

The Syrixian colonies had their national identities, but existence within a Syrixian system that was, in part, foisted upon them. The Syrixians came, establishing dominion, and said “don’t cause trouble, trade, pay taxes, and we will all benefit.” The colonies did, and they did benefit, but this was the result of a forced status quo. Why bother rebelling when the Jade Throne will crush any uprising? Best to just stay quiet and make some money.

Syrixia never quite understood that dynamic. The nations of Craviter were nation-states, with identities, cultures, and traditions that formed a basis for sovereignty alien to the Imperial polity of Syrixia. Even continental empires like Norsia and, yes, Maloria, operate on a nation-state model with their sovereigns claiming a degree of Imperium. The Syrixian Imperial state, on the other hand, derives its statehood not from the shared cultures or languages of its inhabitants, but by its Imperial domination.
As a result Syrixia attempted to apply a colonial mindset on a collection of nations with their own independent cultures, languages, traditions, and values. Syrixia could historically go to its colonies and say “don’t rebel, we’ll all get rich,” because the colonies could not refuse. Yet when they said “everyone follow our lead and we’ll all get rich,” the nations of Craviter asked “and what about our interests?” Syrixia’s answer of “just play along, and it’ll work out while you serve in your place” wasn’t satisfying to nations who had no incentive to just let Syrixia dominate their economic destiny.

Our own history provides some insight. The Syrixians saw the re-emergence of Prydanian fascism in the form of Anders III and Stefen Toft as a threat to stability within a harmonious order and tried to deal with it by imposing economic sanctions. In Prydania this was seen as Syrixia acting like a parent- they didn’t approve of Prydania’s government, so they would punish it. This raised the question of “who the hell are the Syrixians to tell us what our government should be?”
By treating Prydania as if it were a wayward province and not a nation-state in its own right the Syrixian response of “go to bed without your steiktsvínakjöt” resulted in more political capital for the Social Commonwealth fascists to use.

The Phoenix Union also displayed Syrixia’s lack of understanding. It was Syrxia trying to lead nation-states they didn’t fully understand. That it fell apart over concepts such as common courts and common citizenship isn’t shocking. These ideas are natural to the Syrixian Empire, which sees Imperial hegemony as their state’s foundation. To nation-states defined by borders based on language, culture, and customs, however, they’re non-starters.

Maloria and the Art of the Deal

In some ways Maloria got lucky with Prydania. No Malorian diplomat or Emperor could foresee that Alyica Saitta of Norsia- a member of a cadet branch of the Severyns- would fall in love with Tobias Loðbrók. That Prydania’s popular new King was pursuing a relationship with a member of their kin certainly made the prospects of closer ties to Maloria appealing. Yet Prydania is not just Tobias Loðbrók- as His Majesty himself would insist- and nor is Prydania all of Craviter. Which is the point. Craviter is a collection of diverse cultural nation-states. And Maloria didn’t need a royal marriage to make inroads into them- they understood them better than their Syrixian rivals.

What Syrixia offered Prydania, Norsia, and the Phoenix Union in late 2017 was a chance to be markets for the Syrixian economy. A place in the “Harmonious Society,” supporting the Syrixian economic engine. What Maloria offered was partnership and mutual defence.
The Bergum Pact was described as a scheme to submit Craviter to Maloria’s will by Syrixian government officials and media, yet its structure gives its members co-equal say in Pact matters. Yes, Bergum is the centre of the Pact, but Bergum does not control the pact. Why should they? Maloria doesn’t need to, because it paired this military alliance with inroads into the markets of Pact members.

Prydania buys most of its oil from Maloria. In that regard Maloria and Syrixia wanted the same thing from Prydania, but whereas Syrixia offered Prydania a spot in a tributary system Maloria offered it a spot in a co-equal partnership of nations. The same can be said for Norisa. Korova. Arrandal. Maloria won access to these markets because they offered something Syrixia couldn’t comprehend- national sovereignty. No one dreams of instituting common citizenship or common courts in the Bergum Pact, whereas such proposals doomed the Syrixian-led Phoenix Union. Maloria doesn’t insist on these things because it knows these are abhorrent to the nations of Craviter because it is one.

By securing market access Maloria recognized they had what they wanted. They could afford to put their partners on the same level politically, because they had the economic cards. Syrixia not only insisted on holding the economic cards, they wanted their Harmonious Society. It proved unworkable to the people of Craviter.

Adapt and Thrive

The Syrixian concept of the Harmonious Society is limiting. It demands to be all-controlling. It wants an international (or regional) order running like clockwork where money flows and all the pieces work as intended with Syrixia at the centre. Control is central. And it's this desire for control that has won Maloria the day, for it doesn’t desire or need anything so grand.

Norisa looks to chart a foreign policy independent of Malor-Kanada. Prydania increases ties to Norsia, Korova, Saintonge, and Predice. Essalanea receives aid and money from powers not under the control of the Severyn crown. Does any of this threaten Maloria’s status? No.

Maloria is treaty-bound to defend its allies. It provides its allies with money and resources. This is enough to secure continental leadership. Norisa can build up its own sphere. Prydania can increase ties to Saintonge and Predice. None of this hinders, or even runs counter to, what Maloria desires. The Harmonious Society dictates Syrixia must be the supreme power in all things. Maloria’s policy is simpler- hold the cards where it matters, and retain that friendship and loyalty by respecting the sovereignty of allies.
Syirixia, if it were a treated ally of Prydania, would see Prydania’s plan to model its armed forces off of Saintonge’s as an alarming development that would need to be dealt with. Maloria sees no need to even raise the issue. If anything it might even strengthen the Bergum Pact.

Closing Ideological Divides

Beyond this, however, Maloria has succeeded by being less ideological. Both Maloria and Syrixia have opposed socialist powers in the past, and both have governments that are ideologically opposed to socialist politics. Yet Maloria now counts Cogoria, the Stan Yera, and Korova as allies. Maloria can now count the entirety of northern Craviter as allies of theirs, the entire Pale Sea and Auburn Coast within their sphere.

Maloria managed to shut this door on Syrixia by being willing to set old rivalries aside to embrace new opportunities. Syrixia can only manage reducing tensions with Skanda to a “detente,” whereas Maloria has brokered a mutual defence pact between a Prydania that fought off the yoke of Syndicalist tyranny and a Cogoria that still adheres to the socialist movement. As a result Prydanian trade flows not just to Cogoria and the Stan Yera, but as far south as Skanda, which is allied to Cogoria.
Syrixia, with all the history it has with Skanda, can only manage a small victory. Maloria has Prydanian farmers, who were not so long ago victims of Syndicalist collectivization, selling goods to socialist Skandans to everyone’s mutual benefit.

Malor-Kanada Won Craviter by Not Winning Craviter

Ultimately Malor-Kanada is a central part of the Bergum Pact, yet they do not dominate the continent. The Stan Yera and Cogoria remain fiercely independent outside of the realm of Bergum Pact responsibilities. Norisa builds its own spheres of influence. Prydania continues to re-engage with the world after fifteen years of brutal civil war. And yet Malor-Kanada remains the nation that holds it all together. It has not won hegemony over Craviter, but this willingness to forgo a quest for complete control has allowed them to best Syrixia.

They hold a prominent enough place in trade, and a prominent enough place in mutual defence, to be the reliable centre of continental Craviter’s defences that the rest know will not break. They have secured treaties and trade that have respected the mutual sovereignty of their partners while retaining enough benefits for themselves that they remain in a position of influence.

Meanwhile Syrixia’s quest for total control in pursuit of a “Harmonious Society” has left them bogged down in continental politics as they attempt to defend their clear interference in Highton’s 2020 Presidential election and waste political capital propping up a regime in Aydin that has infringed on Arcanstotskian sovereignty.

What Now?

If Syrixia wishes to have a greater say in Craviter they must understand Craviter. They must understand the nation-state model. This is not something beyond Syrixians. Many a noted and celebrated Syrixian scholar- their Emperor included- have studied and written on the nature of the nation-states that they find themselves neighbours to.

What could perhaps be harder for Syrixia to manage is to embrace the notion that total control- the Harmonious Society- is not beneficial.
Emilia Grünesfeld would have pursued closer relations with Maloria had she won Highton’s presidential election, but she would not have turned her back on Syrixia. And Syrixia would gain much by stepping away from Aydin and realizing that a stable marketplace is not always worth defending.
Instead Syrixia should be looking for ways to engage with Craviter’s nations on an equal footing. And they should be open to allowing themselves a less controlled vision of the world before them.



*Sólfriður- Peace of the Sun/Pax Syrixia
 
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The Curious Case of the .38 Breka D-16

by Símon Lærum

Samþættvopn* started producing the Fyrirmynd 1922 .32 Semi-automatic pistol in 1922. The weapon proved very effective and versatile, but certain Royal Army officials felt it lacked stopping power. Samþættvopn's response was the .38 Breka, which made use of the 9×19mm Parabellum cartridge, in comparison to the Fyrirmynd 1922's .32 Automatic cartridge.
Ultimately the Fyrirmynd 1922 saw use among the Knights of the Storm and the police, whereas the .38 Breka became the sidearm of the Royal Prydanian Army, Air Force, and Navy. Both guns proved extremely reliable, and were in use as recently as the Civil War.

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Samþættvopn .38 Breka Pistol

Enter the .38 Breka D-16

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.38 Breka D-16 Rifle

The .38 Breka was the subject of experimentation at Samþættvopn in the early 1960s. The genesis of the D-16 project began as a thought experiment from gunsmith Natanael Einleikur. The idea was this- could a handheld pistol be converted into a rifle that be serviceable in the field of battle?
Einleikur originally experimented on the Fyrirmynd 1922 .32, thinking such an improvised rifle would see more use among law enforcement then military, but the .38 Breka proved to have a more suitable construction for additions.

The result was the .38 Breka D-16. The pistol was equipped with attachable long-form silencer, a stock for balance, and a sight. Trials proved effective, with the improvised rifle proving effective at up to medium length combat distances. Sets made to convert .38 Brekas into D-16 rifles began production in 1964, making their way to the military. Additional .38 Brekas, and sets to convert them into D-16 rifles, were put into production for the Knights of the Storm and local police forces by 1966.

The unique pistol/rifle hybrid made something of an international splash, becoming a symbol of Prydanian arms manufacturing. King Robert VII even posed with the rifle in 1967 while conducting an inspection of the Býkonsviði barracks of the Royal Army. The .38 Breka D-16 was a symbol of Prydanian innovation for thirty-eight years. Sadly such a positive reputation would not last forever.

The Civil War and a Symbol of Conflict

The .38 Breka replaced the Fyrirmynd 1922 .32 as the sidearm of the military in 1938, one year into the Fascist War. The advent of the D-16 rifle conversion saw the .38 Breka supplant the Fyrirmynd 1922 .32 as the sidearm of police and the Knights of the Storm by 1967. King Anders III's expansion of both the police and the Knights of the storm- not to mention arming the Social Commonwealth Óafmáan- dramatically increased both the number of .38 Brekas and D-16 conversion sets in the country.

The Civil War that broke out in 2002 in the wake of the Syndicalist coup saw a number of .38 Brekas fall into civilian hands. The breakdown of civil order in parts of the country during the War saw additional .38 Brekas and D-16 kits reach civilians. These weapons were instrumental in the formation of militias that boosted either side. Not to mention both the Syndicalist and FRE forces, both of which made liberal use of the weapon. The .38 Breka D-16 went from being a symbol of Prydanian ingenuity to becoming a symbol of death and destruction as civil war raged across the country for fifteen years.

Moving Forward

The FRE's victory saw a number of units demobilized- especially after new civilian police were trained and brought up to maintain law and order. FRE-aligned militias were also demobilized. This resulted in a number of military grade weaponry reaching civilian hands. Many of them were .38 Breka D-16s. These were most notably used by the Messianist League militias who attempted an insurrection in western Prydania in early 2020.

Prydania has always had lenient gun control legislation, a result of the cultural role hunting plays in the national experience. This reality- and the post-Civil War government's unwillingness to be seen as heavy-handed- has made the collection of these weapons difficult. New headway, however, is being made.
Prime Minister Brandt and Valþór Hofteig, President of the National Hunting and Firearms Association, made a joint press conference where Herra* Hofteig supported a government initiative to collect "rogue" .38 Breka D-16s.

"No one needs a Breka D-16 to hunt," H. Hofteig said in a statement.
"If you do, you're not a very good hunter. We at the RVSF* support the government's efforts to collect military weaponry. Such weapons don't belong in public hands."

"This program will symbolize our continued commitment to peace," the Prime Minister said.
"We're committing to getting these weapons- weapons that have become synonymous with death in our country- out of civilian hands."

So far the program has been successful. An estimated 45% of the .38 Breka D-16s in civilian hands have already been successfully collected and destroyed, with efforts ongoing.

The .38 Breka D-16 Today

.38 Brekas and their D-16 conversions are still used in Ríkilögreglu* departments the country over. The military- including the Knights of the Storm- have transitioned to weapons made from Andrennian licences. This- combined with the government's efforts to negate rogue .38 Brekas and .38 Breka D-16s- has resulted in the once popular weapon becoming far less common. His Majesty is said to own one in his private collection, as does his wife, Her Imperial Grace. And one was allegedly gifted to Dodge Vittorio of Predice. Beyond that, it is a weapon shrinking in use and profile.

From a symbol of Prydanian ingenuity to a symbol of death to a faded symbol of bygone eras. The unique .38 Breka D-16 will always have a place in the history books.

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.38 Breka D-16 Rifle




*Samþættvopn- Integrated Weaponry, a Prydanian arms manufacturer
*Herra- Mr
*RVSF- Ríki Veiða og Skotvopn Félag- National Hunting and Firearms Association
*Ríkilögreglu- Realm Police- Prydania's national police force

OOC Note: Thank you to @Kyle for the idea for this article
 
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The New Schools of the 2020-2021 School Year
by Týra Murer

Býkonsviði- The government of Magnus Brandt introduced what they called "a staggered budget" upon its election in late 2018. It was sold to voters as a means to properly distribute government funds- including foreign aid- to the many reconstruction projects needed in the post-Civil War landscape. Critics within the Bandalag claimed that the program would prove untenable if certain goals were not completed on time, but the promise to voters of a clear path towards the future of the country beyond initial recovery steps seemed to resonate with voters.
It was also a plan that was able to stave off the People's Party. The Free Democrats were committing to promised government investments in tiers based on need, and this likely assured a number of people on the Free Democrats' left to stick with the party rather then venturing out with the People's Party.

A key centre-piece of the plan was a promise of a revamped school system in time for the 2020-2021 school year. Indeed, it was not only a vital goal in terms of the overall Free Democratic budget, it was also necessary for other popular programs. The compensation program for people displaced or otherwise dispossessed by the Syndicalist regime was due for a massive budgetary increase once the school targets were met.

Over 400 new schools were opened in time to start the 2020 school year last September. An additional sixty-three were opened in January for the start of the second semester of the year. Over two-hundred schools that were not damaged enough to be demolished were refurbished and opened by September 2020. Let's reexamine the project now that we're halfway through the first school year of its completion.

Planning

The Free Democratic government that was elected in 2018 budgeted for the 2020-2021 school year to be the target date for most school openings. Over two-hundred were refurbished from 2018-2020, with these schools joining schools that were still deemed usable, churches, community centres, temporary structures, and sometimes even teachers' homes to form a nucleus of temporary accommodations while new schools were planned and constructed.
The process of planning and construction involved grading the facilities that were left standing. They were assigned one of three grades- Hentugur* (H), Ekki Hentugur* (EH), and Eyðilagt* (E). H graded schools were earmarked for immediate renovations, as they required few- if any- to be up to code. EH graded schools were institutions that would be viable as schools after extensive renovations. E graded schools were buildings that needed to be turn down.

Many schools in the east were either not in need of grading or H at worst, as some of those communities had been free of Syndicalist occupation- and the War- since 2010-2013. Schools further west were in rougher shape. Syndicalist resistance stiffened as the fighting moved into the western heartlands, causing many a community to suffer ferocious fighting.

Teaching

Teaching proved to be a challenge. The FRE's armies contained De-Syndification detachments, aimed at undoing Syndicalist influences in society. Teachers were vetted extensively, even before the War ended, to ascertain if they were true believers in the Syndicalist regime or professionals who were trying to exist within the Syndicalist system. Both the Provisional Government headed by William Aubyn and the Free Democratic government led by Magnus Brandt were adverse to any avowed Syndicalist playing a role in the nation's education system. This instinct, however, conflicted with the needs of the country. And of course it ran into complications over the fact that many dedicated Syndicalists within the educational system had legitimately come to oppose the Syndicalist regime as its abuses became more apparent and more regular.
Prime Minister Brandt's government established a program for training new teachers, which included courses for ex-Syndicalists who had claimed to have pulled back their support for that regime.

The program established by the Brandt government was married to a Santonian aid program that sent experienced teachers to Prydania. Incoming Santonian teachers helped ease the burden as new teachers were trained, and an agreement was struck in which the Santonian teachers would play a role in that training. The government asserted that any foreign teachers coming in as a form of aid might one day leave- it was interested in establishing long-term self-sustainability in the nation's classrooms, however. This was an expansion of FRE policy during the Civil War. Andrennian and Gojan teachers who came to help rebuild the educational infrastructure in liberated areas were asked to train new local Prydanian teachers to take over for when they eventually returned home.

Currently all teachers who graduate from the government's program are required to serve as a teacher's assistant for one year prior to becoming eligible for a full-time position.

Foreign Aid

The massive success of accomplishing the government's stated goal for the 2020-2021 season was made possible due to foreign assistance. Goyanes and Andrenne provided the first aid in this way, helping re-establish non-Syndicalist-influenced schooling in areas of the country liberated by the FRE during the War. Andrennian and Gojan aid post-War contributed to Prydanian funds for educational infrastructure projects.

The three countries that have helped in the construction of educational infrastructure have been Malor-Kanada, Saintonge, and Goyanes. All three have provided monetary aid and engineers to help with the construction of new schools, in addition to the above-mentioned help with training teachers.
The institutions being built are incorporating some the latest technologies in the field of education. Nolf and Polykor hardware is being used as the standard. And the buildings are being designed to incorporate green energy into their design.

"We're looking to expand the alternative energy systems in Prydania," Minister of Education Neisti Brandstorp said.
"The schools we build now are our future, so we need them to be compatible with our long-term energy initiatives."

Malor-Kanada, which is building schools in Korova as well, has even imported new strategies for addressing rural communities. Their "container schools" use old shipping containers as shells for which to build state of the art institutions in. And these aren't the only unique building materials. The civilian-held .38 Breca D-16 rifles being confiscated by the government are being melted down to add to the steel construction of the new schools.

"The Bible tells us to hammer our swords to ploughshares. So that's what we're doing. We're turning weapons of war into the foundations of a peaceful future," Minister Brandstorp said.

Curriculum

Schools aren't the only new part of the revamped educational system. The curriculum experienced an overhaul. The most outwardly noticeable changes involve language. Gojan has long been a common secondary language in eastern Prydania, with Andrensk a common secondary language in western Prydania as a result of UKAG. For a long while it was assumed this was all the average student in Prydania needed, seeing as Prydania remained within the Nordika sphere even after the return of sovereignty in 1819. On the eve of the second Social Commonwealth dictatorship Mercanti was only taught at the university level and to individuals who aspired to the officer corps of the military or for government positions. Other languages were only taught through specialty courses at the university level. The new curriculum includes seven years of Mercanti from year six through year twelve, with optional language courses in Norsian, Santonian, Malorian, Korovan, and Stan Yeran available at the high school level.

Additional courses in the field of social sciences includes Aed Kaene cultural studies and Bayardi cultural studies starting in year nine. Studies on our Civil War, recently concluded as it is, have been worked into history instruction in year seven.

There has also been a modernized focus on STEM and vocational studies, especially in coastal and rural areas. Where menntaskóli* can properly prepare students for careers in traditional occupations in agricultural, engineering, and fishery work.

Midway Through Year One

The government has been calling the 2020-2021 school year "Year One" of the revamped system. Most targets have been met in that regard.
"We live in a world where education is paramount," Prime Minister Brandt stated.
"It's a world where education will define a society, we owed it to make it a priority for this government.



*Hentugur- Suitable
*Ekki Hentugur- Not Suitable
*Eyðilagt- Derelict
*menntaskóli- high school
 
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Crackdowns in Mintorian Tristain Elicit Government Response
by Alfífa Íshólm

Býkonsviði- Miðríki*'s Constitutional Court ruled that the Tristain region's planned independence referendum was unconstitutional. The court's ruling- that Miðríki was indivisible- set off protests throughout Tristain that have resulted in numerous arrests, injuries, and the confiscation of material needed to hold the referendum. The Interior Minister of Miðríki, Ulrike Brümel, authorized the forceful seizure of ballot boxes in what she claimed was meant to "ensure that the rule of law provided for under the Constitution was preserved."

Miðríki is a treated ally through the Luscova Pact, and the nations experienced a thawing of relations two years ago, reconciling from the fallout of the Crown Conflict. It was this political reality that tempered the government's stance.

"The Kingdom of Prydania stands for the principles of self determination," Foreign Minister Maríanna Toft said in a statement at the Haraldvígi.
"We're saddened to see such a heavy handed use of force against the tools of democracy. At the same time the Prydanian government stresses the need for peaceful dialogue from both sides."

Minister Toft clarified when asked, saying that the Prydanian government's official stance was to see a peaceful solution to the crisis that had the consent of all major parties.
"There needs to be an understanding between the Imperial government of Miðríki and the regional government of Tristain, where they both realize that a unilateral path forward is not achievable. Miðríki has the right to defend its territorial integrity, but the violation of self-determination and democratic rights- particularly from the point of a gun barrel- cannot be allowed to stand. Both sides need to reach out in good faith and allow cooler attitudes to prevail."

Minister Toft was then asked if this would result in Prydania lodging a complaint with the Luscova Pact as it did with Aydin following revelations of Aydinese interference in the West Vasa conflict in Arcanstotska.

"No. Not yet. We're still holding out hope that a peaceful solution in Miðríki can be found."



*Miðríki- Mintoria
 
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Tragedy on the Ice Leads to Calls for Reform
by Marís Laufland

Býkonsviði- Tragedy struck last night in the ÍDP during a Keris Íshokkífélag vs Konunglegur Býkonsviði game, following a hit from Keris winger Torfi Berger on Býkonsviði winger Sven Mostad.

Problems between the two began in the first period, when Mostad was assessed a five-minute major for fighting. Keris responded by placing known instigator Berger on him for the remainder of the game. Their back and forths never amounted to much. A few shoves here and there, and a few scraps for the pucks in the corners. It seemed like a rough if otherwise normal game, until Býkonsviði began to pull ahead.

The score was 8-2 Býkonsviði by the third period, and Keris began looking for something- anything- to jumpstart their squad. A Keris offensive burst in Býkonsviði’s zone resulted in a saved puck from Býkonsviði’s goaltender Markus Heimark. Berger intentionally showed Heimark with ice, prompting Mostad to come to his goaltender’s defence. More shoving, but the refs put a stop to it.

Býkonsviði won the following faceoff and moved the puck out of their zone, and into Keris’. Mostad was lagging behind the play and that’s when Berger sucker-punched him from behind, jumped onto him, and drove his face into the ice. The arena went quiet at the sight of it, and Býkonsviði players soon swarmed the two to pull Berger off of Mostad. Býkonsviði coach Patrik Brenna was seen screaming at officials, barking “GET THAT THUG OUT OF HERE,” referring to Berger.

The scene was chaos as officials separated the teams and allowed Býkonsviði’s team doctor onto the ice. A stretcher was brought out for Mostad, who was quickly sent off to St. Absalon’s Hospital. Reports are that Sven Mostad has suffered a severe concussion and multiple fractured vertebrae.

Torfi Berger was assessed a game misconduct, but that will be the least of his worries. ÍDP Commissioner Skardi Gylling has stated that he will be suspended until such time as a disciplinary hearing could be held. No timetable was given because, despite all of this, league punishment is still not Herra Berger’s biggest problem. The law is. Officers of Býkonsviði’s branch of the Ríkislögreglu* arrested Torfi Berger after the game on charges of assault.

“The game of hockey is a rough one, but the nature of the game cannot be allowed to excuse violence like this,” Býkonsviði Ríkislögreglu Chief Ævi Lindseth said in a statement.

A lawyer for Herra Berger is arguing otherwise. ÍDP contracts- like contracts for other hockey leagues the word over- contain clauses whereby players acknowledge the risks of the game and waive the right to sue the league or other players for injuries sustained “per widely understood normal processes of the sport of hockey.” Whether or not Torfi Berger’s punch and tackle of Sven Mostad qualifies as a “normal process of the sport of hockey” remains to be seen, but the Býkonsviði branch of the Ríkislögreglu seems to believe that it goes beyond the pale of what one can reasonably expect from the sport. The stunned silence of the crowd as the hit unfolded would suggest that it’s not.

The Prydanian Ice Hockey Federation- which oversees and governs the sport, including the ÍDP and the national team- has called a meeting with top officials to review violence in the sport in light of the incident.

“Hockey needs to evolve,” Federation President Leif Bjelland said in a statement.
“It is a physical game, but physical does not need to mean violent. More and more parents across our country are weary of putting their children into hockey programs, and violence like what we saw in Býkonsviði is why. The Ice Hockey Federation needs to act in the name of all of our players, from the pros to youth leagues, to make the game safe for all.”

For now the tragic incident puts a damper on what had been an electrifying final leg of the 2020-2021 season before the Hamar Cup playoffs begin in two weeks’ time.



*Ríkislögreglu- Realm’s Police, the national police force of the Kingdom of Prydania
 
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27 April 2021
Savattenstad and Saintes Conventions Ratified by the Alþingi
by Alfífa Íshólm

Býkonsviði- Prydania is now bound to the Saintes Convention, as well as the Savattenstad Convention and all three of its protocols. Both His Majesty and Prime Minister Brandt signed the two earlier this month in person, but they remained unratified until the Alþingi had its say.
Both Conventions, as well as the Protocols attached to Savattensatd, received cross-party support. With one notable exception. Tenna Nygaard opposed both, as well as the protocols, on the grounds of national sovereignty.

"Are we going to let the people who bombed our schools during the Civil War constrain us in how we conduct ourselves in war?" Fröken Nygaard asked.
"Are we going to let the people who remained neutral in the face of Syndicalist tyranny constrain us in how we act towards civilians in a time of conflict? The Prime Minister has hastily pulled us into treaties that lack withdrawal clauses and bind us to the will of foreigners who do not have our own national interests at heart."

She was challenged by Peace not Blood caucus leader Bersi Langseth.
"These conventions propose standards all civilized people should aspire to. Does the Agrarian Party oppose the fair treatment of civilians in a time of war? Does it have plans to drag Prydanian into foreign conflicts with weapons that cause untold numbers of suffering? It's a sad day when the party that claims to stand for the people who suffered the most during our Civil War sees no use in international standards that will keep that suffering from happening to others. My only regret regarding these conventions is that they were not in place earlier. Perhaps they could have staved off this government's error in sending our soldiers into the Ducrijekan War."

Solidarity Amongst Most Caucasus, Agrarians Split

In the end the vote for each convention and the protocols ended 201 FOR/13 AGAINST. Most caucuses unanimously supported ratification, the exception being the Agrarian caucus. Thirteen of its twenty-three Þingmenn, including Fröken Nygaard, voted against ratification. Ten broke with their party's leader and voted along with the rest of the Alþingi.

Instruments of Ratification Deposited

The Foreign Ministry deposited the Instruments of Ratification in both Savattenstad and Saintes following the Alþingi votes.

"This government has committed itself to the rebuilding of this nation," Prime Minister Brandt said in a statement.
"And this is another step to show to the world that we are committed to building a better future. For ourselves, and the world."
 
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Zamboni's Runs Donation Deal to Aid Predice
by Týra Murer

Býkonsviði- The war between Predice and New Aleman rages in northern Meterra. And a little bit of Predice in Prydania- Zamboni's Pizza- is raising funds for their homeland.

The Deal
Zamboni's CEO Barsaba Zamboni announced the initiative last week, and has actively been promoting it in stores and in advertisement. For every large pizza ordered, Zamboni's will donate x6.19 to charities that aid the Predician war effort.
The deal has taken off. Zamboni's reports that orders for large pizzas has nearly doubled since the deal's announcement, with many local stores serving them with little Predician flags to great fanfare.

"We're very happy to see how well it's been received," Herra Zamboni said.
"There is a belief among a lot of people that if you are not a government official, or work for some important NGO, that you can't make a difference. But in my home country of Predice and my new home of Prydania, we know that regular people can and do make a difference when faced with impossible odds. It may be only a few krossar here or there, but when people act together for a cause they know is right, they can affect change."

Reasons for Success
The government is officially neutral, even though it's a treated ally of Predice through the Luscova Pact. Prydania simply lacks the means to aid in such a fight. Not after fifteen years of internal conflict and in the midst of a massive military re-organization along defensive lines. The government is sending grain and meat to Predice, as well as New Aleman through a Santonian program under the condition that it go towards civilians and not the New Aleman military.
The popular mood, however, is pro-Predician.

"New Aleman just proved what we already know in this country, that syndies and commies aren't happy until they've forced ya into line, with a boot on your neck," Sandra Selberg of Grindill said. Jesper Salmonsen of Bygde was more blunt.

"New Aleman and the Syndicalists...it's just more violence from that sort. Sure, I'll buy a few large pizzas to make sure Predice gets some help."

The pro-Predician sentiment is hard for the government to miss. It had to take great pains to stress that the food being sent to New Aleman would not be going anywhere near their military. Even so, 65% of people polled felt the decision to aid New Aleman was a mistake, compared to just 22% who supported the decision. And it's not hard to see why.

It's very easy to draw comparisons to New Aleman's communist government and the Syndicalist regime. The academic distinctions mean little to people who dealt with the hardships of Syndicalist tyranny first hand.
Previous cases of partnerships with socialist regimes, such as the Stan Yera and Cogoria's entry into the Bergum Pact (which required Prydanian support) and trade deals with Skanda have been sold as mutually beneficial with the understanding that the goal was co-existence and co-prosperity. New Aleman, however, has declared war on an ally. An ally that, like Prydania, is still wearing the scars of left wing tyranny.

"Prydanians and Predicians understand each other," Herra Zamboni said.
"When we talk about political repression from authoritarian socialists, when we talk about executions and collectivized farms, we understand each other. It's a shared experience. It's not a happy one, but we recognize it and I think we want to help each other."

Surely seeing a nation like Predice, that like us has worked to escape the traumas of authoritarian socialist tyranny, fighting for its life against a socialist aggressor inspires strong feelings in Prydania. And Prydanians have responded. One large pizza at a time. x37,140,000 has already been sent to Predice through the Zamboni's program, and that number shows no signs of dropping, or slowing down.
 
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Norðurstjarna Media Launches New Music Channel
by Nökkvi Heimdal


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"Vetrarbraut" logo
Býkonsviði- Norðurstjarna Media, a private media company in Prydania owned jointly by local and foreign investors, has announced its second channel, Vetrarbraut. The channel will debut on Miðsumar of this year, 20 June.

Vetrarbraut, "Galaxy" in Mercanti, will be a music-central channel modelled on similar channels elsewhere such as KTW in the Tusacaway.
"Vetrarbraut will be home of the Prydanian music scene on television," Norðurstjarna Vice President of Programming Ævarr Knudsvig said.
"The outpouring of musical creativity since the end of the Civil War, not to mention the underground movements that existed during the Syndicalist Era that can now exist openly, has made for a diverse musical environment in our country. We believe that Vetrarbraut will be a place for the musical talents of Prydania to be featured prominently and for Prydania's musical fans to find a gathering place on television to share in their passions."

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Norðurstjarna Media
Norðurstjarna was created with an eye towards a second channel, informally dubbed "Norðurstjarna 2." It was planned to spin the channel's sports offerings off as "Norðurstjarna Sports," but Knudsvig's management team deemed the plan to be "unfeasible" as present due to RÚV 8's ÍDP (Prydanian Hockey League) and FDP (Prydanian Football League) coverage. There was always going to be a limit on how big "Norðurstjarna Sports" could grow as its own channel with Prydania's two most popular leagues on RÚV 8. It will remain a sub-brand on Norðurstjarna's primary channel while the planned second channel will launch as Vetrarbraut.

"The music scene in Prydania may be varied and thriving but it's had too few chances to find an outlet on tv. We believe Vetrarbraut will be that chance. It's going to spread the musical renaissance of the bars and pubs and clubs to every corner of Prydania and beyond" Knudsvig added.
"The lack of a true musically-themed domestic channel made this the clear path Norðurstjarna was taking with our second outlet."

A musically-themed channel also fits with one of Norðurstjarna's domestic investors, Þ-Series. Þ-Series grew quickly following the civil war, from a small company selling cheap tapes and CDs of bands to a social media presence promoting Prydanian music on platforms like Viedéo.

Whether the burgeoning Prydanian music scene will lead to Vetrarbraut's success or not remains to be seen, but for now bands across the country are are cheering on the chance for their work to be showcased.
 
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Prydanian Political Parties and Religion

by Ulrich Kildal


We stand with a new Prime Minister. Magnus Brandt's retirement has ushered in Civil War combat veteran Reynir Aaker- Brandt's Minister of Defence- as Prime Minister.
Rumblings existed that the Peers- perhaps ready to end their existence in the Alþingi early- would have used Brandt's resignation to trigger an election. Instead they seemed to continue backing the Aaker-led Free Democratic government for now.

Still, the political change-up has more than a few people talking about an election. So what better time than to use the opportunity to discuss Prydania's political parties and their impact on religion?

The post-Civil War census of early 2018 revealed that the Syndicalist Republic's statistics indicating a moving away from organized religion were a lie. The first free census conducted in Prydania since the 1982 census indicated that ~90% of Prydanians adhere to one faith or another. And in Prydania that faith- and the legacy of it- often impacts political loyalties.

It was easy to forget before Anders III that religion and politics were intertwined in Prydania. From Saint Kings to champions of Jædgar, the religious nature of Prydanian politics had faded by the early 1980s. The country was embracing modernity, it seemed. The King's status as Defender of the Faith and head of the Laurenist Church of Prydania was seen as a vestige of an earlier time, just some more pomp for the special occasions.

Anders' abuse of religion and abusing of religious minorities and the Syndicalist' full-scale persecution of any faith whatsoever brought Prydania's own history with religion into focus again.
Now we stand here, with a restored crown and democracy. What does it all mean?

The Half-Truth of the North's Bastion of Tolerance

King Vortgyn II succeeded his father, the Saint King Tobias I, fearing civil war. His father had come close to waging war on the Thaunics multiple times, and tensions were high when Vortgyn II took the crown as Prydania's third King.

Vortgyn II was not a Saint like his father and grandfather, but he likely never wanted to be. He was a practically minded man by all accounts, and settled the Messianist-Thaunic question in 1077 when he reached an agreement with the Thaunic leaders; they would remain loyal to Vortgyn II and all of his heirs and in return they would know ever-lasting toleration.

Vortgyn II staved off war and brought the old and new faiths together. It's not to be downplayed either. Over in Old Andrenne the tensions between Messianists and Thaunics would rage for centuries more, whereas the two faiths co-existed in peace in Prydania.

The problem is that this event has been mythologized as the beginning of Prydania as a bastion of religious toleration. And indeed, the peaceful settlement of Courantists and Laurentists- essentially an amendment to Vortgyn II's pact with Thaunics- seemed to support that.

But what about Shaddaists?

Shaddaists have existed in these lands before there was a Prydania. The first recorded mention of Shaddaists come from both Bayardi and Nordic sources around the year 1000. In terms of arrivals Shaddaists got here not so late after the Vikings most of us trace our ancestry from. And got here fourteen years before Vortgyn I even decided to try and conquer all of Prydansk.

Yet Shaddaist history in Prydanian history has been spotty. Early Kings seemed to pay them no mind. Kings Baldr I and Erik II ordered the confinement of Shaddaists in Hadden, Keris, and Býkonsviði to ghettos. The Maksutov Kings introduced the anti-Shaddaist pogrom to Prydania.

Baldr III ordered the restoration of property taken from Shaddaists and allowed those forced to convert to Messianism to return to their native religion, but Robert II banned Shaddaists from the professional class. A law that was only struck down when Erik III bent the knee and became a vessel of UKAG. Nordika's less discriminatory laws took precedence, though Prydanian Shaddaists were still barred from voting in Alþingi elections, much less standing in them.

It wasn't until 1848 during the reign of Queen Alexandria that universal male suffrage, complete religious freedom, and Shaddaist emancipation were set into law.

The atrocities of both SoComm fascist regimes and the Syndicalist Republic are easy to write off as fanatical elements that betray a history of religious toleration.
To Shaddaists though, the three daggers of Rikard VI, Anders III, and Thomas Nielsen were a return to form.

And yes. It all plays a very vital part in how this religious history has shaped our parties and politics.

Courtly and Uncourtly Politics

The Alþingi was first called in 1030, during the first year of Vortgyn I's reign. It has existed- in some form- since then.

Prydania's two oldest political parties are the Conservative Party and the Agrarian Party, though this is misleading. The Free Democratic Party was only formed in the aftermath of the Fascist Wars, but the largest of its predecessor parties- the Liberal Party- was just as old as the Conservatives.

The Liberals and Conservatives could trace their origins to the Anti and Pro-Court factions of the Alþingi during the reign of the heavy-handed King Robert II (1575-1620).
The "Courtly party" was loyal to the Crown and emphasized the pact of the of Laurentists, Courantists, and Thaunics as a bedrock of the Prydanian Realm. They raised no objections to Robert II's order to bar Shaddaists from the professional class, on the basis that the Shaddaists were not Laurenists, Courantists, or Thaunics. So why would they desire to partake in the professional life of a nation built on those pillars (funnily enough they didn't seem to ask Shaddaists what they wanted).

The Anti-Court party, or "opposition," was opposed to what they saw as a case of overt discrimination and argued that the three-faith compact the Crown held up as a sign of toleration needed to be amended or replaced with a secular decree of freedom of consciousness.

Opposition and Court factions grew and solidified during the early reign of Queen Alexandria in the 1830s. The Liberals emerged from the Opposition while the Court Party gave birth to the Conservatives. It was a Liberal government that passed 1848 laws establishing religious freedom and Shaddaist emancipation, though their attempts to de-establish the Laurentist Church failed. It's here that today's situation begins to take shape.

The Parties and Religion Today

Much of this came to ahead with the Syndicalist persecution of all organized religion. Laurentists, Courantists, Thaunics, and Shaddaists all found themselves at the end of Syndicalist ropes, and their communities found comfort with each other. United in faith, against a rabidly atheistic tyranny.
And no party- regardless of what religious groups tend to gravitate towards them- advocates for religious discrimination of any sort. Tenna Nygaard's attempt to play into anti-Shaddaist sentiments during the Prydania Today saga not withstanding.

Yet party loyalties along religious lines still remain, even in this era of good feelings.

Conservative Party
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Laurenists, Courantists, and Thaunics have called the Conservatives home since they emerged from the Courtly faction. If you are a practicing member of any of these faiths you either are a Conservative or know plenty from your congregation who are.

Free Democratic Party
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The Free Democrats succeeded the Liberals. They were never a party of atheists, but they were the party of the push for a secular society until the Syndicalists outflanked them.
Still, their supporters are often agnostics, or lapsed Courantists, Laurenists, and Thaunics. They also have counted Shaddaists as a reliable voting bloc since 1848.
They remain the only Prydanian political party to be led by a Shaddaist. Gætir Ravn led the party from 1992-2002, when he was gunned down in the Syndicalist Coup. Ravn proved such a capable leader for his caucus during the SoComm dictatorship of 1984-2002 that it's rumoured Stefan Toft was afraid of using anti-Shaddaist legislation to have him removed from the Alþingi lest the act of doing that solidify opposition to SoComm domination.

Agrarian Party
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Does anyone support the Agrarian Party these days?
What? This isn't RÚV, I don't need to spare feelings in the name of impartiality!
Kidding aside, the Agrarians emerged in the 1840s as a means to give a political voice to farmers who felt ignored by the more metropolitan-based Conservative and Liberal factions. As such they emerged a bit late to stake a claim to any one religiously-oriented issue, but demographics show us that most western Agrarian supporters were Laurenists, while their eastern counterparts were Courantists.
Though how well this will hold up after Tenna Nygaard's transformation of the party into a rabidly NatPop vehicle remains to be seen.

People's Party
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The People's Party may only date back to the Civil War, but they claim the legacy of the Syndicalists prior to their turn to dictatorial politics under Thomas Nielsen and Jannik Leiftur.
The Syndicalists were founded by a variety of industrial and mining union groups, and their party focused more on working class identity then any religious creed. They were the first party to openly welcome atheists, however. And one of their founding organizations was the Shaddaist Labour Brotherhood.
The Syndicalists not only outflanked the Liberals on the issue of pushing for a secular state, but managed to siphon off agnostic votes across all different votes. It was said, for a time, that if you were a practicing Shaddaist you were a Liberal (and later, Free Democrat) but if you were a working class Shaddaist or agnostic/non-practicing one you were likely a Syndicalist.

The Syndicalist Party's embrace of state atheism at any cost- always a present idea on the radical left- during their transformation into a revolutionary party made them the party known for the wholesale slaughter of Prydanians of all faiths.

The People's Party base is working class, agnostic/atheistic. Whether it win over people of faith, such as the Syndicalists did during Rune Leth's government, remains to be seen.

Peace Not Blood
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I was dreading this. I had the idea for this article and knew what I would say about every party...except for Prydania's newest one. I supposed I went ahead thinking something would occur to me, but it hasn't. Even as I write this.
Peace Not Blood is so far removed from the days when religion was an active part of politics. It lacks the sort of legacies that the Conservatives and Free Democrats can point to.
What Peace Not Blood is, is a party of young people. People who grew up during the Civil War. Who saw the Syndicalists butcher believers- and many others. Who tearfully had to watch friends and loved ones choose to fight- and maybe not come back- because that was what had to be done.
Peace Not Blood's demographics are young, often but not always rural, and seem to have come from the generation that clung to faith as a form of resistance against Syndicalist oppression.
I suppose I could say that they are a younger version of the Agrarian Party's traditional voter base, but that would be selling them short. They seem like their support reflects the result of the Civil War on religious communities across this country- united in shared tragedy and comforting each other praying for a better future.
 
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Reform at the Forefront of Prison Reconstruction
by Mikael Jessen


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Ríkilögreglu National Committee Chief Kasper Rhen
Býkonsviði- Prisons in Prydania are undergoing a transformation rather than just being rebuilt thanks to a Ríkilögreglu (Realm Police) initiative. The measures, championed by Ríkilögreglu National Committee Chief Kasper Rhen, have seen the country's prison system rebuilt with an eye towards rehabilitative measures rather than punitive ones. Rhen, appointed in November 2017, is a former FRE Colonel who oversaw FRE policing functions in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War. His goal was to use FRE personnel as a police force, and then transition into a civilian-led force. His staff was formally separated from the FRE military and made the basis for the Ríkilögreglu National Committee when the FRE armed wing was transitioned into the Royal Prydanian Armed Forces in late 2017.

Reconstruction from Deconstruction

One of the first declarations made by FRE officials upon liberating part of the country during the Civil War was the formal abolition of all prison camps. The prison camp system was built under the watchful eye of Anders III and the SoComm government of Stefan Toft, dotting the Prydanian countryside. These facilities were retained by the Syndicalist government, who used them to house their own political prisoners. Social Commonwealth or Syndicalist, conditions at such camps were brutal and inhumane.
This network was added to by the Syndicalist regime in the form of collectivized agriculture. Large tracts of farmland was collectivized by the state, and used as the nucleus for large camp sights were the families of farmers were worked harshly. Though not technically "prisons" the conditions in such compounds became increasingly indistinguishable from the prison camps as time went on. Additional "work camps" in cities and mining communities where rural populations were indentured by the Syndicalist regime as a form of "political re-education via labour" were also run by the Syndicalist government.
These various camps and compounds existed alongside normal prison infrastructure. These standard prisons were harsh places as well, as both dictatorships from 1984 onward had little interest in rehabilitation.

"The first step," Chief Rhen said, "was dismantling the camps and compounds. We didn't empty all of them at once because often these people had no place to go. We had to ensure that people who had their land collectivized got it back, for example. And while these processes were happening they had to stay in these facilities. We did what we could to make them comfortable though. Fresh clothes, food, water. Once it was possible, though, we shut the camps down. That tied into how we approached the normal prisons. The standard prison infrastructure. These camps and compounds had been used as places of punishment. So our approach, even before the War was over, was to focus on rehabilitation. If even in an indirect way."

Political Prisoners and a New Direction

The long-term goal of the FRE was the complete deconstruction of what was termed the "political prisoner system." The very notion of political prisoners was to be wiped away following the Syndicalist defeat, with an emphasis on a rule of law within a liberal democracy.

"Many of us who fought the Syndicalists opposed the fascists before them too. We wanted something better," Rhen said. His view reflected the desire of the FRE as a whole; a Prydania without political persecution. A problem arose, however, as the FRE liberated territory; Syndicalist prisoners.

"We were dead set on keeping the camps shut down," Rhen said, regarding the FRE's early prison management scheme.
"And we had to fill in the power vacuum and be the authority in the areas we controlled. That meant sending criminals to jail. But we also had these Syndicalists- Army, Militia, government people. People who the FRE were going to keep under wraps until the War was over and they figure out who to bring to trial, who to let go. So since we were closing the camps that meant that we were keeping these Syndies in the normal prison system. In some ways these were political prisoners."

FRE leadership felt the need to distance itself from both the Syndicalists and the fascist Social Commonwealth regime and sought to create a system where the political prisoners would not be persecuted.
"A lot of people joined the FRE because someone they knew was hurt by the Syndicalist regime. There was a lot of desire for vengeance," Rhen admitted.
"But we also saw this as a calling of sorts. This was a chance to start re-building the country we believed in."

The result was the prison system in FRE-controlled territories experimented with rehabilitative methods. Syndicalist detainees were given reasonably comfortable quarters, opportunities to come to terms with the regime's crimes, and group sessions to deal with that guilt.

It was through necessity and political considerations that the FRE learnt that rehabilitation was a viable model to build a justice system on.

Going Forward

His Majesty's pardon of most Syndicalist Republic and Party officials and soldiers on 16 August 2017 was a watershed moment for the country as a whole, but also for the efforts of Colonel Rhen and his staff.
"Political prisoners were a thing in the past, God willing it would never happen again in this country," he said.
"The time before that pardon was a limbo though. We had to hold Syndicalists because they were Syndicalists. Once the King pardoned most of them our vision could become a reality. Those that were left were still imprisoned because of the crimes they were charged with, not because of their political affiliation."

The Ríkilögreglu was founded by an act of the provisional government of William Aubyn in late 2017, with Rhen and his staff forming the basis of its National Committee. One of the police force's mandates was maintaining and operating the country's prisons. Rhen, having had a hand at this since 2010 and the liberation of the communities along the King's Lake coast in Austurland, picked up where he left off.

"I like to track our experimentation in steps," the National Committee Chief said.
"We despised the camps and compounds where the Syndicalists punished you simply because of your beliefs, or because you happened to be related to the wrong family. That planted the idea in our minds that we could do better, and build something better. Then the political considerations about how we'd treat Syndicalist prisoners fed into that desire to be better, even if we were practically minded. By the time the War was over and the pardon issued we were idealists."

It's not often that war makes a pragmatic personal an idealist.

"I think it did. The FRE, the Prince, the people who stood up and fought, we all believed in something better. War is awful, so if you must endure it then it should be for a good reason, já? To make sure the suffering was for something good in the end."

The War provided Rhen and the National Committee of the Ríkilögreglu an opportunity to turn their idealism into reality. Prisons needed to be refurbished or rebuilt entirely. New correctional officers had to be trained from the beginning. It all allowed Rhen and the rest of Ríkilögreglu leadership to build a prison system from scratch that was focused on rehabilitation rather than punishment.

"Crime is opportunistic," Rhen observed.
"And those opportunities are only attractive to you if you're desperate or mentally unwell. Punish a desperate person doesn't alleviate the root cause, and a mentally unwell person will never have a chance to overcome those problems if you're purely punitive."

At the same time the Chief admits that of course prison is not a place anyone should desire to be.

"Prison, by its very nature, is punitive in that you lose your freedom and place in society. You are removed from society so you can no longer harm it, and you can make amends for your crime. How we, the state, treat you though doesn't have to be brutal. We can give you a chance to better yourself."

In the end Chief Kasper Rhen sees it as his contribution to the anti-Syndicalist struggle.

"We all wanted a better country then the one the Syndicalists gave us in 2002. All of us contribute to it, big or small. This is our contribution, my staff and I. We turned the page on thirty-three years of dictatorship and punishment and built something that considers that tomorrow could be better."
 
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Santonian Nationals win by-election, Second Prydanian Refugee Elected to Santonian National Assembly
by Alfífa Íshólm

Býkonsviði- An ethics scandal in Saintonian politics has led to that country's National Party winning control of the Department of Haine, ending the Liberal Party's 117 year hold on the local government. The election also the Liberals lose the Haine-6 special election, with Prydanian refugee-turned Santonian citizen Finnkarl Thorstvedt becoming the second Santonian of Prydanian refugee background to sit in that country's National Assembly after Thorbjörn Höjsleth. Even the new Haines Department President has some Prydanian flavour; Tobias Beaucheveaux XXX hails from a minor noble family in Saintonge that is also a cadet branch of the Prydanian Royal family.

Scandal-Plagued Liberals

The right wing Liberals had always been able to consider Haines a party stronghold. It was one of the Liberal holdouts in the National Party wave that ushered in a supermajority in 2019. Justin-Pierre Brudeau succeeded former Liberal Prime Minister Jean-Louis Hauteclocque de Champtoceaux as the Haines-6 NA Deputy following Herra Hauteclocque de Champtoceaux's resignation.
Brudeau, popular with the local party, caused the first stirrings of controversy with his history of racially and ethnically insensitive costumes. Herra Brudeau resisted calls to step down over the pictures, but he was soon hit by a new controversy. SNC-La Baleine, a costume manufacturer in the Haines city of Coire, was found to have bribed foreign governments to allow their facilities to manufacture their costumes in slave labour-like conditions, in violation of Santonian law. Herra Brudeau was implicated in trying to save the firm from a court case, by attempting to negotiate a mere fine for them behind the scenes.
This was in additional to an ethics violation over the OUI Charity, a charity with ties to the Brudeau family. It was determined that Herra Brudeau had been accepting monetary gifts from the charity above what was permissible under Santonian law, and was attempting to gain funding for the financially struggling organization from the local government.

That wouldn't be the end, though. An additional picture of Herra Brudeau in a costume surfaced after the SNC-La Baleine news broke. This time showing the Liberal National Assembly Deputy wearing a Prydanian Syndicalist People's Militia officer's uniform. A number of people of Prydanian descent in Saintonge, many of whom had to flee the Syndicalist Republic, spoke out against his actions.

The costume controversies seemed to damage the Brudeau brand, but it was the investigations into the SNC-La Baleine and OUI ethics violations that led to the by-elections that ultimately cost the Liberals their seemingly unchallenged hold on Haine.

Shifting Politics in the Prydanian Community in Saintonge?

The Prydanian community in Saintonge has never been one that's been easy to peg historically. Refugees from both fascist SoComm regimes back home led to a broadly left-leaning community within Saintonge, but the waves of refugees fleeing Syndicalist tyranny from 2002-2017 have created a more complex situation...one that might be clarifying and solidifying behind the National Party banner.
Refugees fleeing the Syndicalist regime tended to skew more rightward, but that didn't mean they all found homes in the Liberal Party, or their Radical Party partners. Some, like Thorbjörn Höjsleth, became centrist Nationals, while others drifted to the Santonian right as a consequence of their experiences with Syndicalists, and the fact that it was a Liberal-led government that formally recognized the FRE as Prydania's legitimate government after fifteen years of National-led recognition of the Syndicalist Republic.
The result was that support within Saintonge's Prydanian community depended on who you asked.

Things could be changing, though. Coire in Haine, a city whose Prydanian roots go back centuries, is home to many Santonians of Prydanian origin today. Many of whom are refugees. The People's Militia outfit didn't sit well with them, or their compatriots elsewhere in Saintonge, nor did the abuses of Saintonge's democratic systems shown in the corruption investigation.

A Problem with Radicalism

Further hurting the Liberal brand among Santonians of Prydanian roots is their partnership with the Radical Party. The Liberal-Radical partnership, known as the Coalition in Saintonge, was reminiscent of the Conservative-Agrarian Alliance that dominated the Prydanian centre-right up until its implosion thanks to Tenna Nygaard.
The Coalition was never historically xenophobic, but there has been a shift within the Radical Party. New Radical National Assembly Deputies such as François-Louis Villault and François-André Conté de Caunes have begun pushing an anti-immigrant agenda in the country, with Prydanians being their first, and most frequent, targets. And the rhetoric seems to have had an effect; shopkeepers in Herra Villault's hometown of Côme savagely beat immigrant children, including multiple children of Prydanian origin, over the suspicion of shoplifting. The xenophobic wing of the Radical party Herra Villault and Herra Conté de Caunes represent defended the grown men who savagely assaulted children.

This new vision of the Radical Party is not shared by all who call the party home, and an internal struggle has begun to play out for who will control it. It culminated with interim party leader Jean-Étienne Genêt imposing xenophobic candidate Richard-André Lecesvé on the local Haines Radical Party, which is dominated by the anti-xenophobic wing. The local party's choice, Zeus-Joseph Gomaire, ran as an independent. Herra Gomaire got more than six times the votes as Herra Lecesvé, who came in last in the voting.

Still, the perception that the Radical Party leadership backs the new xenophobic direction seems to have alienated Santonians of Prydanian descent who would otherwise vote Liberal from the party. That the Liberal Party seems hesitant to hold their gold-clad Coalition partners to account for their turn to xenophobia may play a role. The Liberal Mayor of Coire, Jacques Palaiseau, seemingly blaming Prydanians for the Liberal Party's collapse in Haine will likely further hurt the party's standing in the Prydanian community of Saintonge.

Ethnic Vote?

Herra Palaiseau reacted to the Liberal Party defeat by blaming l’argent et le vote ethnique- money and the ethnic vote. It's widely believed that his comments about the ethnic vote were directed at the Prydanian community, who seem to have supported the Nationals in large numbers for the above reasons. That the swing in percentage from Liberal to National is more than double the percentage of Santonians of Prydanian ancestry in Haine illustrates the flaw in this thinking; the Liberals lost Haine because there was a general turn against them in the Department. One the Prydanian population was merely a subset of.

A large number of native Santonians in Coire, long a Liberal stronghold, took a chance on the National Party and their candidate Finnkarl Thorstvedt. So who is Saintonge's second National Assembly Deputy of Prydanian refugee background?

Finnkarl Thorstvedt

Herra Thorstvedt was born in Hoskuldsar and raised in Haland, and came to Saintonge as a refugee with his family fleeing Stefan Toft's Social Commonwealth government in 1988. He began teaching Santonian to refugees fleeing the Syndicalist regime in 2002, and entered politics to challenge xenophobic town councils that resisted the call to settle refugees in 2009. He became Deputy Mayor of his hometown of Argenteuil in 2019.
His choice as the National Party candidate was seen as a sign that the party considered the seat, out of their reach since 1920, to be up for grabs. He was known in the local Prydanian community of Coire and he had a decade of political experience locally, making him a reliable and known quantity to native Santonians. He could bridge communities and challenge the Liberals on their own turf, which he did exceptionally well. He ended up winning with over 50% of the vote in the first round, precluding the need for a runoff. He managed to win support not just from the Department's Prydanian community, but traditional Liberal voters of native Santonian stock who were put off by the Liberal Party and the official Radical Party candidates.

Extremism in Saintonge?

The election has been followed by many in Prydania. The rise of the xenophobic elements in the Radical Party went unknown to many Prydanians until the incident in Côme. That made news in Prydania, garnered the attention of then-Prime Minister Magnus Brandt, and started a conversation about the degree to which anti-immigrant extremism was on the rise in Saintonge. Many Prydanians have family and friends in Saintonge now, and began to worry about the extent to which those like Herra Villault could gain influence or power. The Côme incident also led to many Prydanians in Saintonge telling their friends and family in Prydania that Villault's act was nothing new, which furthered that discussion.

In many ways this was the first test-run of this new, national populist and xenophobic Radical Party since the emergence of that faction. That their candidate came in last, with less than half of the votes of the next closest candidate, seems to indicate that this xenophobic extremism is not a winner in the minds of most Santonians.
Haine was as good a chance as any for the Radicals to seek success, a right-leaning Department the Nationals had long been unable to wrestle control of. Disaffection with the Liberals should have made it an easy pick-up for the Radical Party, but it seems like their new extremist xenophobia was a turn-off. Not just to Prydanian Santonians, but to native Santonian voters as well.
No doubt party boss and Villault ally Jean-Étienne Genêt will accuse Zeus-Joseph Gomaire of "splitting" the Radical vote, but it doesn't speak to the strength of the extremist message Herra Genêt has endorsed. Herra Gomaire is a moderate. It's unlikely his supporters would have embraced the xenophobic message of Herra Genêt and his candidate, Herra Lecesvé, had Gomaire not run.

It seems like, for now at least, the new xenophobic Radicals must face a reckoning that their turn towards xenophobic national populism is not electorally viable. Perhaps Tenna Nygaard could have warned them about this, had they been willing to talk to more Prydanians.
Regardless, for now, Prydanians with friends and family in Saintonge can breath a sigh of relief for their loved ones.
 
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Austurland Prepares for Royal Family's Arrival as Miðsumar Nears
by Felix Svarfdal

Haland- King Tobias, Queen Alycia, and Princes Baldr and Hael are set to make their way to Akrafjall to kick off 2021's Miðsumar festivals. They will arrive in the centre of Prydania's Thaunic community on the 18th of June, before moving on to Krysuvik on the 19th, before arriving in Haland on the 20th to line up with the solstice. The King and Queen will then address crowds at Haland to kick off a few days worth of festivities.

Miðsumar

Celebrating the Summer Solstice is Thaunic in origin and dates back to Andrenne. It was well attested in sources dating back to the viking communities in eastern Prydania prior to Vortgyn I's unification.
Though pagan in origin it remained a vital holiday after Messianization, as it was a key date farmers marked their crop cycles by.

Miðsumar celebrations were commonplace across Austurland both before and after Vortgyn I's unification but it wasn't until Vortgyn II's reign that the present ceremony began to take shape.
Vortgyn II desired peaceful coexistence with the Thaunics after his devout father's reign had led to raised tensions. He took it upon himself to host Miðsumar festivities in both Akrafjall and Haland, the Thaunic and Courantist centres of Austurland. The Laurenist Reformation of the 1500s amended the tradition to adding a Laurenist town from Austurland to the Royal procession. The towns of Hafragil, Krysuvik, and Mosfell traditionally rotate as the site of the Laurenist leg of the festivities.
Celebrations include traditional song and dance and the lighting of witch effigies, meant to send evil spirits away. The King will light an effigy at the end of his speech in Haland, kicking off the final days of the celebration in Austurland's largest city. Coastal cities will also celebrate with parties on the beach.

The celebration was banned under the Syndicalist regime as being "culturally chauvinistic" and for being a reminder of the old regime. Celebrations continued in secret, however, and returned to Austurland in the summer of 2013 once Syndicalist forces had been expelled by the FRE at the start of the year.

The King's Connection to Krysuvik

This year's Royal procession through Austurland will go through Krysuvik. The town was the hometown of His Majesty's mother, Princess Hanna. It was also during the 1990 Miðsumar celebrations in Krysuvik that Princess Hanna met Prince Robert. This makes this year's return special for His Majesty, as he returns to the town his parents met for Miðsumar for the first time since he has started a family with Queen Alycia.

Previously His Majesty stayed in Krysuvik on and off during the Civil War.

Festivities

Festivities won't officially kick off until King Tobias and Queen Alycia meet with Thaunic Archdeacon Ægir Hjort in Akrafjall to partake in Thaunic ceremonies welcoming the height of summer.

This official start has not stopped eager partiers from starting early though, with bonfires, fireworks, and dancing already beginning in Austurland, and throughout the rest of the country.

From all of us at RÚV.pr allow me to wish you all a Gleðilegt Miðsumar*!



*Gleðilegt Miðsumar- Happy Midsummer
 
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Misunderstanding Neutrality
by Sölvi Buhl


Saintonge's neutrality is famous. Perhaps moreso in this country than others. The Kingdom of Saintonge famously continued to recognize the Syndicalist Republic up until its last day of its existence. To recognize the FRE prior to its final victory, as Goyanes, Andrenne, and others did, would be to take sides in a conflict that Saintonge wished to remain neutral in.

And while Saintonge remained neutral their diplomatic efforts during the Syndicalist era saved four million Prydanians who would have been imprisoned, tortured, and killed by the Syndicalist regime. They recognized the Syndicalist government's legitimacy, and they did so while saving people from it.
This did not sit well with the Syndicalist government. De-classified People's Militia documents are full of Syndicalist Party and Government officials at every level fuming over Santonian efforts to save those they targeted.
And of the governments that remained neutral in the Prydanian Civil War the Santonians were the first to recognize the FRE's legitimacy and His Majesty as King of Prydania.

So as we watch the drama unfold in Saintonge over the Predice-New Aleman War some may ask "has Saintonge ever truly been neutral?" And the answer is "yes." Definitively. The only way one can answer otherwise is to be woefully ignorant of what "neutrality" entails.

Neutrality vs Inaction

I considered terming neutrality as Saintonge has demonstrated it during the Fascist War, Gotmark War, Prydanian Civil War, and Predice-New Aleman War "Santonian Neutrality," but opted against it. First because other powers have engaged in it before and secondly because even some Santonians seem confused. Or are being willfully ignorant for political purposes. Your mileage may vary.

Jeanne-Élisabeth Vertières-Clérembault, Saintonge's National government's Minister of Labour, even went after her own government's foreign ministry. She declared that even if the Le Graët letter's contents were true (and they are) its release undermines Santonian neutrality and served as "propaganda to Predice."
Fröken Vertières-Clérembault, I am at a loss. Are you suggesting that facts- verifiable facts- are propaganda?

The content of the letter is accurate. Another thing that is true is the fact that New Aleman invaded Predice. New Aleman is the aggressor but simply saying that objective truth, or pointing out the crimes committed by the New Aleman military, qualifies as propaganda in Fröken Vertières-Clérembault's eyes.
Yet I sadly understand why she's so wrong about this. I've seen devotion to the cause of labour blind people to objective truths personally. She and my father would have a lot to talk about, I'm sure.

As much as we can scoff and dismiss Fröken Vertières-Clérembault's faux ideologically driven outrage we should, at the very least, use it as an example of what misunderstanding what neutrality looks like.

Neutrality does not mean inaction. Nor does it mean ignoring objective truths. Saintonge proactively helped refugees in the Fascist War, Gotmark War, Prydanian Civil War, and is doing it again in the Predician-New Aleman War. For anyone to suggest that Saintonge's neutrality has been threatened by Santonian efforts to save civilians is to admit to one's shocking ignorance. Neutrality does not mean one closes their eyes to the events around them.
One side is the aggressor causing the refugee problem in the first place. To act on that, to help the people who need help, is not to violate neutrality. It's to act in good faith, to show kindness to one's fellow man in the Messianic tradition.

New Aleman is the aggressor in this conflict. Their actions have upended the lives of hundreds of thousands of Predician civilians. If not shattered them entirely. Predicians- solider and civilian alike- lay dead because of New Aleman's actions.

This is not a war where equal blame can be assigned to "both sides" to appease the political sensibilities of a left wing nervous about criticizing a communist government. This is a conflict where one side is the aggressor, and one side is fighting for its very existence.
I'm sorry if New Aleman being the aggressor makes the Fröken Vertières-Clérembaults of the world uncomfortable but that's just how it is. And Saintonge isn't taking a side to react as they have, by saving the lives of Predicians caught in the rampage New Aleman thrust onto their country.

Neutrality is recognizing that by refusing to take a side in an active conflict that does not immediately concern them, a power can use other instruments at its disposal to help.
In just the Predice-New Aleman War alone thousands of Predician children have been saved by Santonian efforts. Would allowing innocent children to perish in the name of "neutrality" have made the world better? No. It would have made it worse.

If New Aleman- and their regime's enablers beyond their borders- continue to confuse Santonian's foreign ministry saving civilian refugees with Saintonge taking a side then it just shows how irrational and morally empty the New Aleman regime and those who cary their water are.

And so that must be the final word in this debate. Thousands of Predicians- many of whom are children- are alive when they may not be otherwise. To try and ague something else- to get upset at letter because it contains uncomfortable truths- is to miss the point.

Whether that missing the point is just due to ignorance or willful misaiming is irrelevant.
 
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Prydania to Respond to FSO Aid Request
Food Earmarked to Saintonge to Feed Predician Refugees
by Týra Murer

Býkonsviði- Saintonge's Ambassador to the Food Security Organization Pascal-Florent Goudeau has asked for aid in helping feed Predician refugee children being evacuated to Saintonge. The Kingdom of Prydania, already providing food aid to both Predician and New Aleman civilians through the International Federation of Red Heart Societies, will answer the request by shipping wheat, potatoes, pork, and fish to Saintonge to alleviate the pressure on Santonian resources.

The Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Foreign Affairs issued a joint statement where it was established that the Kingdom of Prydania would be providing foodtsuffs to the Kingdom of Saintonge equivalent to 400 million kilocalories.

"The Kingdom of Prydania has been blessed to see its agricultural yields recover to the extent that they have since the end of our Civil War over four years ago, but we recognize that this was only possible with aid from abroad. In that regard His Majesty's Government is prepared to give back to the world. The Kingdom of Prydania stands by the people of Predice, and supports the Kingdom of Saintonge in their efforts to save and protect the innocents from this conflict. Support in the form of words, or even prayer, cannot be enough though. It is the hope of His Majesty's Government that this will help eleviate the crisis in a real and practical way."

The promised shipment represents the largest bit of foreign aid promised by Prydania since the end of the Civil War, and represents a more moral imperative in the realm of foreign policy from the new government.
When asked if more aid from Prydania would be forthcoming a government spokesman replied "we want to help, however we can. Within our means. This is a discussion for further down the line, but the Prime Minister is willing. We need to see if the rest of the world is."

The move to commit to such a significant figure comes after IRHS-SICR head Dr. Patrick-Gérard Dombreval echoed his home country's plea for help in providing resources to refugees.

The Predice-New Aleman War has been a hot-button topic for many in Prydania. Sentiments are overwhelmingly pro-Predician according to polls. The previous government's decision to provide aid to both through the IRHS-SICR was met with skepticism from the public, with concerns only lessening when it was made public that no Prydanian aid going to New Aleman would be headed towards their military apparatus, and that no marking could indicate that the food was Prydanian in origin.
While the farms have begun to heal and bare agriculture once more, the old scars from the War are far from gone. New Aleman's communist regime, and their commitment to imposing one on Predice, have reminded too many Prydanians of Syndicalist rule. Already a few Prydanians have commented about friends or relatives in Saintonge who have gone to volunteer in Predice, or those who have donated blood to Predician civilians.

The new government has indicated it will continue to send aid to both countries through the IRHS-SICR scheme, in addition to this aid package being sent to Saintonge.

"Saintonge has done a lot to help Prydania," Peace not Blood ÞM Ísgeir Aðaldal said.
"Now they need our help, not to feed themselves, but to feed children caught up in a war. We are happy to help."

It is estimated that the population of child refugees entering Saintonge from Predice will reach the one million mark.
 
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Svane Forms Government, Peace not Blood and Conservatives Go Into Coalition
by Týra Murer

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The makeup of the Alþingi following the 2021 General Election, the first fully democratic Alþingi elected
Býkonsviði- Kjell Svane will become Prydania's next Prime Minister. Maríanna Toft relinquished her mandate a week early two days ago, citing to His Majesty that there were no paths forward for the Free Democratic Party to form a government. His Majesty then tasked Peace not Blood leader Kjell Svane to form a coalition. Herra Svane and Conservative Party leader Sören Högh announced the agreement in a press conference earlier today.

Terms

The joint Peace not Blood/Conservative coalition will have 102 seats in the Alþingi, ten more needed to secure a majority. This will give the coalition a decent cushion.
Kjell Svane, as leader of the fifty-four seat Peace not Blood caucus, will serve as Prime Minister. Herra Högh will hold the position of Deputy Prime Minister and will hold the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Ten of the Realm's seventeen Cabinet posts will go to Peace not Blood while the Conservatives will hold the other seven. Notably Peace not Blood Þingmaður Bolverk Brodd-Helgisson will serve as Minister of Defence.

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Peace not Blood leader and Prime Minister Designate Kjell Svane
A New Bandalag? Or Something Else?

The coalition between Peace not Blood and the Conservative Party makes sense on one level. The two parties were the two most compatible from an ideological perspective of the four that won seats in the election. Some even spoke of a potential coalition during the campaign as a "new Bandalag," referring to the eighty-nine year electoral alliance between the Conservative and Agrarian Parties that died at the hands of Tenna Nygaard's turn to the hard right.

That event was seen at the time as a guarantee of Free Democratic Party dominance. The right wing coalition had splintered. The Agrarians were falling apart and the Conservatives would not be able to challenge the Free Democrats. The defectors from the Agrarians who became the first Alþingi caucus changed that conversation a bit, but they resisted urges to join with the Conservative caucus to instead forge their own path and represent their constituencies.

The collapse of Free Democratic support under Fröken Toft and the emergence of this coalition would seem to suggest a radical turnaround, that the Bandalag has reformed in some new way and the future electoral dominance of the Free Democratic Party was a fleeting dream. Things could be more complicated.

The Bandalag was a grand compromise between the urban conservative vote and the rural vote who felt that their voices were going unheard in the halls of the Alþingi. Very clear dividing lines were drawn between where the Agrarians would run and where he Conservatives would run. The right wing coalition returned its fair share of governments over the years, survived two fascist regimes, and the Civil War against the Syndicalist regime. Nygaard's self-destructive politics in pursuit of a phantom hard right vote makes it seem like it was more fragile than it was. It was, up until Nygaard, a very sturdy force in Prydanian politics for decades upon decades.

Part of that strength lay in the clear dividing lines. The Conservatives and Agrarians never crossed into each other's domains. This strength will be missing from the PnB and Conservative coalition. PnB swept through the country's rural areas, but also won in former stomping grounds of both the Free Democrats and Conservatives. For the Conservatives this means that their primary strongholds- the urban right wing vote- is no longer guaranteed theirs. The demarcation between where the Peace not Blood Þingsviði* begin and end and where the Conservative Party Þingsviði begin and end is messier. The current lines on the map might be agreed to by the parties today for the sake of forming a government but who knows what will happen in five years? Will PnB feel confident enough to try and supplant the Conservatives entirely? Will the Conservatives feel emboldened to try and win back some of the urban right wing vote they feel should be theirs?

Regardless, these questions are not pressing. For now Prydania has a government. Its newest political party will lead it, and attempt to prove the faith and enthusiasm placed in it wasn't misplaced.

posted on 21 October 2021 at 12:00 pm



*Þingsviði- riding, constituency
 
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Krummedike Griffinar Beat Kngr. Býkonsviði, Secure First Place
by Marís Laufland


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Krummedike- The 2021-2022 ÍDP* season is only a few months old, but there's already a story setting the league on fire. Konunglegur Býkonsviði is coming off of two Hamar Cup Championships, but they've suffered their second defeat in two games to the Krummedike Griffinar. Their last game, a 3-1 Krummedike victory, gave Krummedike the number one position in the West and first overall in the league.

Expansion Success

The Krummedike Griffinar are one of six new teams to join the ÍDP, representing the first major expansion in league history after over eighty years of the "Classic Six" circuit. The Griffinar join the Eiderwig Stýrimaðar, Erkiengill ÍF, Jórvík Ljón, Leiruvagr Hrímþursar, and Skiodalr Krossfarar. The expansion was, in part, a response to the lack of an effective minor league system. The Syndicalist government ordered minor league sports shut down, which dismantled the tier system that had existed for decades. As a result there was a glut of skilled hockey players. The ÍDP saw expansion as an effective solution.

Still, most analysts were expecting the expansion clubs to finish below the classic clubs in the standings, with the view being that they would mostly be staffed by minor league calibre players. Either players too young to break out in the ÍDP or winding their careers down. The ÍDP attempted to address this with an expansion draft that allowed new teams to select players from established teams, though established teams were allowed to protect key players.

The expansion teams haven't been the doormates they were expected to be, but most of the success has been muted. Konunglegur Býkonsviði and Miðland ÍF, two traditional teams, dominated the East and West standings in the early season. Expansion teams weren't all bottom feeders, and new and fun dynamics even emerged. A rivalry between Erkiengill, whose logo calls to mind the city's namesake of St. Mikael, and the Keris Drekar was soon established over the imagery of St. Mikael slaying a dragon on Erkiengill's coat of arms. Erkiengill's come from behind 3-2 victory over Keris was a highlight early in the season.
Despite this, however, it seemed like expansion teams weren't going to crack the top of either conference.

The Krummedike Griffinar have managed just that though, slowly amassing wins and moving up the standings. Their 3-1 victory over Konunglegur Býkonsviði has secured their place atop the West, a landmark event that has happened far earlier than expected. Not even midway through the first expansion season and an expansion team owns the top slot in a conference. Some were expecting up to five seasons before that would happen.
To be clear the difference in record between Krummedike and Býkonsviði is one game, and there is plenty of season left. Still, the Krummedike Griffinar have far exceeded expectations for this point in their short history.

Unexpected Success

The Krummedike Griffinar's rise has been, in part, thanks to twenty-three year old goaltender Stækar Aagaard. The Hadden native played for his home team, Hadden Hockey Club, in his first season in the ÍDP, as a backup to goalie to Vestein Ramstad. Hadden was allowed to protect one goalie in the expansion draft, and chose to protect the more established Ramstad.

"I suspected that I wasn't going to be protected," Stækar said.
"Vestein is a good netminder, I was the rookie. If they had to choose, well it's going to be Vestein."

Still, that rationale didn't make it any easier. For Stækar hockey was always an escape. He was only fifteen when Syndicalist Militia killed his parents during the chaotic Syndicalist Harrying of Hadden.

"I went to live with a friend's family after the liberation," he said.
"They looked after me, and took care of me. I'll always thank God for them," he said.
"But hockey was a way to cope, and MHC were my hometown team, and I got to play for them. Then the draft came. I expected they weren't going to protect me, but it still was a bittersweet feeling."

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Krummedike goaltender Stækar Aagaard

He didn't know what to expect in Krummedike though.
"I didn't really know what to expect," Stækar said.
"Krummedike? The Thane of Krummedike is a hero, but the town, the area, was where the Militia came from. I mean...not all of them did, but it seemed that way!"

Aagaard has thrived though. He's posted a league leading GAA of 1.64, nearly 20% lower than the next lowest goaltender in the league.

"It's been cool," the goaltender said.
"I never got the chance to go to university. So I never had that moment of leaving home. I think this is what that feels like, to explore some place new."

Perhaps no two regions are more demographically different in terms of ideology than Krummedike and Austurland, with the differences an effective representation of the fifteen year War that engulfed the country. Aagaard himself even commented on his initial uncertainty, but the fans have taken to him.

"You could toss it up to winning. We're winning, and everyone likes that," Aagaard said, "but I think it's more than that. We all had hard times, we're all moving on. It's been cool to explore a new place, and to find out that the people in that new place are a lot like you. It's been very welcoming and I'm loving our fans. We have the best fans in the league!"

Foreign Ownership

The Krummedike Griffinar's name and colours of green and gold come from the Thane of Krummedike's heraldry. The team recieved permission from Thane Níels Krummedike, who was both a FRE and now Royal Prydanian Army General, to invoke his family's heraldry. Unlike Eiderwig though, whose team is owned by the local Thane, Krummedike's team is owned by a foreigner.

The Duke of the Griffonné, of Saintonge, approached the ÍDP during its expansion planning process and inquired about team ownership. In one way the choice is almost too perfect to be coincidental. Like the Thane of Krummedike the Duke of the Griffonné has a griffin as a heraldic emblem, which is also the team's name. It was soon after a number of meetings that the Duke agreed to front the planned Krummedike team.

The Duke announced that he was interested in the project, in part as way to contribute to Saintonge's outreach to Prydania following the end of the War.
"I am descended from two Prydanian Queens of Saintonge," the Duke said at the press conference announcing his involvement.
"I want to see Prydania recover, and hockey is very much an important part of Prydanian culture."

The Duke placed his son, Timothée Griffonné, in charge of the team's hockey operations, making him the point man in the process of building a new team from scratch. Herra Griffonné is a noted hockey fan in Saintonge, where the sport is still growing. He ended up hiring former Hundsted Hunda General Manager Veiði Ahlgren to take up that role with the new Griffinar team and ended up deferring to him when it came time to player selection.

"Veiði really had a vision for building a team," Herra Griffonné said.
"It can't be about the best players available because there are six new teams trying to get them and six other older teams trying to protect them. So it's about what the team will be like in five years."

"I told the Duke and Herra Griffonné that my goal wasn't to be competitive today. It was to be competitive in five years," Herra Ahlgren confirmed.

But now the Griffinar had exceeded expectations and are competitive right now. Does that change the strategy? Do you scrap it and try to win now?

"No," Herra Ahlgren said.
"If the team I built, with an eye towards winning the Hamar Cup in five years, is this good now then in five years we'll be really special. We'll stay the course, and if the course is more prosperous then we thought then all the better."

Looking Towards December

December is commonly referred to as the "hump" month in Prydanian hockey. The season's midpoint is in early January and December is the march all teams must go through. Either to maintain early season momentum from the fall, or to make up for early mistakes. What the Griffinar will look like come January is unknown, but with such a hot start it's got one of Prydania's newest pro hockey cities buzzing with excitement about what is to come.



*ÍDP- Íshokkí Deildinni Prydansk, Prydanian Hockey League

OOC Note: Post approved by @Kyle
 
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Government Issues Yellowtail Veto

by Pálmfríður Brodd

Býkonsviði- The government of Prime Minister Kjell Svane made its first major policy decision following its swearing in, by formally issuing a veto to the Syrixian request to join YEECA. The move comes after years of deliberations between the Prydanian, Korovan, Essalanean, Norsian, and Santonian governments.

YEET and YEECA

The Yellowtail Economic Engagement Treaty was established between the Kingdom of Prydania, Republic of Korova, and United Tribes of Essalanea to provide a framework for aid and development. The name is Prydanian in origin, referring to the yellowtail swallow. The yellowtail swallow has long been a symbol of Prydania and a common sight in Craviter. The use of the yellowtail swallow for the treaty stems from a Prydanian folksong called Bountiful Evening about a swallow who tells a farmer that he will experience great riches following the winter.

The Kingdom of Saintonge signed onto YEET via a treaty with the organization and member nations which provides a legal framework for aid and investment. This treaty establishes that Saintonian aid and investment will operate on a country-by-country basis for specific investment and will occur through an organization called the Yellowtail Economic Engagement and Cooperation Administration (YEECA) for YEET-wide investments. It is YEECA that the Prydanian government's veto concerns.

While Saintonge's obligations on a country-by-country basis with YEET members are the affairs of Saintonge and the nation in question, YEECA establishes a framework not just for Saintonge but for other states to invest in YEET as a whole as well. Norisa, which has its own aid and investment agreements with YEET states, has indicated a desire to sign onto YEECA. It has been the Syrixian Empire, however, who issued an application to YEECA soon after the treaty establishing it was signed.

The wrangling that has occurred in the years since concerns the debate over the role YEET states, and YEET investors, believe Syrixia should have in Craviter. As member nations Prydania, Essalanea, and Korova can each veto potential YEECA applicants. Saintonge itself could also object, but that is in and of itself a problem.

Syrixian Conundrum

Syrixia has a complicated history with Craviter. It's taken on many forms, but the root of it is this. Syrixian Imperial ambitions have put it at odds with the three YEET nations. Essalanea fought off a Syrixian invasion. Prydania and Korova each fought Syrixia as part of the Nordic coalition during both Nordic-Imperial Wars. The First Nordic-Imperial War even saw Syrixian colonial outposts crop close to northern Craviter, giving Korovans and Prydanians the view of Syrixians as not just enemies, but as colonizers.

The Fascist War saw Goyanes and Andrenne bury long-held grudges with the Syrixian Empire, but the eastern Nordic world in Craviter was but a peripheral party to that. Syrixian economic diplomacy in the post-Fascist War era is but a new kink that plays into those old prejudices.

The three YEET states debated Syrixia's involvement while Saintonge wished to avoid the question all together, lest it embroil itself in another foreign policy debate on the scale of the intsense showdown over joining META.

"Saintonge views imperialism very poorly," Dr. Ulfrik Wolle, a Professor of Foreign Affairs at the University of Miðland stated.
"And Syrixia's actions, both in the Imperial age and post Fascist War age, have caused much debate in the halls of power in Saintonge."

And what would the debate look like today?

"I would gather," Dr. Wolle explained, "that it's a matter of Syrixia's efforts being funnelled into a productive outlet like YEECA vs Syrixia using a Santonian framework to further their own ambitions. Which is it? That's the Santonian perspective."

For Prydania it's similar, if more complex, as Dr. Wolle explained.
"For Prydanians- and Korovans and Essalaneans for that matter- it's more visceral. Saintonge feels they need to safeguard themselves against percieved Syrixian imperialism, but they haven't actually fought Syrixians since the Second Ducal War in the early 1700s. Prydanians fought against Syrixians as late as the Fascist Wars. There are people still alive who remember that. And both Korova and Essalanea have had to fight against Syrixians in relatively more recent times as well."

So is it all about old wounds?

"Prydania, we're in a state of recovery," Dr. Wolle said.
"There is a feeling of vulernability, to be blunt. Even if things are trending well, it's vulnerable. And when you're vulnerable there's an instinct to avoid feeling taken advantage of. Syrixia has spent the post-Fascist War era trying to use economic diplomacy to bring nation-states in line. Saintonge is a nation that Prydania trusted with vaccines. With the FSO. When Saintonge says 'how can we help?' there's a feeling of trust. When Syrixia says 'how can we help?' there's a feeling of caution."

Is that fair?

"It's not a matter of fairness," Dr. Wolle explained.
"It's an opportunity. What needs to happen to improve that relationship?"

YEECA Veto

The Free Democratic government of Magnus Brandt debated the matter internally but couldn't reach a consensus. Similar debates in Essalanea and Korova meant that Prydania would not be spared from making a hard decision.
The Peace not Blood/Conservative coalition government of Kjell Svane, however, found its answer.

"The Kingdom of Prydania informed the Duke of Champaigne, the Kingdom of Saintonge's YEET representative to Prydania, the foreign Ministries of Korova, Essalanea, and Norisa, as well as the YEECA Chief Administrator, that it will exercise its right to veto the Syrixian Empire's application to join YEECA," Deputy Prime Minister and Ministe of Foreign Affairs Sören Högh said in a press conference.

"The length at which this debate has gone on in all affected nations is proof to His Majesty's Government that the Syrixian application, as it stands, is not conducive to YEET and YEECA's central guiding mission and set of principals. We invite the Syrixian government to approach YEET via its own framework independent of YEECA, to further cooperation and friendship between our peoples."


posted on 23 October 2021 at 12:00 pm
 
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Prime Minister's First Address Before Alþingi Sets Out Economic Path
by Týra Murer​

Prime Minister Svane laid out the Coalition government's economic policy, to be overseen by the Ministry of Economic Growth Lúðvík Erheorot, the Peace not Blood ÞM* for Býkonsviði Háskóla (BY-14).
The address was notable for representing a more aggressively proactive stance on the issue of economic recovery. Whereas the Free Democratic party campaigned on continuing the recovery policies of Magnus Brandt, Herra Svane outlined what he called a "transformative" economic policy.

Prime Minister Calls for "Social Market"

"Of the world's free peoples," the Prime Minister stated, "no one knows the dangers and shortcomings of collectivized economic systems better than Prydanians and Predicians. The free market must be, and will be, an essential element of our recovery and economic growth."
Yet the Prime Minister made a clear distinction between his government's vision and the past government's policies.

"A free market provides not only economic freedom but prosperity. Yet the free market's advantages can be undermined. We must not allow our economic recovery to be weakened by predatory monopolistic or oligarchic forces. Such forces would not only subvert the prosperous economy we wish to build, but could threaten good government. This coalition will not allow that to happen. We will redfine the terms of 'neoliberalism' as we recover, an 'ordered liberalism,' a 'pantaðifrjálshyggju,' that will create that social maket."

"Our government will create a free economic order. Not one of centralized control, but an environment that will allow our economy and recovery to reach its potential. This government will introduce policy and statutes to foster healthy competition as industry continues to be rebuilt. We will bravely embrace an economic order, rather than centralized control. An order where the Bank of Prydania oversees monetary policy to leverage our foreign aid allowing us to control inflation. The government will keep taxes low, pensions paid, as aid is replaced, kross by kross, with revenue from increased economic prosperity. And perhaps most importantly, our government will build up a positive relation between labour and management. Employer and trade unions, working as one. Not through force or coercion, but through an economic system, a social market, that encourages cooperation rather than an antagonistic state of affairs."

"The economy of Prydania will be built on regulation and free enterprise, on trade unions and employers, working together within a social market. Economic recovery, social security, and social economic justice are the concerns of our time. Let us meet them."

A Dynamic Flipped on its Head

In 2018, in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, William Aubyn led a Conservative-Agrarian campaign promising a steady hand to oversee the country's recovery. He ended up losing that election by a hair to Magnus Brandt, who presented a progressive and reformed-minded approach to recovery. During the three years of that government the economic order has been defined by measured government investment.
The irony is that in 2021 Toft and the Free Democrats ran the campaign Aubyn did in 2018, running on a steady continuation of past policy. The party that, three years previously seemed like the party of innovation, became safe.
And now a Peace not Blood/Conservative coalition has promised a radical economic overhaul. And not one rooted in traditional conservative economic principals.

The government is promising healthy regulation to foster healthy competition mixed with low taxes. A free market with a guiding hand. The Prime Minister made allusions to the Santonian system of labour/employer relations. In short Kjell Svane promised a peaceful, yet fundamental, economic revolution based on the principals of prosperity and competition. And in doing so made Peace not Blood the party of economic forward thinking, a new path that rejects both collectivization and rampant free market neoliberalism. Indeed, the Prime Minister preferred the term "Prydanian Liberalism" over "neoliberalism."

Lúðvík Erheorot

The government's economic policy has been overseen by Lúðvík Erheorot, the ÞM for Býkonsviði Háskóla (BY-14). Dr. Erheorot is a Professor of Economics at the University of Býkonsviði who was one of Peace not Blood's few older candidates. Despite representing a young Þingsviði* in the heart of the capital's university district.

Dr. Erheorot served in his post during the Syndicalist era, keeping a low profile and towing the government line while also meeting with colleagues and students in secret to discuss what the Syndicalist government deemed "backslider" or "reactionary" ideology.

"We met to relieve a feeling of helplessness at first," Dr. Erheorot said in an interview at the start of the 2021 campaign.
"Professors and students alike, we were trapped in a Syndicalist prison. So we met in secret, to talk. We began to debate hypotheticals. How would we save our country the economic abyss the Syndicalists had plunged us into? As the years went on, our talks got less theoretical and more hopeful."

It was via these clandestine meetings that Dr. Erheorot explains that the foundations for the government's economic policies were laid out.
"We discussed Goyanean models, Santonian models, Syrixian models. We looked at Maloria's economic system. We saw first-hand that what we were forced to pay homage to in public- Syndicalist collectivism- was destroying us. But what form was the best form for a free market to take?"

In the end Dr. Erheorot fell in with Peace not Blood.
"My students, many of whom joined me in this secret society of economically curious scholars, flocked to Peace not Blood. I saw in it a willingness to try new ideas rather than old ones. It was a party I could believe in."

"Some have described our stated policies as a third way between capitalism and collectivism," Dr. Erheorot said.
"But that's incorrect. We believe in a social market. In many ways our policies represent the free market protected by the forces that would exploit it."

It is perhaps the most ambitious economic platform put forth since the end of our Civil War. One that is truly interested in building towards the future.

posted on 27 October 2021 at 12:00 pm



*ÞM- MP
*Þingsviði- riding, constituency
 
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Prydanian Historical Review
Baldr III- Father of the Modern Prydanian Monarchy
by Dr. Gunnhild Falstad

Professor of History, University of Býkonsviði

In 1501 King Askold Maksutov (Askold III of Korova) had Thane Hróarr of the House of Scylfing-Loðbrók executed as a show of force. The old King was nearing the end of his life and he believed that the Maksutovs' Prydanian holdings would be secured for his son Vladimir if the head of House Scylfing-Loðbrók was suitably cowed into submission. The cadet branch of the House of Loðbrók had long been a thorn in the sides of Maksutov monarchs attempting to establish legitimacy in their Prydanian lands, and Askold's execution of Hróarr was the lowest point in that twisting, tense history.

King Askold's plan worked in the short term. Hróarr's seventeen year old son Baldr saw no future for himself and so, like many a Prydanian looking for worldly adventure in those days, he went to Saintonge to serve in the Royal Guard. It was a tradition that dated back to the Crusades, and it promised a better life than living under Maksutov scrutiny back home. Baldr brought his brother, Harald, to Saintonge with him. Baldr's self-imposed exile saw him arrive and pledge loyalty to King Gabriel I, le Justicier. Though young, Baldr was proficient in the ways of the sword. And became, by all accounts, a reliable guardsman.

Meanwhile King Askold passed in 1505, and the Prydanian and Korovan crowns passed to Vladimir II/IV. Vladimir's rule began cordially enough, and an envoy was sent to Saintonge which explained that the new King regretted his father's decision to execute Hróarr, and if Baldr would return and pledge his loyalty he would have an honoured position in the King's court.

Baldr, however, had begun to build a life for himself in Saintonge in the four years since he arrived. He had proved himself capable to the King he'd sworn to protect and he'd begun to court a Santonian Princess, Alexandra. He had also befriended Gabriel I's son and Alexandra's brother, amusingly named Baldéric. In fact Baldr had gone by the name Baldéric since settling in Saintonge. He was also unwilling to leave such a state of affairs to return to a Maksutov King who could turn on him at any moment, and who sat on a throne that was by all rights his family's.

The machinations that had brought the Maksutovs to the Prydanian throne had more to do with the backstabbing nature of 14th century court politics than any legitimate path of succession. While the Maksutovs had married into the Loðbróks, the Scylfing-Loðbróks were closer related to the old royal line. Having Baldr return to swear allegiance to him would strengthen Vladimir II/IV's legitimacy, but he would also serve as a potential rival to turn on. Baldr seemed content where he was rather than risk the same fate as his father.

The Prydanian noble families who supported the Maksutovs had begun to wane during Askold's long reign, as the King grew increasingly erratic. The execution of Hróarr and driving Baldr away both seemed to mark low points, but said nobility seemed relieved at Vladimir II/IV's seeming calm hand.
Vladimir II/IV grew distant though, spending more and more time in Korova. Such an arrangement might have benefited him and kept the Thanes, Jarls, and Hersirs loyal had he been content to simply not interfere. Instead, in 1510, he issued a Royal decree that separated Stormurholmr from Prydania and transferred it to Korova.

Stormurholmr has always been very important to Prydania. It was where Hróarr Loðbrók first landed in the mid 800s. It was where Kaldor saw the cross and the stag, beginning the Messianic conversion. And it was where Vortgyn I launched his campaign from that created the modern Prydanian state. Stormurholmr's Grand Thane, the only Grand Thane in the Kingdom, was almost always the King's son. Stormuholmr was fundamentally Prydanian. Even in 1510.
Between Askold's growing erratic behaviour, Vladimir's aloofness, and now this, the Thanes, Jarls, and Hersirs revolted. Vladimir's court was driven from Prydania back to Korova, where the Korovan King would plot his next move.

As Vladimir's presence in Prydania was driven out, the nobles called the Alþingi. It was presided over by Ulfar Scylfing-Loðbrók, cousin of Baldr who had led his family's estate in Baldr's absence. The Alþingi stripped Vladimir of the Prydanian crown and a debate as to what to do next commenced. The animosities that had kept the Scylfing-Loðbróks from the crown had subsided, and initially calls were made to crown Ulfar King. Ulfar, however, refused. Baldr was the rightful head of House Scylfing-Loðbrók and if the House of Scylfing-Loðbrók was to be elevated to the Royal house, then it should be Baldr who was made King.

This occurred as Baldr, or Baldéric as the Santonians knew him, was beginning a family. He had wed Princess Alexandra just months before when a Prydanian messenger appeared in King Gabriel I's court. He carried a message not for the King of Saintonge, but for one of his Guardsmen, Baldéric Beaucheveaux-Lodbrok. Baldr stepped forward to hear the message- Vladimir was ousted, the Alþingi had proclaimed him King. It's said that Gabriel le Justicier recognized Baldr as a fellow sovereign, the first to recognize him as a King. Afterwards the messenger presented Baldr with the sword Jægerblað, the Loðbrók heirloom and coronation sword of the Prydanian monarchs that had been secured by Prydanian forces as they drove Vladimir's court from the country.

Baldr asked for Gabriel I to release him from his pledge to always protect him, so he may return to his homeland and secure the crown from the Korovan invasion that was surely coming. Gabriel granted the request, but there was one last twist. Baldéric, Gabriel's son and the Crown Prince, wished to go and fight by his friend's side. Gabriel was reluctant to allow his son and heir to fight in a war in a foreign land he had no stake in, but was persuaded after Baldéric insisted he had to go to help protect his sister and ensure that her husband succeeded in his quest to win the Prydanian crown.

Prydanians in Saintonge

People who assume Prydanian refugees in Saintonge only date to those fleeing the first Social Commonwealth regime of the Fascist War would be shocked to know that Baldr Scylfing-Loðbrók was not the only Prydanian to flee Makstuov-controlled Prydania. Refugees who found the Korovan yoke too much to bare had been arriving since the mid 1300s. Though never large in number, this group brought with them trade contacts from Craviter and carved out a niche for themselves in bustling medieval Saintes. This group welcomed the news that Baldr had been proclaimed King of Prydania, and many from that group volunteered to return to their homeland with him and aid him in his upcoming war with Vladimir.
This outpouring of support, and Baldr's loyalty during his stint in his Royal Guard, led to Gabriel I of Saintonge allowing his son to follow his friend to Prydania. Along with volunteers from the Prydanian community in Saintes, and some Santonian knights to boot. Santonian neutrality is, after all, a relatively modern invention. The only Prydanian conspicuous by his absence was Baldr's younger brother Harald, who opted to stay in Saintonge. His descendants in Saintonge still carry the Beaucheveaux name.

The Northern Adventure

Baldr- he had re-adopted his Prydanian name after accepting the offer of the Prydanian throne- had more than just his wife, brother-in-law, and some Prydanian volunteers looking to return home to fight Korovan invaders. Gabriel I of Saintonge, both to aid his son-in-law and protect his children, considered a Santonian Queen of a foreign country to be a boon. He therefore leant transports, warships, and even a contingent of Santonian troops to aid the expedition.

Baldr and Baldéric had been friends for nine years. And there were brothers-in-law. The two spent the journey to Prydania plotting out a grand war. It was during these talks that Baldr decided to drop the dynastic name "Scylfing," to emphasize his family's connection to the old Loðbrók line and stress that the real Prydanian royal house had returned.

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Statue of King Baldr III Loðbrók in Býkonsviði, a replica that replaced an earlier version turn down after the Syndicalist coup of 2002
Baldr and his crew of Santonians and returning Prydanian volunteers arrived in Býkonsviði to a mix of jubilation and trepidation. He was welcomed as a hero, but news had reached the capital that Vladimir's forces had seized Stormurholmr and that Vladimir had adopted the title "Tyrant of Buryaostrov." Buryaostrov being the Korovan name of the island. Baldr was crowned King by the Archbishop of Erkiengil and raised a host to march east along with the Prydanian volunteers and Santonian soldiers, as the Santonian ships, and Prydanian ships loyal to Bladr, sailed along the coast.

Vladimir's host sailed from Stormuholmr and landed in Eiderwig. The Thane of Eiderwig, pledged to Baldr, was forced to retreat in the face of the Korovan army, bringing his forces along the Brommo River to meet with Baldr's. Vladimir's forces had pursued, and the first battle of what Baldr and Baldéric called "the great northern adventure" took place where the Brommo met the Svortvotn.

Vladimir's host charged aggressively, attempting to drive Baldr's into the riverbanks. Baldr's line, however, refused to break. Even as Baldéric was severely wounded by a Korovan arrow to his chest. Baldr, shocked at his friend's injury, rushed to his side. Baldéric insisted his friend finish the fight though, and the end of the day the Korovans were driven back. The site of the battle gave way to a town in the years following, Baldersberg.

Vladimir's army attempted to retreat south, to fortify positions in northern Austurland. It was here that the Korovan Tyrant displayed how little he understood the land he wanted to rule. Prydanians loyal to Baldr used the forests of Austurland to harass and attack the Korovan army, forcing Vladimir back to the coast.
Meanwhile Baldéric lay recovering from his injuries. It's said when word of his injury reached Saintonge the people prayed for him to recover. If they did, it worked. He recovered and began to heal, and news of his friend's improving state was said to have lifted Baldr's spirits considerably. It must have, as he barred his friend from joining him in battle further.

Baldr's naval forces arrived to wreck havoc as Baldr and Vladimir once again faced each other, this time outside of Eiderwig. With his navy harassed and his lines weakened and tired from hit and run tactics from the forests, Vladimir left when he could, and tried to strengthen his hold over Stormurholmr.

The invasion of Stormurholmr was the largest naval engagement in the Auburn Channel until the First Nordic-Imperial War. Vladimir had secured himself in the old castle of Stormurkastala as ships loyal to Baldr fought their way to the docks of the city of Stormurholmr. Still, the Korovan King believed he could, at the very least, retain Stomurholmr if he could repulse Baldr's invasion. The advantage Vladimir had was turned on its head though, when the people of Stormurholmr turned on Vladimir. With Baldr's forces securing the docks of Stormurholmr and his troops stuck between them and a revolting city, Vladimir surrendered. He returned to Korova with his host after recognizing Baldr as King of Prydania, including Stormurhomr.

Aftermath

Baldéric of Saintonge made a full recovery and, after joining his friend in celebration, returned to his home country. He would succeed his father and become King Baldéric III le Téméraire (“the Bold”) of Saintonge, an epithet he gained from his escapades in Prydania. That his friend became King Baldr III of Prydania is not lost on anyone. It remains a quirk or happy coincidence of history.

Baldr's ascension to the throne of Prydania made Princess Alexandra of Saintonge Queen of Prydania. Her name would become a common one of Prydanian royal family. Its most famous holder being Queen Alexandria, who reigned from 1838-1902. Baldr and Alexandra had a son and named him after Baldr's father. Though they went with a Santonian form of the name. Hence Hróarr became Roger. King Roger I of Prydania would reign for twenty years upon succeeding his father. There have been three kings bearing the name Roger in Prydanian history.

The marriage also represented the first union between the Royal families of Saintonge and Prydania. Three hundred years later Princess Luta of Prydania would end up married to King Brice of Saintonge, which itself is a very interesting story for another time. Later, Princess Asleif of Prydania, granddaughter to King Harald V of Prydania, would marry Crown Prince Archambault of Saintonge, later King Archambault X.

It's a story of a man searching for himself, a friendship and brotherhood between a King and a future King, refugees in Sainonge who looked towards their homeland, and a war for the soul of a country. It would be academically negligent to claim the Maksutov era was entirely negative, yet the themes we see in the story of Baldr III can't help but resonate in our present time.
OOC Notes: Post approved by @Kyle
 
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Agrarians Oust Nygaard and Begin Party Rebuild
by Týra Murer


Býkonsviði- Tenna Nygaard lost half of her Agrarian Þingmenn* to a social movement. Then she lost her seat as leader of the opposition when her leadership lead to the end of the Conservative-Agrarian Alliance. Then she lost every remaining seat. Including her own. And the Agrarian Party seems to have finally had enough.

A party convention recently saw Agrarian delegates from across Prydania vote on whether or not Tenna Nygaard was going to hold on. Fröken Nygaard did not go quietly though, addressing the convention and declaring that the party could be her party, the party of a national alternative, or it could be nothing.
87% of votes cast were in favour of her removal. The party seems to have made its choice.

"I'm not going to let that woman bully her way forward anymore," Trygvi Kalsö, a delegate from Vesturmarch, said.
"We tried it her way. It didn't work. Now she has the audacity to demand to be kept on? Why? She's just power hungry."

The Future?
The sentiment seems wide spread in the Agrarian Party, but can it rebuild itself? Peace not Blood decimated it in its traditional strongholds in the elections two months ago. Is there room for the Agrarian Party anymore? Interim leader Björn Laksáfoss thinks so.

"We need to regain the trust of the small towns, of the farmlands, but we will," Herra Laksáfoss said to the assembled party delegates after Fröken Nygaard's ouster.
"We will prove, in time, that we remain the only party in this country dedicated to the issues of rural peoples."

The message reflects a hope in Agraian circles that Peace not Blood's support in more urban areas could distract from rural issues and allow the Agrarian Party a chance to rebuilt their support. Herra Laksáfoss, however, admits it won't be a quick process.

"We need to prove we can be trusted again. Past leadership got away from what we believe in, and our supporters punished us for it. We need to recognize that and get back to the issues that make us necessary in a free Prydania."

Too Little Too Late?
Whether such a rebuild is possible remains to be seen. Peace not Blood seems well-embraced in the old Agrarian strongholds.

"It will take a few election cycles at least," Herra Laksáfoss admitted.
"But we must remain committed to the goal."

New Look for a New Era

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The old logo of the Nygaard tenure is on the left, the new logo is on the right.

The convention also saw the debut of a new Agrarian Party logo, part of the effort to get away from the disastrous showing under Nygaard.

The new look takes an old Agrarian mark from the 1970s- a block LF and wheat stock- and places it in a dark green and rounded square. The logo is accompanied by a matching font.

There are many unanswered questions concerning the Agrarian Party's ability to recover from their electoral wipeout, but there is certainly an effort being made to move on from Nygaard's tenure.



*Þingmenn- MPs
 
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Saintonge Tops Prydania in Friendly as the ÍSP and FRSHG Roll Out Cleaner Vision of Hockey
by Marís Laufland


Saintes- Saintonge beat Prydania 4-2 in an international friendly organized by the ÍSP* and FRSHG*. The game turned on a hooking penalty on Jeppe Kjeldsen, allowing Saintonge to capitalize on a power play and extend a 2-1 lead to 3-1 in the second period. Prydania was unable to close that two goal gap, as each team got a goal in the third period to end the game 4-2. The heartbreak was felt on the final goal though.
With the score 3-2 Saintonge Prydania began to push the attack, laying seige to Santonian goaltender Brynjar Tellander for eight minutes. Saintonge’s netminder held on though, and Santonian captain Brice-Kévin Beaudoin took a transition pass long to score to make it 4-2.

Prydania’s team captain Gunnar Stahl, who jostled with Beaudoin for the puck on his semi-breakaway, could only laugh.

“That's hockey,” he said chuckling . “You see it all the time. You push and push and you think you're controlling the game and then one good pass, one good shot, and the other guys score. Hockey’s like that. You just have to roll with the flow.”
“Kev’s a powerful skater and so it was a battle. He's the kind of guy who if he gets an opportunity like that it's hard to stop him and he made it count.”

“You want to give 100% every time out, especially when you represent your country,” Prydania’s top forward Wolf Stansson said.
“Sometimes it's not your game and you just have to get back to back to work,” he said in reference to being held off the scoreboard. His winger, Sighvat Holt, picked up an assist on Prydania’s first goal from Gunnar Stahl.

“The second period killed us,” coach Patrik Brenna said bluntly. “Hockey isn't a forty minute game. It's not a fifty minute game. It's a sixty minute game and we let ourselves get away from it in the second. You can't do that. Not at the international level.”

“The game was a good experience though,” he added.
“The program back home is starting to get running again and we’re eager to get back out there in the international scene. FRSHG is a good partner for that.”

ÍSP/FRSHG Work Together

The game itself was a summit of sorts for the Prydanian and Santonian governing bodies. It was the celebration of a process that began in April.

It was in April that Keris winger Torfi Berger drove Býkonsviði winger Sven Mostad’s head into the ice during the final week of the 2020-2021 ÍDP season.
“The Berger hit was something of a wake up call,” ÍSP President Leif Bjelland said.
“We had to review what was happening in our game. And we had to deal with parents who said they were wary of letting their children play hockey. People are protective of their children. They want to make sure hockey is safe. We could either get angry at this or fix it.”

“It was sort of a conversation that grew into something,” Herra Bjelland said when asked how FRSHG became involved.
“Hockey people talk” he said with a sly smile. “They approached us asking what we were thinking and it kind of grew from there. Before long we had something concrete, some more aspirational ideas. And we thought ‘why not celebrate with a friendly?’”

A Code of Conduct

Two documents came out of the ÍSP/FRSHG collaboration. The first is a code of conduct.
“The code of conduct isn't a rule set,” Herra Bjelland clarified.
“It’s a guide to how we’d like to see the sport conducted at all levels. From the top flight pro leagues down to youth hockey.”

  • Strive to enhance the safety of all hockey participants at all times.
  • Always err on the side of caution and never practice any behaviour that may ultimately harm a participant or worsen an injury.
  • Strive to achieve the highest level of competence and continue to educate yourself to update and improve your skills.
  • Strive to promote the values of fair play, integrity and friendship in hockey, and never condone, encourage, engage in or defend unsportsmanlike conduct, including the use of performance enhancing substances.
  • Always put the player’s best interest first and ensure that all players are treated with respect and integrity; free from any form of physical and/or emotional maltreatment.
  • Both teams in any given game should, at the end of the contest, consider engaging in a handshake in the spirit of sportsmanship and mutual respect.
  • Never practice, condone, defend or permit discrimination on the basis of race, sex, sexual orientation, age, religion or ethnic origin.

“It's a code we’re going to ask all of our leagues to emphasize,” Herra Bjelland stated.

Proposed Rule Changes

In addition to the code of conduct the two national governing bodies drew up some proposed rule changes.
“We’re going to submit them to the international community,” Herra Bjelland said.
“It wouldn't make sense to adopt these in either Prydania or Saintonge, or even both, if the rest of the world won't. It would cause divergent development.”

  • A goal on a power play will not end a power play. The penalized team must play shorthanded the length of the penalty regardless of the number of power play goals scored.
  • “No Touch Icing” to be adopted to cut down on player injuries resulting in chasing down the puck on icing plays.
  • Aggressors in fighting penalties get five minutes while the other party will serve two minutes.
  • A change in rules from “body contact” to “competitive contact,” to emphasize that contact during play should only be aimed at attempting to possess the puck, and that hits outside of this parameter are to be penalized as expanded forms of interference.

“The ÍSP and FRSHG will submit these changes to international governing bodies. We’ll see what happens and what everyone is open to,” Herra Bjelland said.

Raising the Profile of Hockey

“It's been exciting to work with FRSHG,” Herra Bjelland said.
“They offered to work with us, and it's been a great opportunity. Not just to emphasize safety in our sport but to help grow hockey’s profile. Hockey is growing in popularity in a number of places and one of those places is Saintonge. If we can help with increasing the sport’s visibility there and elsewhere it's time well spent.”

published on 17 August 2021 at 12:00 pm



*ÍSP- Prydanian Hockey Federation
*FRSHG- Royal Santonian Federation of Ice Hockey
*ÍDP- Prydanian Hockey League

OOC Note: Post approved by @Kyle
 
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Lake Row Exposes Free Democratic Party Rift
by Felix Svarfdal

Erkiengill- Maríanna Toft has a new problem, and it's close to home. The newly elected Peace not Blood government of the Province of Erkiengill has singled it's intent to change the name of Toftir Lake. And Fröken Toft isn't giving up. Unfortunately it's not one her party seems willing to fight for.

Toftir Lake

The lake is named after Gunnvid Toft, son of blacksmith Hosvir Toft from Erkiengill who went on to become a lawyer and Alþingi memeber. Gunnvid rose from relatively humble beginnings to become the chief minister of state in the later reign of King Baldr III, becoming one of the King's most trusted advisors. Baldr III's son, Robert I, had Nöckeln Lake renamed "Toftir Lake" in 1547 in his honour.

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Toftir Lake, in the centre of the Province of Erkiengill

The Controversy

Gunnvid Toft's legacy was overshadowed by his descendent Stefan Toft. This Toft became the leader of the Social Commonwealth Party in the early 1980s, and was ushered into power as Prime Minister by King Anders III in 1984. The Social Commonwealth regime of 1984-2002 was responsible for thousands of unjustified arrests, disappearances, state-sponsored murder, whole-scale political repression and marginalization of the populace, and allowed the circumstances for the Syndicalist seizure of power.

The Syndicalists attempted to rename the lake Leth Lake in honour of Syndicalist Prime Minister Rune Leth (1921-1931), but the old name was restored upon the end of the Civil War. That restoration, however, is not satisfactory to the Peace not Blood provincial government.

"The Social Commonwealth dictatorship was just as damaging to our country as the Syndicalist dictatorship that supplanted it," Provincial Minister Valgard Fjerstad said.
"Though not named after Stefan Toft, the lake's name remains a memory of a period of our country we should strive to move beyond. It's time for it to go. Our government will begin the process of having the lake's original name, Nöckeln, returned."

The announcement received pushback from Maríanna Toft, daughter of Stefan Toft and leader of the Free Democratic Party.

"This amounts to an erasure of history. Not unlike what the Syndicalist Party attempted to do when they renamed the lake back in 2002," Fröken Toft said in a statement.
"The lake carried the Toft name for over four hundred and a half centuries prior to the Syndicalists, and it should not be removed again. It predates my father's term as Prime Minister by four hundred and thirty-seven years. It's ridiculous to use my father as an excuse to remove my family's name from the lake."

The problem Fröken Toft is having is that the local Free Democratic Party in Erkiengill doesn't share her desire to fight the change.

"It's not really a priority," Free Democratic HÞM* and Provincial Leader of the Opposition Estrid Sundheim said.
"The Free Democratic Party has no love for the Anders/Toft dictatorship. Maríanna Toft sold herself to our party as someone not looking to champion her father or his legacy and she should keep to that promise."

Indeed, all official protests to the planned renaming have come from Fröken Toft's office as the national leader of the Free Democratic Party, and not from the local party offices in Erkiengill. Maríanna Toft, however, is forcing the issue.

"The Free Democratic Party represents the official opposition in the Erkiengill Héraðiþingi*," Fröken Toft said.
"It," she insists, "is a dereliction of duty to not hold the Peace not Blood government to account on this matter of historical importance."

Provincial Minister Valgard Fjerstad has clarified his party's position on the matter as one of practical necessity.
"This move is in no way meant to denigrate Gunnvid Toft or his accomplishments as one of Erkiengill's most famous sons. Nor is it meant to denigrate his descendent, Maríanna Toft. But we are keenly aware of the scars Stefan Toft's legacy have left on our country and we feel it is necessary to remove his family name from such a prominent feature of our province. Nöckeln Lake, the lake's historical name, will honour the region's history well enough."

A first reading of a bill on the matter is secluded for the second week of the new year. It is expected to pass without much opposition, given the Peace not Blood majority in the Erkiengill Héraðiþingi.



*HÞM- Provincial MP
*Héraðiþingi- provincial legislator
 
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Government Approves New Pension Plan Before Breaking for Christmas
by Týra Murer


Býkonsviði- Prime Minister Svane addressed the media after the Alþingi passed the coalition government's pension plan, greatly increasing benefits for retirees.

"Our recovery thus far has afforded us economic leeway in a number of areas," the Prime Minister said.
"It's our belief that investing in the pension system will feed into further economic prosperity."

Syndicalist Officials Included in Rolls

Debate over whether the extended benefit system would be accessible to former Syndicalist Republic officials ultimately came down to His Majesty's pardon in August of 2017, months after the end of the Civil War.

"Individuals who served as state functionaries in the Syndicalist Republic will have access to the expanded benefit system," the Prime Minister explained.
"Provided they have not been convicted of crimes associated with the regime. This includes all people of retirement age who were pardoned by His Majesty."

Controversy Doesn't Derail Vote

Opposition Leader Maríanna Toft attempted to delay the vote that Prime Minister Svane promised before Christmas.
She attempted to use the Prime Minister's decision to include former Syndicalist functionaries in the expanded benefits plan as a wedge issue among Conservatives and the more outspoken anti-Syndicalist members of the Peace not Blood caucus.

"The Prime Minister's economic plan is ideological and unrealistic," she insisted.
"And he's going to reward former Syndicalists on top of it."

The gambit led to a round of coalition negotiations but ultimately the plan passed with full support of both Peace not Blood and Conservative caucuses.

"The coalition believes in this plan, we believe in the Prime Minister and Dr. Erheorot's economic vision," Deputy Prime Minister and Conservative Party leader Sören Högh stated.

"There can't be a disregard of the rule of law," Ísgeir Aðaldal (FeB, ER7-Kopanes og Bæjum) said.
"And the spirit of reconciliation cannot have conditions on basic and fundamental rights. These are emotional issues for many, but we will act in the name of all of Prydania."

Prime Minister Delivers Christmas Promise

Prime Minister Svane laid out extended pension benefits as a cornerstone of his "social market" economic recovery plan. He had promised to deliver the promise before the Alþingi went home for Christmas. It was today, on Blue Christmas, the longest night of the year, that he delivered.

The legislation was delivered to His Majesty's desk and signed into law in short order.
 
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Prime Minister Calls for Unity in Aurora, Luscova Pact
by Týra Murer


Býkonsviði- In an unexpected move Prime Minister Kjell Svane made an address from his home in Stormurholmr, now that the Alþingi has taken its Christmas break.

In it the Prime Minister addressed the political situation in Auroria, concerning the Imperium, Ultramont, and Rayvostoka power blocs and their impact on the Luscova Pact.

The Aurorian Situation

The Imperium claims that Ultramont is a rogue province and protests governments that recognize Ultramont's sovereignty. Rayvostoka, as an unapologetic communist power, threatens the Imperium with war and exploits the Imperium/Ultramont divide for their own gain.

Until recently this conflict was distant enough for Prydania to ignore. Prydania trades heavily with the Imperium, but has always maintained relations with Ultramont. Prydania has never had a stake in the debate, the issue has been one of the practical realities of the political situation.
Now though, Aurorian drama has imposed itself on our government.

Auroria and the Luscova Pact

Issues began with Rayvostoka. The rogue state appealed for LP inclusion, seeking protection after its antagonistic position in Auroria no longer became tenable.

Rayvostoka was accepted into the LP against Prydanian, Predician, and Syrixian objections, as part of a broader compromise that saw the inclusion of the Imperium to stave off war.

War nearly broke out though, as the Imperium was provoked by Rayvostokan aggression. A scrambled second compromise saw Predice leave in protest and the LP face another crisis over this rogue state. Now Ultramont wishes to join the Pact. And things have become even more complicated.

The Current Quagmire

The Ultramontese rely on Rayvostoka due to the Imperium's posturing. Prydania's relations with Ultramont have rarely, if ever, had anything to do with Rayvostoka, but now the matter has taken more urgency.

"Ultramont's willingness to defend the regime in Rayvostoka is a concern," Foreign Minister and Deputy PM Sören Högh stated.

And so is the Imperium's demand that the LP accept either it or Ultramont. And threatening to leave if it's the latter.

Prime Minister's Message

It was this diplomatic mine field that Prime Minister Svane attempted to navigate with his homebound address.

"Prydania's Luscova delegation has been instructed by to vote for Ultramont's admission into the Pact," he said matter of factly.

"His Majesty's government does not see this as an abandonment of our trading partners in the Imperium. My message to Keisara Augustus' government would be that our business, and indeed our friendship, does not concern any business or relations in relation to Ultramont. Prydania believes that mutually beneficial relations with both are not just possible, but preferable and will lead to prosperity for all parties involved."

The Prime Minister then circled back to trade with the Imperium. Prydanian agricultural exports account for a significant portion of foodstuffs consumed in the Imperium.

"It is also the belief of His Majesty's government that Ultramont and the Imperium as partners in the Luscova Pact open doors to both, to seek out mutual friendship without having to rely on Rayvostokan influences. Prydanian trade with the Imperium is grounded in the principals of mutual friendship and prosperity, but if the Imperium insists on drawing lines in the sand regarding Ultramont then the Kingdom of Prydania will have to reconsider those trade commitments."

Foreign Minister and Deputy PM Sören Högh insisted that nothing has been decided as of now.

"Our goals are friendly relations with Ultramont and the Imperium in both trade and diplomacy in the Luscova Pact. Any change to existing trade deals would be in reaction to one or both parties trying to force an issue on recognition one way or another."

Regardless, the Prime Minister is used to playing hardball. His threat of using a combined PGU force as Chancellor to settle Ajovulkan sovereignty eventually did succeed in a lawyer agreement between the three contesting parties.

So for Prime Minister Svane the question has never been one of directness.
 
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Sank Nikulás: The Recent Story of Prydania's Santa

by Símon Lærum


Around the world there are different versions of the jolly, bearded man who gives gifts to children in December. Unlike the red-coated Father Christmas in some other countries, Prydania's Santa Claus, known as Sank Nikulás (Saint Nicholas), is slender with a wizard-like flowing beard and he wears a long robe of green and white. He is assisted not by elves, but by his beautiful granddaughter Snjómeyja (Snow Maiden). His sleigh is powered not by reindeers, but by goats.

What really sets Prydania's Santa Claus apart from his counterparts elsewhere, however, is the turbulent recent history that he’s faced. He has survived a violent social and political revolution that saw him go from beloved to banned as a subversive element, then beloved again and hailed as a symbol of the true Prydanian spirit.

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Sank Nikulás

The trouble for Sank Nikulás and his granddaughter sidekick, who originate from a confluence of the historic Messianist Saint Nicholas and pagan Thaunic mythology, began with the creation of the Syndicalist Republic of Prydania in 2002. Under the new Syndicalist regime, which was built on the promise of creating social equality, religion was banned as it was deemed a bourgeois instrument to repress the working class. Many clergy and believers of the Lauenist, Courantist, Thaunic, and Shaddaist faiths were killed in summery executions or sent to labour camps.
In 2004, Sank Nikulás was banished into exile having been, according to the Syndicalist Party, “unmasked as an ally of the priests and the rural landowners.” Christmas Day was erased and all festive celebrations were forbidden. Anyone who broke the rules risked arrest.
State-controlled footage of New Year's Eve celebrations showing happy workers dancing and drinking to the health of the Syndicalist Party and Thomas Nielsen painted the picture of a more prosperous era. In reality, however, life did not improve for the majority of the population. Such footage was part of the state propaganda machine that tried to present the Syndicalist Republic as a “superior system” to capitalist and monarchical regimes.

As Syndicalism began to fall beginning in 2013, Sank Nikulás returned, following the FRE advances like a festive wave. FRE, Gojan, and Andrennian soldiers would make a point to dress up as Sank Nikulás to deliver aid and presents donated from abroad to children in areas that suffered from war and Syndicalist tyranny.

"Being able to play Sank Nikulás," former FRE soldier and present-day Grunnskóli* history teacher Eðvar Mordt said, "was very fulfilling. I got my first sense of helping people with ways other than bullets. It helped me realize what I wanted to do after the fighting stopped."

Today Sank Nikulás is once again a symbol of the Christmas season, one of two Christmas mascots in Prydania along with the Kristurjólakötturinn (Christmas Cat). His origins in a Messianic saint and Thaunic mythology, his forest green robe, snow white beard, and ability to persevere through social and political upheaval make him symbolic of the Prydanian spirit.

posted on 24 December 2021 at 12:00 pm



*Grunnskóli- middle school
 
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New Ambassador to Saintonge Named
by Týra Murer


Býkonsviði- Minister of Foreign Affairs Sören Högh announced a new Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saintonge today. The announcement comes with the retirement of Prydania's previous ambassador to Saintonge, Hilde Steen. Her replacement will be Herra Patrik Huseklepp.

Whereas Fröken Steen had been a FRE diplomat Huseklepp's choice is an unorthodox one. Huseklepp served in the FRE, but as a soldier. The Lundr native's actions in the War earned him a promotion to the rank of Captain, specifically the Battle of the Skógarhlið where Huseklepp's actions saved over a thousand people, including hundreds of children.

Huseklepp's heroics also earned him a knighthood. He was made a Knight, First Class to the St. Tobias Order of Merit by His Majesty after the War. He then served in the Alþingi as a Peer from 2018-2021. He spent his time in the Alþingi advocating for his native Vesturmarch, highlighting the need for material aid in the last regions of the country to be freed from Syndicalist control.

Herra Huseklepp lost his Alþingi seat when elections were called for October of 2021, dissolving the last Alþingi to seat unelected Peers of the Realm. He contemplated running in Lundr under the Conservative Party ticket but chose not to, to help with his his father's business- a hardware store- instead.

The decision to not run for public office in a town where he'd very likely win has made him available to take up another government post. And, like his decision to focus on helping his father's business, this post will include a chance to visit with family.

Timothée-Ketille Huseklepp is Herra Patrick Huseklepp's cousin and is the director of Saint-Calder Boys' Home in Saintes. It is a centre for Prydanian orphaned refugees in Saintonge.

Minister Högh insisted that this wasn't the reasoning behind the appointment, however.

"His Majesty's Government is, of course, happy to hear Herra Huseklepp will have a chance to visit with family in his new posting," the Foreign Affairs Minister said.

"Our reasoning for this selection, however, was one of character. Herra Huseklepp is a morally upstanding individual who has served his country above and beyond the call of duty. We are confident he will represent our interests in an exemplary manner in Saintonge."
 
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Growth of a Prydanian Gaming Company
by Nökkvi Heimdal


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Glenn Buun, Chief Game Designer of Korotek Entertainment, founder of Eldkur Games, and project lead for Olgier the Techno Knight


Haland- Glenn Bruun has been making video games for a while now, but you probably haven't played his earliest work.

"It was a hobby," he explained.
"Syndicalists conscripted me to work on their electrical systems back home. We were paid in ration cards and didn't have much to do. They would 'recommend' we go to their political education lectures or other brainwashing community events. I just decided to make video games instead."

What's amazing is that it was a self-taught skill.

"My friends and I couldn't buy anything gaming related. That stuff was so tightly controlled. But we access to all of this stuff. Older consoles and cartridges. We decided to see if we could make our own games because we had access to so much tech junk."

Glenn founded Eldkur Games after the War, using a loan from the government.

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Eldkur Games logo

"I kind of got caught up in the spirit of things," he says.
"The Syndicalists were gone and suddenly it's like 'wow I could own a business if I wanted to.' I was twelve when the Syndicalists came to power. I never thought that was possible. So I got excited and started Eldkur. What's funny is that if I had thought about it more seriously I probably would have talked myself out of it."

In this case fortune favours the bold. Eldkur, started by Bruun and staffed by his homebrew gaming friends, launched with one title. Olgier the Techno Knight.

"We acquired a licence to public on the major gaming consoles through their online stores," Bruun explained.
"Olgier is sort of a mix of the other stuff we'd been experimenting with. He just sort of came together for our first project."

Olgier is a cartoon opossum with rocket boots and a sword, who transverses the planet Lofn (or as it's commonly known, Ru Yesham, the fifth planet of our solar system) battling enemies.

But wait. An opossum? Why such an exotic animal?

"We wanted an anthropomorphic animal mascot," Bruun explained.
"Someone found some old viking saga manuscript about going down to Itlakan and there was this illustration of this guy in viking armour with an opossum. That's how Olgier was born!"

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Olgier the Techno Knight opossum

The game itself was simple. The Eldkur team didn't have the personnel or funds to make something that could compete with high end titles so they opted to make a sixteen bit platform, the norm during the 1990s.

"It was a matter of priorities and resources," Bruun explained.
"You can do something big, but not do it well. Or you can do something small, but great. We chose the latter."

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To compensate for the old style graphics the team packed the game with something that still stands out as unique in gaming- total level customization.
The game includes the main campaign but also includes a level workshop where you the player can access the game's graphical assets to create whatever layout of enemies and obstacles for Olgier to battle across. These can then be uploaded. Anyone with the game and an online connection can download anyone else's levels to try for themselves.

"We see a lot of engagement with this feature," Bruun happily explains.
"We're always thinking of ways to add to it. We try to keep a content patch schedule for Olgier's customization mode."

The game hit at a good time too. The sixteen bit style graphics and game play resonated with people all over the world who were growing nostalgic for old style games. Now here was a new game in that style!

"I think we're all very humbled that Olgier has the reception he does," Bruun said.
"He's just sort of our like opossum friend, you know?"

The success of Olgier the Techno Knight has led to Eldkur Games' growth. In fact it's now part of a larger company. Glenn Bruun, his original business partners, and other investors formed Korotek Entertainment. Korotek has begun developing more mainstream games while Eldkur, as a subsection, focuses on sixteen bit-style games like Olgier.

"Eldkur is how we started and it'll always be here, because there is a love and appreciation for these kinds of games," Bruun explained. And Korotek lets us explore other gaming genres. Everything supports each other."

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Korotek Entertainment logo

Presently Korotek has released three games under its banner, while Eldkur has released an additional sixteen bit platformer alongside Olgier.

Bruun and his friends he started Eldkur with all hail from Alaterva, but Korotek's formation saw the whole operation move to Haland.

Haland, long a shipping and fishing city on the Auburn Coast, has become the heart of a growing Prydanian tech centre thanks to foreign investment since the end of the Civil War.
The Goyanean Nyhett Institute of Technology opened a satellite campus in Haland to focus on Prydanian students, and Goyanean and Santonian investments have greatly aided in the tech boom.

It was the turning of a city whose boroughs are all named after saints into the heart of a "tech valley" that got Bruun and his compatriots to move in.

"I don't think customers realized that when they called our phone number they were often talking to me or someone else on the team," Bruun says with a bit of a chuckle.

"I wasn't just the person running the company, I was the person greeting people who showed up when they came into our Alaterva office, because my desk was closest to the door."

Korotek's founding, however, saw an influx in investors and all new facilities in Haland.

"It's pretty amazing," Bruun says, regarding where Korotek is now- both as a company in the marketplace and physically in their new location.

"Haland is where things are being developed. People think that because we're a nation of farmers that we don't have tech heads, but that's not true. And we're converging here."

Bruun says the Korotek has big plans for 2022 and says they're on track to give their fans something special.

"That's for later though," he says with a sly smile.
"I just want to thank everyone who has supported us, and let them know we have something exciting in mind."
 
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Krummedike and Býkonsviði Jostle For First in West
by Marís Laufland


Býkonsviði- Konunglegur Býkonsviði (Royal Býkonsviði) and the Krummedike Griffinar (Krummedike Griffins) continue to jostle for first place in the ÍDP* Western Conference as Býkonsviði defeated Krummedike 2-1 last night on shootouts. The Býkonsviði win draws them even in the standings, though Krummedike holds the tiebreaker between the two on goal differential.

The game was widely celebrated on social media as a goaltender duel between Býkonsviði netminder Matteus Svarturskógur and his Krummedike opposite Stækar Aagaard. Svarturskógur, who is the starting goalie for the Prydanian national team, turned away 38 of 39 Krummedike shots while Aagaard turned away 40 of 42 Býkonsviði shots.

Goaltending Duel

The game, hyped up as the premier game of RÚV's slate of games for Saturday night's Hockey Night programming, turned out to be very clean. Finnleik Skare, Býkonsviði's third line right winger, was dinged for a holding call in the middle of the first. Krummedike defenceman Hallfred Hotvedt was called on a high stick at the end of the second. That was it, coming in at half the league average of four. Neither power play resulted in a goal.
Instead the game was a goaltending duel as each team's offensive output was on full speed, unable to solve the opposing netminders.

Svarturskógur was the one tested early. Krummedike, looking to prove their earlier 3-1 win over Býkonsviði wasn't a fluke, jumped out to an early lead. Hallkel Bak scored for the Griffinar on the game's first shot. The Griffinar must have hoped the early goal would shake Svarturskógur's confidence, but that didn't happen. Krummedike's early surge continued and Svarturskógur stood on his head, denying Krummedike additional tallies. His heroics in net early allowed Býkonsviði to recover. What could have been a 3 or 4-0 game was only 1-0. Býkonsviði settled the game down and began to press the advantage.

Aagaard, however, was able to hold off the defending Hamar Cup champions, only surrendering a goal to Býkonsviði star centre Wolf Stansson on a breakaway at the end of the second. Like with Krummedike's early goal Býkonsviði likely hoped that the goal at the end of the second would give them momentum going into the third. But both goalies proved perfect in the third frame, including both stopping a breakaway each. The overtime period resulted in no goals either, prompting a shootout. Ragnvald Tuft ended up scoring the one goal in the shootout period for Býkonsviði, giving them the victory.

Svarturskógur ended up giving Aagaard a hug in the handshake line after the game.

"He's a talented guy," Svarturskógur said.
"He took our guys to the limit and he pushed me to be better tonight."

An exhausted Stækar Aagaard, who received a standing ovation from the hometown fans in Krummedike despite the loss, said it meant a lot.
"He's the goalie for the national team. It was an honour to play against him, and I'm proud of how we did."

An On-Ice Reunion

The two teams have been playing excellent hockey since Krummedike's 3-1 over Býkonsviði earlier in the season. Krummedike has been playing well against the rest of the West. In fact their 2-0 win over the Skiodalr Krossfarar (Skiodalr Crusaders) brought another touching handshake moment to national attention. Krummedike's first goal, which ended up being the game winner, was scored by defenceman Hjálmtýr Örbekk on a wicked one timer from the blueline. As it turns out Örbek and Skiodalr captain Toke Raske knew each other from childhood.

The two are natives of Kvia, a town of less than 50,000 people in Landerne, and both are the same age, twenty-seven. More than that, the two played on the same youth team. They represented the Kvia Junior Flugmenn (Kvia Junior Pilots).

"Hjálmtýr was my buddy," Raske explained.
"We played together when we were kids. Youth hockey was a good way to deal with the Syndicalists, you know? You just shut that stuff out, and played with your friends."

"I didn't have time to say goodbye to Toke," Örbek recalled sullenly.
"We had to leave so fast."

For the longest time they didn't know what happened to the other.
"Back then if someone vanished," Raske explained, "you just assumed something bad."

"I didn't know what happened to Toke after leaving for Saintonge," Örbekk added. "Unfortunately home was deep in Syndicalist territory. It was hard to know what was happening."

The reunion of the two youth players and friends was made possible when Hjálmtýr Örbekk, who played for Griffons du Nord in the Santonian Ligue des Jarlais, was transferred to the Krummedike Griffinar. The two teams are owned by the Santonaian Duke of the Griffonné, and it allows for easy to-and-fro transfers.

"We reconnected after the War when the FRE liberated home," Raske said.

"I think we were both relieved the other was alive," Örbekk added.
"When I came to Krummedike I had two goals. To reconnect with Toke, friends, and family, and to help my new team win!"

The two embraced in the handshake line after the 2-0 Krummedike win.

"It's one of those moments where you realize the great things hockey can make happen," Raske said happily referring to the on-ice reunion with his friend and former teammate.
"That being said," he added, "we need to understand! You can't just give the puck up to Hjálmtýr Örbekk on the blueline! He's dangerous back there!"

Two Western Giants

Toke Rask is right. His friend Hjálmtýr Örbekk is dangerous back on the blue line. His addition to Krummedike's roster has been a key piece to their unexpected rise to challenge Býkonsviði in the east. And Býkonsviði was going on a Western tear while Krummedike was beating the other Western teams. Býkonsviði had gone 5-1 against all the Eastern teams prior to their 2-1 win over Krummedike, their one loss being a fluke upset against last place Stormurholmr.

And now both teams are tied, with Krummedike's lead in the standings coming down to a point differential tiebreaker. They are scheduled to meet further down the line, and many are predicting the two are destined to meet in the Western Conference Final.

"Krummedike has a good team," Býkonsviði captain Wolf Stansson said.
"But we feel like we can beat anyone if we commit to our game, get pucks in deep, and play a full sixty each time out."

Hjálmtýr Örbekk is also confident, despite the shootout loss.
"This team didn't exist not too long ago. We have a disparate group of guys, but we all buy in. We all want to go as far as we know we can go."

And how far is that?

"The Hamar Cup," Örbekk answered with a sly smile.



*ÍDP- Prydanian Hockey League

OOC Note: Thanks to @Kyle for permission with Hjálmtýr Örbekk
 
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Nuclear Power at the Centre of Power Sector Growth
by Kære Trygstad


Býkonsviði- The elections of October 2021 saw the various parties spar on differing visions on the future of Prydania but one thing seemed to unite all major parties, save for the People’s Party - the commitment to nuclear energy. The Free Democratic, Conservative, Peace not Blood, and Agrarian parties all cited the agreement between the governments of Prydania and Saintonge as a pillar of their visions of national recovery.

Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement
The agreement, signed last April 2018 between then-Santonian Minister of Energy Jules-Antoine Beaumarchais and his Prydanian counterpart Runolf Brandvold, provided for the framework in which Saintonge would assist Prydania in developing civil nuclear power. This was to be achieved through the Santonian state-run electricity company Electricité de Saintonge (EdS).

Saintonge was a logical choice as a partner, as the country is one of the leaders for nuclear energy, with a well-developed, vertically-integrated nuclear industry. Saintonge generates three-quarters of its electricity consumption via nuclear power, with less than five percent coming from fossil fuel sources. It was an ideal model for Prydania.

The Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement centred on four key elements: construction of the nuclear power plants; running and maintenance of the power plants; provision of fuel; nuclear waste disposal.

Construction
The Prydanian government identified four locations for the nuclear power plants; Erkiengill, Hadden, Alaterva, and Kylefjord. Each four locations will have a total of four Generation III Santonian Pressurised Reactors (Réacteur pressurisé saintongeais, RPS), with a nameplate capacity of 1,600 electrical megawatts (MWe) per reactor. This translates to a total nameplate capacity of 25,600 MWe, for a total of 157 TWh/year at 70% capacity factor. This is expected to meet about 70%-80% of Prydania’s electricity consumption when all four plants are operational.

Construction commenced at all four sites in the past few years. As of this writing, two reactors had been finished: Kylefjord I and Erkiengill I had been completed last year. Kylefjord I achieved criticality this month and is expected to produce electricity for commercial use by December 2022. Erkiengill I will be brought online mid-year.

Hadden I is expected to be finished next by the end of the year. The target is that all twelve reactors would be constructed and brought online by 2035.

Running and Maintenance
The running and maintenance of the nuclear power plants will be with Kjanorka Prydansk, a subsidiary owned by EdS. The Prydanian state electrical grid Konunglegur Prydansk Krafti (KPK) committed to buy at least half of the nameplate electricity output of the power plants for the next 50 years.

Provision of Fuel
Saintonge will be supplying the fuel to the Prydanian nuclear power plants through the EdS. The EdS mines its own uranium and makes its own fuel. Owing to non-proliferation reasons, Saintonge bans the export of uranium from Saintonge; however, the Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement commits Saintonge to allowing the export of finished nuclear fuel to Prydania. There will be tight monitoring to ensure that the fuel is not diverted to weapons.

Spent Fuel Reprocessing
Also for non-proliferation reasons, Saintonge will also retain control and management of the spent nuclear fuel and waste. Currently, Saintonge reprocesses spent domestic nuclear fuel and waste at the Troesne Underground Research Laboratory (Laboratoire de recherche souterrain de Troesne) and then stores it in the deep geological repository.

The Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement states that a similar laboratory-repository will be built in the Hadden hills to accept spent fuel from the Prydanian plants and also from Santonian plants.

Commitment to Peaceful Nuclear Power
Before the government of the Kingdom of Saintonge approved the Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement, the Santonians first asked the Prydanian government to commit to promising it will never pursue nuclear weaponry.

“I didn’t have much of a hand in these negotiations, energy was not my portfolio,” Reynir Aaker explained. Herra Aaker served as Magnus Brandt’s Minister of Defence and served as his successor as Prime Minister until a Free Democratic Party schism triggered the 2021 election.

“Magnus [Brandt] came to me to go over the requirement that we commit to never pursue nuclear weaponry. The fact is Prydania has never pursued it. Not during the Fascist War, not in the decades after. It’s never been a priority. So my involvement amounted to affirming it wasn’t in our national interest or plans to acquire nuclear weapons.”

The deal was also easy to justify considering that Goyanes, Andrenne, Malor-Kanda, Norsia, Cogoria, and the Stan Yera are all nuclear powers and treated allies.

“Prydania has a role to play in regional and alliance defenses,” Aaker said.
“As a wielder of nuclear weapons is not one of them. So it was easy to affirm this for the country’s broader energy needs.”

People’s Party Opposition and the Diversification of Energy
The People’s Party was the lone major party to object to the Beaumarchais-Brandvold Agreement on the grounds that a shift towards nuclear energy was an attempt to undermine the country’s coal mining industry.

“Prydania has retained a degree of energy independence since the advent of the industrial revolution,” People’s Party leader Annie Gram said during the first Leaders’ Debate in the lead-up to the 2021 election.
“Já, we have always imported oil, but our coal was able to make us self-sustainable despite that. Now we have oil in the Auburn Channel, fully within our territorial waters. If we commit to coal we can, and should, stand on our own two feet. So I have to ask why this need to embrace nuclear power now? It has to be to weaken the voice and influence of the miner’s unions.”

Fröken Gram faced a degree of backlash, with many viewing her remarks as pro-Syndicalist and of accusing post-Civil War governments of a sort of economic “victor’s justice.” Fröken Gram attempted to clarify her remarks, and insisted she was only advocating for the inclusion of the working class into the national fabric of the post-War Prydania.

Prime Minister Svane, however, unveiled an energy plan which seeks to present a different vision than that of the People’s Party.

“We are expanding on the domestic plans that led to these four plants,” Minister of Utilities Brynhild Valebrokk (CP, Eiderwig City East) explained.
“In addition to training programs to help transition workers into the nuclear energy industry we are also re-committing to the coal sector in areas where it is prudent to emphasize it.”

“We must be realistic,” Prime Minister Svane added.
“Coal is a finite resource. Nuclear energy is renewable and green. To depend fully on oil and coal would not be a long-term solution. Instead we commit more to nuclear, and this will allow our coal and oil reserves to last far longer in areas where it makes sense to emphasize those resources.”

The Ministry of Utilities emphasized the increase in electric car production in Prydania since the end of the War, and how this has not stymied plans to drill for oil in the Auburn Channel.

“Auburn Channel Petroleum still drills despite our need for oil in the gasoline market dropping,” Minister Valebrokk said.
“It still drills because oil has other uses. We focus on those. The same holds true with coal as we transition to more and more nuclear power. Our mining industry has already begun to diversify beyond coal, and the coal mining industry will certainly have a role to play in a stronger power sector.”

Nuclear Power and Other Industries
The government’s commitment to nuclear power is being celebrated among a segment traditionally not central to the national energy debate; farmers.

“Nuclear power opens up possibilities for us,” the Góðajörð Cooperative’s Jórvík regional President Pieter van Zyl explained.
“Energy can be routed from nuclear power plants to farms. This means we can farm to a limited extent through the winter.”

The Peace not Blood-led government, which has very strong representation among the country’s rural areas, has championed the plan.

“So much strife in this country can be viewed as a sort of rural vs urban divide,” Prime Minister Svane said.
“But why? Farms feed cities, and cities drive economic activity that pays farms. What better way to symbolize this mutually beneficial arrangement than industrial and scientific advancement flowing from cities to the countryside?”

Integrated Nuclear Power
The enthusiasm stems from wanting to emulate the integrated nuclear power in Saintonge. In Saintonge, nuclear power is closely aligned to industry, as with the Graveson Nuclear Power Plant, where the enormous amount of electricity produced linked to the production of aluminium via the energy-intensive Hérault process.

In Saintonge, waste heat from the nuclear power plants is utilised to co-generate hydrogen, and/or utilised for district heating. All but two of Saintonge’s nuclear power plants co-generate hydrogen via a process developed by EdS. The hydrogen produced is used to power Saintonge’s burgeoning hydrogen economy. Prydania hopes to start the same industry locally to further wean off the country from fossil fuels.

The farmers’ enthusiasm for nuclear power is based on the system in Saintonge where the waste heat is used for district heating. With its cheap nuclear power, Saintonge almost entirely relies on electric heating. The exception are the areas surrounding the nuclear power plants. As a benefit for having the nuclear power plant nearby, the waste heat is used for centralised domestic heating for nearby towns and village. At Rondanine Nuclear Power plant in southeastern Saintonge, Rondanine and its surrounding villages get free heating for their houses.

In more rural areas, some of the district heating is diverted to agriculture, such as greenhouses. At Blanquefort Nuclear Power Plant in central Saintonge, the waste heat is used for domestic heating in the town of Blanquefort. Hot water is also piped to nearby farms to maintain the temperature of the greenhouses - even during winter.

The prospect of being able to grow produce even in the middle of the cold Prydanian winter appeals to farmers, many of whom are advocating for the placement of the power plant in their area. Even in areas far from the nuclear power plants, farmers may get to reap benefits of nuclear power: the cheap electricity may make electric heating of greenhouses economically feasible.

Planet-Friendly Solution
The government also emphasized that when all four plants are up and running the greenhouse gas emissions across the country will be reduced heavily.

“This is about sustainable, responsible, and clean economic growth,” the Prime Minister emphasized.
“Who wins? Everyone.”

OOC Note: Big thanks to @Kyle who co-wrote this with me
 
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ÍSP Announces Re-Establishment of Second Tier of Prydanian Hockey
by Marís Laufland


Býkonsviði- The Íshokkísamband Prydansk (ÍSP, Prydanian Hockey Federation) and Prydanskstál (Prydanian Steel) announced the re-founding of the second tier of Prydanian professional ice hockey.
The long-standing second tier of Prydanian ice hockey, the Dreifbýlideild (Country League) was dissolved by the Syndicalist government in 2012. The ÍSP announced the ÍDP (Íshokkídeild Prydansk, Prydanian Hockey League) would expand by six teams for the 2021-2022 season, citing that the lack of a second tier had led to a glut of talented players. Of the six ÍDP expansion teams Jórvík, Leiruvagr, Skiodalr, and Erkiengill were former Dreifbýlideild cities.

The ÍSP, which governs hockey in Prydania, noted at the time that its goal was to re-establish the second tier of Prydanian hockey. That goal seems to have been realized. The Federation called a press conference at their headquarters in Býkonsviði to announce the formation of a new league. The new league will be a joint venture between the ÍSP and Prydanskstál (Prydanian Steel). The sponsorship explains the new league’s name, the Málmideild (Metal League).

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Málmideild's logo, which incorporates the Prydanskstál "Á" mark.

Málmideild to Consist of Twelve Teams

ÍSP President Leif Bjelland announced the founding of twelve teams for the Málmideild’s inaugural season, which is set to be the 2022-2023 season. In some cases, however, it’s more like a refounding. Jórvík, Leiruvagr, Skiodalr, and Erkiengill were all unavailable as they were promoted to the first tier ÍDP, but the new league still features some old Dreifbýlideild teams. The Hunsted Hunda (Hounds), Akrafjall Sólir (Suns), Dofrar Þruma (Thunder), Lundr Riddarar (Knights), Skógurheorot Varnarmúr (Citidels), and Landerne Nykur are all old Dreifbýlideild teams the Málmideild will revive.
Joining them will be new franchises the Axlarhagi Hveitikonungar (Wheat Kings), Bygde Íshokkífélag (Hockey Club), Darrow Sjómenn (Fishermen), Jörgensbjerg Gulurhala (Yellow Tails), Kylefjord Krafti (Power), and Springbok Vlamme (Flames).

The Hunsted Hunda are an interesting case. The team will be owned by Baldr Gudmundseth and Baldr Hnappdal, two Prydanian born Santonian hockey players who play for ARS Saintes. The original Hunsted Hunda team was coached by Robert Gudmundseth, a former Hamar Cup Champion forward with Keris ÍF. Robert Gudmundseth was the last Hunsted coach before the Syndicalist regime shut the Dreifbýlideild down. He was conscripted into a “Conscripted Mining Colony” run by the Syndicalist government where he died.

“I was very excited to have the chance to help revive Hunsted’s hockey club,” Baldr Gudmundseth said at the Málmideild press conference.
“My pabbi loved the sport of hockey, and he loved his time as a coach, passing on what he’d learnt to others. I’m very excited to bring the team he coached back, with my bro Baldr Hnappdal.”

The two Baldrs, known in Saintonge as the “Baldr Bros,” teased that they had a project in Prydania on Twitcher a month back.

Other league owners include the sponsor, Prydanskstál. They will own the Dofrar Þruma. Thane Mathies Jórvík will own the Springbok Vlamme, as the Jórvík Ljón (Lions) ÍDP team is community owned. The community owned model is also present with the Akrafjall Sólir, making them the third community owned hockey team in the country after the ÍDP’s Alaterva Vatniðar (Lakers) and the before-mentioned Jórvík Ljón. The rest of the league will be made up of a mix of local and foreign investors.

Affiliations

The selection of twelve markets for the Málmideild is not a coincidence. It lines up with the recently expanded twelve team ÍDP.

“There is an opportunity here,” ÍSP President Leif Bjelland stated, “to refine the old Prydanian hockey pyramid in a more streamlined manner. We’re going to take that and work with a 1:1 affiliation model.”

Each Málmideild team will function as a minor league affiliate for an ÍDP team. In some cases the two entities will be owned as one. Bygde ÍF, for example, will be directly owned by Konunglegur Býkonsviði (Royal Býkonsviði). In other cases the parent and affiliate clubs will be independently owned. In these cases the affiliate club will serve as a proving ground for the parent club’s prospects, as well as being able to sign their own players to independent contracts.

Most parent/affiliate clubs were paired with geography in mind, though it was not a perfect match in every case. In some cases ownership similarities was the reasoning for an affiliation. Akrafjall and Alaterva are both community owned, for example, which made for an ideal pairing. The complete list of affiliates can be found below.

Málmideild - ÍDP
Akrafjall Sólir - Alaterva Vatniðar
Axlarhagi Hveitikonungar - Erkiengill Íshokkífélag
Bygde Íshokkífélag - Konunglegur Býkonsviði
Darrow Sjómenn - Haland Víkingar
Dofrar Þruma - Eiderwig Stýrimaðar
Hundsted Hunda - Krummedike Griffinar
Jörgensbjerg Gulurhala - Miðland Íshokkífélag
Kylefjord Krafti - Keris Íshokkífélag
Landerne Nykur - Leiruvagr Hrímþursar
Lundr Riddarar - Skiodalr Krossfarar
Skógurheorot Varnarmúr - Stormurholmr Eyjamenn
Springbok Vlamme - Jórvík Ljón

Future of Prydanian Hockey

ÍSP President Leif Bjelland stated that “the time was right” to re-build the second tier of the Prydanian hockey pyramid.

“The same investments into rebuilding our communities that made the six team expansion of the ÍDP possible made the Málmideild possible,” he said.
“New rinks, investments in schools and towns, and the efforts of community organizers to bring hockey back to communities has made this possible. Hockey is Prydania’s national sport, and will work to make sure it grows. Prydania’s hockey leagues produced some of the world’s best players before, and they will again.”

Still, the reconstruction of the second tier of the hockey pyramid was bound to invite the question of the third tier. Prydanian professional hockey was a three tiered system before the Syndicalist dictatorship and the Civil War. Is there a plan to rebuild the third tier?

“We’re focused on the ÍDP and Málmideild right now,” President Bjelland said. “We have an eye to the future, but we’ll get there one step at a time.”

OOC Note: Thanks to @Kyle for the Baldr Bros!
 
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National Service Begins on 1 March
by Oddbjörn Skröder

Býkonsviði- National Service, expected for just under two years, is about to begin as the process to re-orientate Prydania's armed forces nears completion.

"At twelve noon on the first of March our program of National Service will begin," Field Marshal Stig Eiderwig of the General Staff stated. The National Service program has been built up since the spring of 2020, registering citizens who had turned 18 on or after 4 June 2018, one year after the end of the Prydanian Civil War.

A Shift in Defence Priorities

In May of 2020 Andrenne invaded Dučrijeka in retaliation for a Dučrijekan terrorist attack on the Andrennian Parliament. Prydania pledged soldiers to aid the Andrennian war effort, to repay Andrenne for the military aid in defeating the Syndicalist Republic from 2013-2017. The Prydanian forces sent under General Niels Krummedike were primarily meant to serve as a counter-insurgency force, applying lessons from the Thane of Krummedike's successful counter-insurgency campaigns in the Syndicalist heartland during the Civil War.

Shortly thereafter Andrenne shelled the Dučrijekan city of Kosada for nine hours. The attack was met with near-universal condemnation and Prydania ordered the withdrawal of soldiers to the Gottian exclusion zone to aid in the protection of refugees fleeing the Andrennian invasion.

The political fall-out of the Thorbjörn Höjsleth situation in the midst of this combined with the questionable actions of our Andrennian allies resulted in a re-examination of what Prydania's military should look like in a post-Civil War world. The government of Magnus Brandt opted to re-orient the Royal Prydanian Armed Forces from an offensive-focused force to a defensive one, from a semi-professional force to a fully professional one supported by conscription. To do this the government requested assistance from the Kingdom of Saintonge to aid in the training and organization of such a force. The Santonian armed forces were the model the Prydanian government were looking to emulate.

The plan, authored by Magnus Brandt's Minister of Defence Reynir Aaker, survived the October 2021 election that ushered in a Peace not Blood/Conservative government. The new government re-committed to the planned re-orientation.

Now, with two years of training, re-arming, and re-organization the Royal Prydanian Armed Forces is ready to begin National Service conscription.

What is National Service?

National Service is full conscription of all able-bodied adults regardless of gender across the three main branches of the KPH (Royal Prydanian Armed Forces)- the KPLH, KPF, and the KPFH- the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The Knights of the Storm, tasked with protecting the King, Queen, and Royal Household, will continue to recruit its own members from the other three.
All citizens who served in the Civil War, on both sides, are exempt from national service. Even if they were under age. To qualify for this exemption individuals have had to provide proof of service during the Civil War.

The start date for those who are to begin National Service was determined to be those who turned eighteen on or after 4 June 2018, one year after the end of the Civil War and who didn't serve during the conflict.
Those who are conscripted will serve one in one branch. Service can be deferred up to the age of twenty four for both men and women if the individual in question is needed to raise a family, a concern taken into account and planned for given the country's post Civil War baby boom. Individuals committed to academic study may also defer up to the age of twenty-four. Citizens deemed unfit for combat will serve in support roles in the military and military-adjacent industries.

National Service consists of sixteen weeks of basic training and twenty months of service in the relevant branch for a total of two years.

Those who refuse National Service outright will be charged an additional annual tax until the age of sixty-five.

Military Structure

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Central Military District- Red
Western Military District- Orange
Northeastern Military District- Purple
Eastern Military District- Green
Southern Military District- Gold

The country has been divided into five military districts, each comprising of three provinces. Each military district contains three KPLH (Royal Prydanian Army) corps and KPFH (Royal Prydanian Air Force) air group territorial commands, each assigned to a province. KPF (Royal Prydanian Navy) bases are located in Keris, Býkonsviði, Leiruvagr, Hadden, Haland, Alaterva, and Stormurholmr. The old naval base system was incorporated into the new army and air force organizational system. Individuals conscripted into national service will be assigned to local military units of the branch of their choosing, or necessity. After sixteen weeks of training individuals become reservists for the branch they have trained under.
Changing one's legal address also changes the military unit they belong to.

Additional twelve weeks of training is required for all reservists every ten years up until the age of fifty.

Mobilization

It is not expected or desired for the majority of people who go through National Service to remain in the military following a fulfillment of their commitment. Most will return to their civilian lives, as reservists for their local military units, assigned to Heimaverðir (Home Guards) that can easily integrate into the standing professional military in the event of mobilization. In Saintonge these units are called Militia. The Prydanian Ministry of Defence chose the "Home Guard" name due to negative associations with the term "militia" as it relates to the Syndicalist People's Militia.
The long-term goal is to establish a significant portion of the adult population as reservists, though the General Staff admits that will take time.

"We cannot ask those that spilled blood in our struggle for freedom to once again start over. Those heroes, they've served," Field Marshal Eiderwig stated.
"We are starting anew. With the generation that came of age after the War, and beyond. Hopefully, in part thanks to their training and dedication, they will never have to experience with their older brothers and sisters fought through."

Despite this anyone who served during the Civil War is eligible to volunteer for National Service if they so desire.

Alert Levels

A key component of this overhaul is to re-orient the KPH into a defensive-oriented force. As such a new system has been implemented, to alert reservists when to report for service in the event of mobilization if the country is attacked. Blue, Green, Yellow, Orange, Red, and Black. Blue indicates a normal state of readiness and Black indicates a war footing. For more information on the specifics of each alert level please visit the Royal Prydanian Armed Forces site at www.kph.pr/viðvörunarstig

A Hope For Peace

"There was a need to reevaluate just what Prydania's armed forces looked like in the post civil war world," Field Marshal Eiderwig explained.
"As more civilian police were trained the FRE, which became the KPH, took on less and less of a role in keeping the every day peace. This was planned. And we demobilized accordingly, but there were questions as to what the rest should look like. Questions, disagreements. We won a war and had to figure out how the new Prydania fit into regional and international defence networks."

The Field Marshal was no doubt referring to the PGU mutual defence provision which was used to justify sending Prydanians soldiers to Dučrijeka.

"Capabilities were only one part of it," the Field Marshal continued.
"We had a battle hardened force at the end of the Civil War, and PGU weaponry. We could have built a force that punched above our weight, to be frank. But we had to have discussions after Kosada. What did we fight for? What kind of country did we fight for?"

The Field Marshal confirmed that the aftermath of Kosada made it clear that Prydania would develop a defensive-oriented military. National Service ensures a well-trained and professional armed forces that can defend the country.

"I think it's good that these young people will do a stint in His Majesty's Armed Forces," Eiderwig continued.
"God willing, they won't have to be called on."

The invocation of His Majesty did raise a question though. Will King Tobias and Queen Alycia's children be expected to complete National Service?

"Prince Baldr and Prince Hael's great uncle Baldr proudly served in the KPF before his assassination," a statement from Absalonhöll read.
"And both the Princes will serve their country alongside their countrymen, in 2038."

OOC Note: Thanks to @Kyle for agreeing to the story here, and for letting me base Prydania's new structures on Saintonge's own military organization.
 
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