Esthursian News Home

Esthursia has a wide range of free media outlets; the largest two, the Daily Herald and Atlish Times, have typically supported each major party (the Social Democrats and Conservative Union [who are now Moderates] respectively) each election, though numerous exceptions exist. The ENBC, the state broadcaster, is politically independent and well-renowned.


ENBC - Esthursian National Broadcasting Channel
Founded in 1928, the Esthursian National Broadcasting Channel was part of a wider effort by the incumbent Workers' Union government to create an impartial, objective news provider; this opened out into media, culture, sports and television programmes, with publicly-funded media being produced. ENBC controls ENBC TV, a channel of specifically independent media and TV for non-profit reasons, mainly to promote culture. Otherwise, ENBC is a publicly-funded organisation, funded through a mixture of inheritance, general taxation and revenue made on international broadcasts. It is politically independent, however has been accused by some on the right of being "biased" towards the Social Democrats.

The Daily Herald: A broadsheet that migrated partially online in the 2010s, the Daily Herald is a long-standing left-wing newspaper. Founded in 1683 in the midst of the Popular Revolution, it quickly became associated with the "popular voice", and commonly associated with reformist, then radical, then socialist causes. The Daily Herald controversially endorsed Jacob Banbury, a Workers' Union communist, in 1884 following the instability and perceived injustice of the Conservative Union government; it retracted this support in 1888, but Banbury won anyway. It returned to the Workers' Union in 1926 for George Asmont, having pressed heavily against the Esthur-Scalvian War and the Conservative government under James Thorne; it since supported the Workers' Union heavily until 1951, when Rickard Warner's election as party leader meant it chose to back Liberals instead. It backed the Liberals again in 1957, before switching to the Social Democrats thereafter, in every election apart from 2002, where it backed the Progressive Party following Willesden's short move of the party to the centre-right economically.

The Examiner: A hybrid online-broadsheet paper, the Examiner is the oldest mainstream continuously circulating newspaper, having first come from the university publications in Ravenscroft in 1508, as an underground publication during the rise of the free Royal Union. Having historically been reformist, the newspaper continues to hold vague centre to centre-left views, and has historically supported either the Liberals or Social Democrats at elections; with the exception of the September 2022 general election, in which it supported Suthening (formerly known as the Progressive Party), an intellectualist professional centre-left localist party. It since supports the Liberal Party, a social liberal splinter group of the Moderates that merged with Suthening.

The Atlish Times: A long-lasted broadsheet paper, the Atlish Times is the newspaper of choice for Esthursian conservatives. It has often varied in its publications, thanks to a relatively broadchurch of views held by its editors and writers - for instance, the party that the Atlish Times supported in the April and September 2022 elections very much depended on what day you read it and whose take you saw first. Historically, the Times has been loyal to the Conservative Union, however the damage done to its readership by the downfall of Einarsson and the gradual loss of readers to online sources has forced it into the modern age, as well as created an even broader scope of views than usual. The April 2022 election was the first in which a united editorial policy on party support was not declared; the Examiner and Daily Herald, by contrast, have always done a united policy. The Atlish Times primarily supports the Moderates to date, though it remains editorially independent due to some columnists backing the EPP.

Articles of note:

"Right to disconnect" law championed by Social Democrats signed into law

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Chancellor Lauren Bowen has claimed the bill "more than makes up for lost contact in gained productivity and health"

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The Social Democrats have welcomed the workers' rights law, which obliges businesses with more than 20 workers employed, to adhere to "good conduct rules"; mainly including the right for workers to effectively "uncouple from work" outside working hours. Opposed by businesses, the Conservative Union's abstention on the matter surprised many.


Background
Esthursia is well-known for its belief in work-life balance; its six-day weeks with normal weekends - effectively removing a workday from the week - are a 17th century example of the move towards public appeasement. Its total working hours per year - 1377h in 2020 - were among the world's lowest; but its productivity benefited, seeing one of the highest productivities worldwide.

The Esthursian work culture has continued to move in this direction over the last decades. Working from home is increasingly common, working hours are on a steady but slightly downward trend, and the six-day week with two-day weekends remains sacrosanct to the average Esthur. One issue has remained though; a tendency for businesses and employers to contact workers out of hours; especially as the digital revolution leaves the rights of workers less developed than in other areas when it comes to technologically flexible issues such as this.

The law
The law itself was proposed in December 2019, with Chancellor Lauren Bowen introducing it as a "necessary keystone to worker productivity", and a "working right that has been a long time coming". Welcomed by the Anning of Annings (Union of Unions in Mercanti), the working rights movement pressed for the law to go further - in particular, to transition Esthursia to a seven-day week with three-day weekends, similar to the global four-day work week movement. This came up fruitless; Bowen confirmed she was "open" to the idea, but stated that this bill would not be the place to legislate for it.

The studies into this particular law were positive for the Government, and quite comprehensive. The INS projected that the end to contact outside work made little to no effect on lost working hours - a statistically insignificant change - however improved wellbeing significantly, with the hope being that the productivity gained actually could even cancel out that of working hours.

Conservative Union Shadow Chancellor Wilfred Statham, who has served both under centre-right Stephen Alborough and centrist Rosemary Manning, spoke out firmly against the law.
The EPP backed Statham's criticisms, calling them an "undue socialist intervention", however the Liberal Party announced its support for the measures.

The main surprise came when Rosemary Manning's whips ordered the party to abstain, allowing the bill to pass virtually unopposed. A smattering of right-wing Conservative Union members voted against, but most obeyed the whip. Manning is understood to have privately supported the bill's intention, according to internal sources, but opted to abstain thanks to a mixture of displeasure with its implementation and unease about her confidence of voting alongside the bill.

The bill entered law last Thursday, following the King's routine assent being given, and thus is now enforced.

Graham Ingley announces manifesto promise to abolish top rates of income tax

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Our economics editor Edgard Aldershot comments on the "radical-right" policy proposed by Ingley's new EPP

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24 September, 2021 - 19:38

The Conservative Union has long been the party of free markets. Although its social attitudes would change quite dramatically from leader to leader - those of us old enough to remember Anthony Moore will remember how socially liberal he was compared to his successor, William Greenwood - economic ones scarcely would. Although Moore's economic centrism makes this a poor example, I cede.

It has therefore long been the party of the middle-class and upper-class, the aspirational rungs of society who feel increasingly burdened as ten years of left-wing government - and particularly the Osborne ministries' tightening of wealth - have long seen the Conservative Union as a welcome refuge. However, the leadership of Rosemary Manning has brought a rather abrupt end to this, after an initially free-market leadership under Stephen Alborough slowly trended in that very direction - especially following his resounding defeat in 2014. The more right-wing amongst the Union would claim vehemently that his refusal to stand by those policies weakened their hand massively ahead of the 2018 elections, into which Alborough led the party into an even worse outcome, and his own career was wrecked thereafter.

Rosemary Manning's answer to this conundrum? Completely U-turn from a century of free-market economics. Back in 2018, when she was campaigning, many remembered her as the Einarsson-era rebel ringleader, who led a strongly centrist opposition that eventually won over centre-right Agrarians to their cause. Perhaps the only reason Manning didn't stand to replace Einarsson - apart from the complete pandemonium in party and country that she would inherit should she be victorious - was the collapse of the Agrarians, and the hope that the position of the Union would naturally fill that centrist spot now that the space was freed.

The future of the EPP - a pro-market party in an increasingly anti-market atmosphere - lies almost entirely in the survival of the strain of monetarist economics which was shunned by the centreground slowly over the previous decade, and on voters peeling off from the Conservative Union.

Riots led by the "Ezhoneg Kevredag" escalate in Dervenc'h

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Our Ezhonyth editor, Alec'h Renezhes writes about the escalating social unrest in Dervernc'h and wider effects of the recent unrest

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The Ezhoneg Kevredag have moved from holding demonstration to acts of rioting, after three police cars were burnt out and two policemen killed in Dervenc'h, a key nationalist stronghold in Ezhonyth. Ezhonyth is potentially the most separate nation from Esthursia proper, especially due to its distance from the capital, different climate, relatively low amount of L1 Atlish speakers and separate culture.

Forethane Harold Osborne called for those involved to "hand themselves in", while the Constabulary of Rennezh, which has jurisdiction over Dervenc'h, has arrested four suspects.

Foreign Minister announces foreign aid commitment to the FSO
Conservatives lobby for reduced involvement, and Parliaments divided left-right upon the extent to which Esthursia should get involved - the "million a day" initiative is proving divisive

The Foreign Minister has announced plans from the Department of Global Development to be "at the forefront of involvement" in the food plans, after consultations with the President, Chancellor and Statistical Institute of Weskerby.
"The shortfall in food output is approximately 1.1 billion kilocalories daily, or 33.5 billion kilocalories per month. We project that the total cost of this food output is somewhere in the ballpark of $500 million up to $1 billion, with median figures at $730 million for one year.

Esthursia is as committed as it's ever been to tackling food poverty, especially in the instance of a humanitarian crisis. In this instance, we are willing to provide Ꜹ578,000 a day, which at current exchange rates, is $1 million per day. We must be at the forefront of involvement when it comes to this crisis and are, by doing this, reaching our hands out to the nations and the people that need the help desperately.

If we can help just one person out of food poverty, we've done a good job. If we can help thousands, tens of thousands, maybe even hundreds of thousands - then we've made real change in those lives, and we've changed the world in a significant way for future generations."

The Progressive Conservatives have branded the "Million a Day Initiative" as "wasteful" - although they wrongly quote the cost as "Ꜹ1 million per day" - and the National Democrats have lobbied for foreign aid to be cut back entirely on this announcement, calling it a "callous waste of public spending". Opinion polls put support of this initiative above 60%, and support of the 0.8% minimum for foreign aid spending of GDP at 55% (positive 11), up from 49% (positive 3) last month - however right-leaning voters are still adamantly against this on average, with support at 22% among them (negative 44).

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Government condemns the Tardine coup as politicians weigh in on the issue

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General consensus, in an age where polarisation is worse than ever, has returned for the matter

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As Tardine violently overthrows and executes its royal family, it seems a system completely reminiscent of the old one - an unelected dictator-for-life role is very similar to that of a monarchy - but without the taboo words, such as "King" or "monarch".

The Forethane Harold Osborne has taken the opportunity to venture away from the softer stances of his predecessor, and has stated:

The Chancellor, Lauren Bowen, has taken a less brash approach, stating it is a "terrible shame that such a ruthless man has seized power", and that "the Union of Esthursia does not recognise this self-professed dictator to any extent". Conservative leader Rosemary Manning called Werdoi "barbaric", "illegitimate" and "a tyrant at heart", uniting with Government figures against the coup in a stand of international unity.

Aubervijr left sweep slim majority verdict - will Esthursia mirror their successes?

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With the election six months away; can the Social Democrats win again?

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Intrepidation on the left and deep concern on the right as polling seems to suggest a left-wing hold and now Aubervijr's left win decisively; can the right defy the tsunami against them?

The Conservatives today tuned into another day of bad news - Aubervijr has swung left. A nation historically known for leaning to the centre has equally historically elected a majority left-wing government; a move the right have conveniently ignored - however, in private, it's known that there was "significant dismay" over this result.

Aubervijr's right has never suffered the same persistent ailments that our own right has. With the Socialist Democrats recently benefitting from buoyant polling and a merger with the Greens, things aren't looking great for the Opposition.

Manning's Conservatives abruptly reject EPP's "hand across the divide" pact offer

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Her move has certainly startled her opponents and even some of her allies alike, but it must be said - can she survive the election without so much of her former party?

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The Conservative Union has, in a way, united itself - against its former union members. In a twist that nobody with a straight face can convincingly claim they foresaw, Rosemary Manning has cut the tightrope just as the EPP try to traverse it.


A new era for Esthursian conservatism is definitely on the cards. For a decade, party leaders have put unity before principle - partly because of what the opposite meant in 2010 - however Manning has clearly taken the view that it wasn't principle itself that was wrong, but that it was the principles he held that were. Radical change was definitely necessary, three election defeats in, however this is radical even for a party known for its wildly variant factions.


While the left allies once again into the Labour Union for the Ministers election - albeit the first time formally - the right has splintered. From the strain of run-of-the-mill conservatism, a fork in the road has taken two down very different routes - and they've lost sight of one another. With both trying a wildly different appeal to the left, Ingley had hoped he would be the kingmaker in a new coalition - however Manning having shut the door on that possibility has thrown that notion to the wayside.


The election is now barely a month away, and Conservatives have clearly prepared for this. The new sheet with the 850 Union candidates was released within minutes of the announcement. Ingley faces a Ministerial purge - precisely what Manning intends - however the cost that Manning faces for this burnt bridge may be the election. The Labour Union press team, ready to blast the Conservatives for the EPP alliance, have been knocked out for six, in the meantime.


Although mildly popular herself, Manning has inherited a shipwreck of a party. The right of her party, unsatisfied with her refusal to continue what wasn't working, broke off in a move that can only be described as an involuntary political suicide pact. The Conservatives, although they may gain electoral leverage from the Middle Group, face a fourth round of Ministerial oblivion if they fail to recover in the polls. Traditional Conservative voters may also not be so happy with the centrist rhetoric of Manning - and the EPP stands to gain those votes, however most seats remain out of grip. The winner takes all system is the splintered party's worst nightmare incarnate.


The question remains - Manning's Conservatives, having survived the splinter (mostly), with 30% of the electorate prepared to back them (albeit nowhere near the 50% behind the Labour Union), faced a difficult decision. They chose principle, again. It'll take a month to see whether that straw isn't another short one, and whether this rebrand of Esthursian conservatism - while violently decoupling from its former allies - is a successful one.

Prime Minister Osborne celebrates first New Town target in Execestershire, amid house price concerns

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With election recess looming next week, the earlier-than-expected timing of Denby Dale's target being reached has raised housing as a major campaign issue

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The Prime Minister has attended the official ceremony at Denby Dale - fifteen kilometres south-west of Execester, the second-largest of the New Town projects. Denby Dale, a project started in 2012 by then-PM John Largan, has grown to over 55,000 people, with an average age of 33. However, as Osborne's government continues to push for new housing while avoiding house price crashes in "established areas", criticism from both sides has been copious. To Osborne's right, Rosemary Manning has nicknamed it a "stealth pensions raid, except nobody wins", after concerns that one of the projects near Brantley could devalue homes in the area by up to 15%; and to Osborne's left, the Socialist Front are seizing on a slogan "affordable for who?". Public opinion on the issue remains divided - support for major new housing projects is buoyant and stable, but specifically support for it in their local area is far more marginally approved, with house prices listed as the most major area of concern.

Two major issues persist with new housing projects. The problem is that the notion of affordability is a relative issue - what is affordable for someone on middle incomes is completely out of reach for the disadvantaged. This makes it very hard to satisfy everyone; go too high, and they risk empty houses and an angry populace who feel they've wasted their money on providing second homes to the affluent. (It must be noted here that the Housing Secretary, Tim West, has announced that no house in the New Town project will go as second homes for "at least 10 years".) Go too low, and you enter another minefield; the new town quickly gets a reputation as an undesirable area, driving down local house prices elsewhere and leading to a brain drain. Although Denby Dale has been mostly a success - with the new Denby Dale council leader being a Social Democrat himself, the Prime Minister's plans have been popular with those moving in - it has raised another issue.

If you build too many homes in the wrong places, you saturate the market. That's a fairly key policy that still haunts the 1970s Reformist government, whose slogan was "houses, houses and more houses" upon being asked of their policies - the failure to target the right locations, the extortionate costs, the high crime rates and the heavily disparate affected house prices drove support for the mostly middle-class party away and there has not been an explicitly centrist government elected since. The Reform Party doesn't even exist any more, too besmirched by its past failures and reputation, and the Middle Group to replace it has been left as a "fourth party" on the sidelines at most - if not all, disputably - recent elections. That's why Osborne's project isn't aimed at mainly expanding towns, it's aimed at building new ones - unchartered territory.

Rosemary Manning knows her place, and she knows it's a position that has worked in the past (particularly with traditional Conservative voters) - however whether Osborne's gamble about continuing Largan's housing passion project and building new urban centres is far more of a wild card.

Electoral Commission reform throws a curveball at the Prime Minister's hopes for a renewed majority

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Berworth today - amid the "red sunset" period where parties find it much harder to control their votes - has voted narrowly to approve the reforms for the April elections. Are Ministry majorities going to be a thing of the past?

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The Social Democrats' strong campaigns for an Electoral Commission and for electoral reform in general during the 2000s were rewarded with significant change in the early 2010s. John Largan was by all means a reformist at heart and in principle - from granting the "recall prerogative" to the independent Electoral Commission, to setting up a "reasonable" per person and per corporation donation list (although faced some criticism for refusing to implement a trade union limit that was lower than the sum of its members); democracy was strengthened intensively on all fronts. Even on the terms of corruption - Largan's government triggered the Newlands Inquiry; an inquiry that is still in stage 4 and has led to the arrests of 74 politicians and "persons of executive power".

However, the elephant in the room remained unsolved - what to do with the Ministers? A 1950s-style winner-takes-all system whose careerist members were bound to their parties and elected on 30% (or in many cases, even less - particularly in three-way or four-way elections), and where a vote for one party may be worth ten times as much as a vote for a different one. The Social Democrats - like the Conservatives opposite them - had been remarkably hesitant to touch the Ministry with a barge pole; not least because the majorities it produced were a priceless bargaining tool in Berworth ping-pong of laws.

Harold Osborne by contrast, although more economically progressive than his predecessor, is definitely not a reformist at heart - however, afraid of appearing a careerist himself, he was forced to preserve the Electoral Commission's renewed powers. The powers granted to the judiciary and the independent EC over the Largan ministries also granted them two things - legitimacy, and confidence. The two have finally culminated into something that might change the face of Esthursian politics.

For the first time in Esthursian history, there will be no house whereby a winner-takes-all system is used. The "trial" started by Martha Grantham in the early 1990s for local elections and the upper house - at the time containing a group of 100 "hereditaries", whose average age was upward of 70 and whose point in the Barons became increasingly hard to find. The Ministers may not have been the democratic embarrassment - or the "slumping dying husk of a power-hungry aristocracy", in Grantham's words from 1992 - that the Barons were; but they were barely any more representative, distorting a spectrum of political beliefs bluntly into two vague entrenched party positions and telling anyone who dared vote otherwise that their vote was more or less worthless outside of a pocket of seats held narrowly by third parties. This status quo wasn't good - but it lasted so long because the parties that benefitted from it lasted so long.

In an age where parties of the hard-left - Republic is the best example of this at the moment, a youth-led, grassroots movement that was predicted to gain just two out of nearly a thousand seats despite polling at 10% - and of the hard-right - Esthur People's Party being the best example of this, a splinter group of Conservatives who finally got sick of 21st century conservatism - are gaining precedent as kingmakers; this archaic system would have thrown up a result that may have distorted the public's vote in massively unexpected but equally wrongful ways. The death of government majorities may be the birth of a new era of Esthursian politics; an era where coalitions are not merely unicameral and undermined by whoever can do at the time, but rather where they are universal and endorsed both in multi-member Ministry constituencies and by the party list Barons.

What will be the main result from this in April? Harold Osborne was hoping for another Ministerial majority. That's an outlandish prospect with these reforms - and his failure to unite Berworth in opposition to them may cost him a massive portion of his seemingly guaranteed power. The age of majorities is well and truly over.

Former Conservative PM Tharbjorn Einarsson "jumps ship" and joins the Esthur Peoples' Party

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As the divide between the EPP and Conservative Union deepens, controversial right-wing Prime Minister Einarsson has left the party he has been in for over fifty years.

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The Conservatives knew of Einarsson's discontent in the "economic partnership programme" proposed by Rosemary Manning - consisting of co-operative private and public corporations in each sector - and he himself expressed his disapproval routinely. Last week, he told the House of Ministers:
"I have been in this party for a lifetime, and yet it appears the party's free market heart has died before me."

Graham Ingley had been in close contact with Tharbjorn Einarsson for "approximately four months", following Einarsson's increasingly public unease about the Conservatives' centre-ward movement. Einarsson handed in his party ticket to Manning personally on the 9th, stating that "although he wished her the best as a long-standing colleague, and that she had the best interests at heart, he could no longer remain within a party which had lost its way so blatantly". Manning was also a controversial character in the days of Einarsson's premiership - as one of the (if not the highest) leading figures behind the formation of the One-Nation Group and concerted effort to reject legislation they viewed as too hard-right. Einarsson had even stated in 2011 following his resignation; "if she ever becomes leader of this party, this party will become a Blue Reform Party masquerading as conservatives". (The Reform Party was a centrist, social liberal political party from the late 19th through to the late 20th centuries, who were the Conservatives' main opposition after the breakdown of the Workers' Party and before the rise of social democracy in the 1970s.)

Government pay raise plan "unilaterally rejected" by Union of Unions ahead of crucial general election

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The newest General Secretary of the largest trade union committee has called the packet "a refusal to move on from the first step", and refuses to rule out industrial action.

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A campaign of mostly pleasantries and occasional jeering at the Conservatives' instability has been blindsided by the recently elected leader of the Union of Unions, Jacob Waltham, after Waltham released a statement on behalf of the Unions stating his proposal to refuse the pay packet was "endorsed by each of the Unions last night and hence enforced immediately" today at 2pm.

The plan to increase most public sector wages by 2.5%, with 3% for care workers and heavy goods vehicle drivers, was dubbed by the Prime Minister as a "package to protect both the stability of our economy and to maintain the steady, significant raises to living standards that we have overseen over the last few years" in January. Waltham, replacing a Social Democrat loyalist who stepped down at the end of last year, has stated that any idea that the move was timed is "pure balderdash", however sources close to him have speculated that this was "at least partial motivation for his action".

The UOU's decision has been backed by Republic, whose working rights spokesman has called it "a championing of working rights fighting off self-professed working rights advocates' real pay cuts". (Factoring in inflation, up 0.5% to 2.2%, this pay rise is 0.3%, or 0.8% for care workers and HGV drivers, however this may be negative if weighting more routinely bought items.) The Conservatives have refused to take a side on the issue, however their leader Rosemary Manning has called the issue a "blatant failure of this Government to handle the situation". Localists have expressed concern over the Government's "seeming inability to deal with trade unions without turning them rabid", and the second-largest trade union committee (Workforce Esthursia) has "entered a solidarity pact with our partners, the Union of Unions" ahead of emergency negotiations between the Prime Minister, Secretary for Working Rights and the unions.

Minor protests and a set of localised strikes, including 20% of the bin collection workforce in Execester, have been sparked by the debate, however no arrests have been made and all protests were conducted "by the law and with respect for the peace", stated the Constabulary of Weskerby, the main location for these protests.

With the election three weeks away, the trade unions reaching the end of their tether is less than helpful for a party who, for years, had successfully fended off a party accusing them of being too soft with unions; and now there's a front to the left accusing them of ignoring the unions. The public are roughly split in three over trade union powers - with 30% supporting greater trade union power, 44% supporting the status quo and 26% supporting a reduction in trade union power - and snap polling over the dispute shows disillusion with the government response despite indecision over the pay packet itself. Osborne faces a harsh task - balance the union dispute, appease to both the anti-trade unionists and pro-trade unionists within his own party, and ensure that his image of relative stability and pragmatism is not mired by an escalation of industrial disputes right ahead of the election.

Amid the Prime Minister's promise, following the rejection, to "respond to the clear concern shown by trade unions with serious discourse and serious negotiation", the Secretary of Working Rights - the leader of the Progressives, Jeremy Wilson - has reportedly been in emergency negotiations separate from the government as an entity to ensure the passage of a more sympathetic deal, amid sympathies with the unions' position amongst the leftmost flanks of the Cabinet.

The prospect of a switch in the Prime Minister in itself is unlikely, however a dismal result on April 6 would embolden the Conservatives, EPP and Republic alike to seek kingmaker positions, and make governance for Osborne have a much greater amount of friction.

Social Democrat manifesto includes a referendum on a post-Arthurian monarchy

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As Osborne's political watershed moment continues, the Social Democrats have placed themselves square in the middle of the republic-monarchy debate. Will the manoeuvre put off moderate voters?

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A campaign mainly fought on the extent of nationalisation in the economy and more recently the Conservative instability has been blindsided by a juggernaut - the Social Democrats' manifesto. Newly reinforced with its allies now joining the party itself, Osborne has chosen the manifesto to make a clean break from the Largan era - one where structural reform was aimed at tweaking gradually. John Largan was a Prime Minister of gradual and steady change, and Harold Osborne is increasingly taking an axe to the entire charade.

Republic, the political party to the left of the Social Democrats whose entire agenda is to replace "inherited power with direct democracy", have called the move a "tentative step in the right direction" - however, as their raison d'etre is seized upon by the Government itself, tension in private is mounting. The hard-left faces a hard fortnight of rebranding as a more general party, or pushing for the cause of republicanism in the runup to said referendum.

This comes after a statement by King Arthur in a Wimburgh Palace official statement affirming that "his power remains with the people", hinting towards the possibility the monarchy may merely stand by and allow a referendum to take course:
With the newly united Social Democrats in a commanding lead, the question of whether Osborne will govern with a majority will be a close one - and this manifesto could make or break it.

Prominent entrepreneur Gareth Marylebone found dead at 64, amid "plot on Osborne's life"

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As the family prepares for a funeral, police say Marylebone "may have sent out plot before committing suicide"; family call for official investigation into his death

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Marylebone, long-time political heavyweight and entrepreneur, once known for his interests in automotive industries - and famously trying to block the nationalisation, or "criminal absorption", of Asgeron, the nation's most prominent motor works company - has been found deceased in his apartment at the age of 64 this afternoon. None of the neighbours within the estate recall hearing the alleged gunshot, report the Metropolitan Constabulary, and one had rung the police after he smelt a pungent smell coming from within the house. Marylebone's body was found amid "evidence of a declining lifestyle"; the Chief of Police Mary Welburgh telling journalists "it is apparent that Marylebone's last weeks may have been a precipitous decline of health and lifestyle, and certainly of his wellbeing".

A document of a few dozen pages had been released onto "every known medium of Marylebone's online footprint" at 20:22 last night, revealing a supposed plot on the Prime Minister's life. Experts within the Constabulary's Cyberdepartment have stated that it "is looking into the veracity of the claims of action made within the document", including the aspersed links to the NMIS - National Military Intelligence Service. It revealed that, according to the document, Marylebone had been contacted by a senior NMIS agent and at a later date given the necessary funding to "take out the target", however that the plan had since fallen through due to the proximity of the election and that it would "be transferred to whomever had won by mid-2022". The NMIS strongly denies any knowledge or connection with any attempt on the Prime Minister's life.

The Conservatives have demanded that the nation's military intelligence "has a case to answer", with the Prime Minister Harold Osborne addressing the claims:
The EPP's leader, Graham Ingley, has also faced intense criticism from some of his own party as well as from other major parties after his comments claiming that, among other things, "the entire thing was clearly a setup by Osborne's cronies", with his former in-party colleague Rosemary Manning - Leader of the Opposition - having called his comments "divisive, damaging and deluded". Ingley has defended his comments, having stated to the ENBC:

Has the Marylebone affair handed Osborne a lifeline - or will it come back to haunt him?

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Before the exit poll comes out in 30 minutes, it must be noted how significant the shift towards Osborne has been since the death and "plot" of assassination began.

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This time last week, the Conservatives - although losing votes to the centrist Reform Party - were hot on the heels of the Social Democrats. Osborne's top team were reportedly preparing for 2014-style negotiations across the political spectrum as was seen under Largan in 2014, and the air of a potential resignation in the head office was looming. However, this week, the gap has widened from five points to thirteen. What went so wrong for Manning?

The answer: she was heavily unlucky. Osborne's anti-establishment persona that he adopted in recent years seems to have, if the police find that Marylebone's death was as a result of military intelligence or at least affiliated with them, attracted the negative attention of the military intelligence within the Union. If we are to believe that the nation's "special police" were ready to take out a presiding Prime Minister, then the situation for Esthursia's policing reputation and its attempts to reconcile with a general public still reeling back from the brutality in the early 2010s worsens even further. Republic has also seized on the attacks - the key issues of Republican voters include disillusionment with the police, amongst other largely anti-establishment grassroots ideas.

The Conservatives, in the meantime, have been taken out by the sidelines. Manning, having spent the last year trying to appeal to everyone and trying to reconcile the police and government - even when not in government herself - with the general public, has found herself suddenly associated with the very thing that much of the general public (somewhat impressed with her economic stances) are afraid of; collusion.

The sudden jump to Osborne's prospects remarkably change what could be his coalition negotiations - with both a "red-orange" coalition, a conventional centre-left coalition between Frampton and Osborne; and a "red-purple" coalition, a more radically left-wing coalition between Banbury's Republic and Osborne. Although his predecessor, Largan, was outspoken about the potential to "link up with our historic partners to the centre" following the 2014 election (a choice that was later not taken); Osborne shares far less sympathies with the centre, and may be torn between ideological unity, or public competence. In either case, he would reserve the choice to fall back on the other party in crucial votes if the junior partner refuses to vote alongside him, a crucial tool used by the Conservatives in the 2000s when they partnered with the more moderate Agrarians instead of the Nationals. This is far more positive than what could have happened for Osborne - a delicate balancing act between the centre and left, constant negotiations between politicians who served alongside Conservatives in the early 2000s and politicians who protested against the same government throughout; a task that, although still possible, is remarkably less likely than it once was.

With the exit poll coming out soon, all this is mere speculation - but polling suggests that Osborne's position may be safer than it was a week ago, and that Republic may be here to stay for far longer than initially expected.

Osborne looks to avoid a 2014-style washout - but how secure will his leadership be if he wins?

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Many of the new entrants into Osborne's party - and the reason why his lead hasn't fallen back - are the remnants of the Progressives. The Conservatives and Reformists are both set to grow to the right, and Republic to the left. Is a new left-wing coalition coming?

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Look back four years, to the 2018 general election. There, the post-Willesdenite factions rose to power with the newly left-wing Social Democrats; the Progressives, after all, were mostly left-wing progressives angry with Willesden's shift to the centre, and unsatisfied with how much Largan has shifted the party back - many of them had always been on the party's left even back in the early 1990s. A few were elderly Workers' Party representatives who had jumped ship when the Nationals won the blue-collar vote in the 1950s.

We said that this was going to be the most left-wing government for a long time in 2018, when lifelong trade unionist and leader of the Progressives Jeremy Wilson - who has since been elected as Deputy Leader of the Social Democrats - was appointed leader. And yet, even with the left predicted to lose its supermajority in the House of Barons, the most left-wing government since the days of Philip Whittaker is in formation.

In raw stats, the Social Democrats actually won't be too pleased. Their majority gained in 2018 is vanishing, and a red-purple coalition would be predicted to have a majority of just 14. However, with many Willesden-era moderates resigning and being replaced with Osbornians and Larganites, and many more being displaced by Wilson's "Blue Band candidates", Osborne's position may be about as secure as it was before the election considering the renewed loyalty of his party to him.

This election bears many parallels with 2014. Largan faced the possibility of losing his position to Alborough, a true blue Conservative, and stayed in by the skin of his teeth and at the behest of a wide, unseemly leftist coalition of four parties. This post-2014 government was all but unable to get anything done for a good few years, until Osborne learnt the ability to fall back on non-government parties when necessary could be used as a bargaining tool, and this inaction was only distracted from by the internal struggles within a Conservative party who had been convinced of their return to power being nothing but absolute.

This time, the Conservatives were far more pessimistic - some feared a sub-100 result - and yet they look set to gain a foothold in some former Social Democrat regions, albeit with similar tradeoffs in other areas. Manning remains a popular figure with many, particularly the elderly, and with middle-class voters. Osborne remains fairly polarising - with working-class, public sector, young and Northern people being the groups most satisfied with his leadership, and middle-class, private sector, elderly and Eastern people being the least satisfied groups.

The next question remains the same as the last one: will Osborne go left or right when finding a partner, or will he go it alone?

Osborne and Manning brace for coalition negotiations as third parties in celebration

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In 2018, Osborne's group of left-wing parties gained an easy majority. Now, with them all in his party, he faces either left to Republic, or right to Reform, for a step to power. Can Osborne form and handle a true coalition?

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On the face of it, 158 seats for a single party sounds impressive. Osborne's party dwarfs that of Manning, which garnered just 104. However, look back to the last election, and his alliance of left-wing groups gained 227. Republic are hardly friendly to the Social Democrats, and the Reformists would require considerable concessions from Osborne's extensive economic programme.

All three secondary parties are in celebrations after all - especially Reform - have exceeded their exit polls. Two of them weren't in the upper house at all before, save for Ingley's band of defectors, and Osborne and Manning face both sides, not just inwards, to see their new partners. Localists are accredited with helping the third party cause - having campaigned hard for nationally progressive third parties as the first vote - and Osborne, even if he goes it alone, will have to listen to both the party to the left of him and to the right of him if he wants anything passed.

Osborne's party has also heavily punched below its weight when it comes to the exit poll. A 171 seat win would've provided a cushion of gains, and favourable swaps, but a 158 seat win provides a lot of losses to those even further left than himself. Conservatives have also swung into the east of Osynstry, taking out many Social Democrat seats with them. Osborne himself faces a slashed majority.

A tough week lies ahead for Osborne - however, as a consolation prize, Osborne's party itself is more truly "social democratic" than ever before, with the Third Way-era politicians of Willesden's late 90s leadership retiring at record rates. Osborne himself may actually, however, lose his position should he fail to negotiate with either party and then Manning negotiate successfully with Reformists, as unlikely as it may be. This would be the first election in 11 years with the possibility of a Conservative Prime Minister after the result - a statistic unsettling to even the most loyalist Social Democrat.

As politics in Esthursia polarises further, with the elderly split between Reform, Conservatives and EPP, and young split between Social Democrats and Republic, with Reform courting the middle-class and middle-aged like never before; this election may mark the start of true coalition governments.

The Ministers have produced similar results - with Osborne's Social Democrats gaining 292 of 800 seats, the Conservatives 189, Reformists 131, and Republic 110. This marks the first election in modern history whereby four parties have crossed the 100 mark - even despite a slight downsizing of the Ministry from 850 to 800 seats for this election, thanks to the new electoral system in part, but also to the increasingly fractured political system it emulates and causes at the same time.
Once again, the leftmost two parties hold a slight majority, and once again, a successful coalition between the Conservatives and Reformists in the absence of any co-operation between the Social Democrats and either of the Reformists or Republic would cause a Conservative-held Ministry for the first time since 2011.

The Conservatives may have been just a few points off of a political upset that could last generations, say the University of Execester, thanks to the ability for Reform, EPP and Conservatives to block particularly left-wing bills being offset by the slight majority held by Social Democrats and Republic, mixed in with the renewed loyalty of Osborne's party associates.

Osborne may have won the battle - but has he won the war?

King Arthur to host formation of Osborne's government - with Republican leader Mildred Banbury

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Osborne is said to have sent an invitation to both Reform and Republic to begin coalition negotiations on the night of the election, which Frampton has recently confirmed after saying "he wished for his party to remain the impartial adjudicator of the nation's affairs".

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Harold Osborne has secured a deal with Mildred Banbury following a set of negotiations over the course of the week, following a refusal by Frampton to engage in a "grand coalition". This coalition entails 7 out of 26 Cabinet positions, including the Deputy Prime Minister position, Housing and Transport, being appointed by Banbury, and the other 19 by Osborne, roughly similar to the proportion of Ministers and Barons from each party.

Social Democratic membership is at the highest level it has been for a decade in the midst of rising popularity amongst grassroots supporters, especially among young people, while trade union funding continues to expand both due to an increased relationship between Osborne and the Unions, and the increasing size of trade unions in Esthursia. Within his own party, Osborne also faces far fewer critics - many of the remaining moderates resigned, and many more were long-standing members in the eastern region of which the Conservatives have swung into; most of the new "Grey Belt" supporters - a term for Northern suburbs and cities as well as the south-west's and south-east's liberalising cities - are Osborne loyalists who feel they owe their success to his popularity in those areas.

Some of the keystone policies are said to include:
It is understood that Rosemary Manning has also made a statement, having said:

With the Social Democrats leaning back to their days under Martha Grantham once again, and Republic now in control of some of the highest offices within just a few years of formation, the question remains; will Mildred Banbury be able to manage a coalition with as senior of a politician as Harold Osborne, if Osborne decides to push for greater power - and will Republic be benefited by this coalition at all, or feel forced into the one institution that it once claimed it did not belong in?

The Government of Esthursia - how does it work?

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Increasingly saturated with Atlish terms, now with an Atlish-speaking Forethegn, and following heavy reforms by Largan and Osborne, is it as efficient as possible?

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The buck stops with the Forethegn. That's how it's always worked here - however, with the Redeship slowly gaining power thanks to the inner workings of coalition governments following the Forethegnship of Asmont, the Forethegn's position is one of negotiation and persuasion, rather than command and control. The Forethegn position is one that has always been called as such by law - but with the transition of Esthursia from Osynstric Mercanti to Atlish, it is now one that is used colloquially as well as officially. The loss of the term "Prime Minister" is also increasingly cemented by the naming of the "House of Ministers" in 1957, which has made the term legally unconscionable - as the Forethegn is not elected or representing the Ministers. The head of the Ministry is commonly called the High Minister, however their position is only recently significant. The Forethegn's precedent of being the "dominant party's leader" has since become consolidated in law by the Constitution. The etymology of the term quite literally means "first thegn"; thane/thegn being a blanket term for representatives afforded by the system of the 11th and 12th centuries - in modern Esthursia, "thane" refers to regional heads (such as the Thaneship of Execester) and "thegn" refers to national heads (such as the Forethegn or the House of Thegns, the internal and Atlish name for the House of Barons).

The Kingship, prior to the 1950s, was ceremonially significant. It still nominally ranks above the Forethegn and the Rederies (a term which we will come to later), however the King no longer gives "Kingly Lauding" to most Acts - and even the thought of a King overruling representatives would be an outside one, with constitutional protection afforded by the deemery (courts) - and as such his role is often nicknamed a "token kingship". Kings are usually afforded as senior advisers and impartial voices of reason and judgment on certain areas of expertise, for instance King Edward V (who reigned from age 44 in 1909 to 1947) and the environment or heritage sites, or (his grandson) King Arthur IV whose area of expertise became war and national security.

The High Deemery is Esthursia's equivalent of the Supreme and High Courts of other nations. The words for "court" and "judiciary" in Esthursian legalese have combined, to the point that deemery often means "courts", over its plural equivalent (deemeries). The High Deemery acts independently to the Esthursian executive and legislature - which, by contrast, have often moulded together. Prior to the 1950s, the Deemery was relatively minor, and had little precedent over law, leading to it serving as an ombudsman for perceived civil "rights slights". Following the 1950s, the Deemery became appointed by an independent commission, and now presides over a Constitution that the executive would find so prohibitively difficult to alter that the Deemery often serves over it. Note how Constitution in legalese was never, outside of Atlish-majority areas, called a Forfastening - many viewed this as a deliberate signal from Forethegn Newell that the notion of a Constitution was new and an outside concept rather than a continuation of precedent.

The Redeship and Rederies are Esthursia's highest offices, with the House of Thegns (or Barons internationally, for the lack of the word "thegn" in modern Mercanti) being their source of members. The Forethegn has power over who to appoint to these offices, however in the instance of a coalition, these are apportioned out so that the Afterthegn (or Deputy Prime Minister in international terminology) has power over a proportional amount of members according to the sizes of the senior and junior coalition partners. This is the case in the modern Government - with Osborne having precedent over 19 members, and Banbury over the other 6, with the Head of the Folkshelp (Civil Service, or literally "Helpers of the People") serving as an independent 26th position. Redethegn is the name for an individual position, with the Redery being the name of the department. For an example in practice, the Redethegn for Care Wilber Marworth presides over the Redery of Care, and is the sixth member of the Redery.

Rederies preside over Ministries, which are Esthursia's secondary offices, however Ministries are officially the Afterredeship; chosen by the Forethegn (possibly with the Afterthegn choosing some, as in the Osborne-Banbury government) on the advice of the High Minister (and with the Second Minister advising the Afterthegn in that case). The Afterredeship is usually considerably larger, operating with between two and ten (although usually between three and six) members, and serves under the Redeship, usually presiding over a certain area of the Redery as a separate Ministry. For an example in practice, the Minister for the Railways Amelia Grey presides over the Ministry of the Railways, who is overseen by Redethegn Graham Merrington, who presides over the entire Redery of Transport. This two-tier system of ministerial politics serves to allow ministers with more pinpointed expertise to run their own departments under the oversight of usually longer-serving and more managerial redethegns, who often have more widespread knowledge of their departments due to serving in multiple ministerial roles in their career. Present Forethegn Harold Osborne served in the Redery of Care for 8 years before his elevation to Thegnship in 2006, and served as both the Shadow Redethegn of Care and the Redethegn of Care when Largan's Social Democrats reached government, before finally becoming Forethegn upon being elected by his party as leader in January 2015.

The role of the House of Thegns is far more legislative than the House of Ministers, whose role is deliberately more to serve and enact legislation as well as to write up initial green or white papers. This allows for a greater scope of "in-action knowledge" to pass up to the more inspective, and deliberative house, most of whose thegns do not serve in the Redeships of either the Fornenters (Opposition) or the Government itself. Thegns used to be "by birthright", until the 1880s, when they became elected. The last true Prime Minister by definition was Jacob Banbury, before he migrated up to the Thanage following the 1888 election and the implementation of power transfer back up to the now-elected and "legitimately powerful" House of Thegns.

Finally, Shire Thaneships are elected (previously appointed, before the Forethegnship of Asmont once again) from their respective shires or districts. Shire Thaneships are not necessarily over a "shire" - for instance, the Thane of Execester - but usually over some form of council, district or shire in general. They have a devolved role, and Forethegns do exist in outer nations, albeit in their native languages in post-Cumbrish nations. Thaneships are becoming more important as time goes on, thanks to the efforts by elected governments on all sides of the political spectrum, bar some right-wing fringes, to extend power out, rather than bring it in.

As Atlish imposes itself on home speaking as well as media outlets, particularly to the north and west, Osynstric Mercanti is becoming a lingua franca rather than the language of choice of Esthursia. This has left international terminology, even up into the start of the 20th century taking precedent over national terminology, being superceded by Atlish "namecraft". New positions rarely are even given international or Mercanti terms, and Atlish terms forebode on Mercanti terms. It is probable that over time, only external publications will refer to Esthursian positions in their Mercanti forms, and that Atlish will begin extending its grip on home speaking to a more general extent. As Howard Turnbrook said in the 1830s, "the people follow their representatives in speech in Esthursian democracy - lingual shifts will always move down, not up; and the vocabulary of revered leaders will displace that of general use" - language moves top-down, not bottom-up. As for the intensely "inspective" state of modern Esthursian politics, seeking to perfect legislation rather than merely pass as much as possible as quickly as possible, that trend is likely to last longer than any shift in government policy to come - if the King's position expires, which thanks to the rise of republicanism is entirely likely, the resulting "Ledeward of Esthursia" would likely shift even more this way. Esthursia has always valued responsibility above quick response, however how that affects the future of emergency response and national security as well as public policy in general is unsure.

Helmsfell erupts on Ereway Islands

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The first volcanic eruption since 1978 has shook the entire nation - but what could it cause?

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Helmsfell, part of the chain of volcanic islands and submarine volcanoes that lie west of the southwestern Sutherby coast, has been seen today spewing ash and lava from its new crater, "throwing up new land onto our pleasant seas".

Helmsfell itself is underwater, by about 70 metres, and many are already speculating what the volcanic activity could lead to in the area; the volcano is further southwest than any of the existing Ereway Islands, and as such could disrupt the climatic system of the Consence Stream, the name for the warm current moving up the west of Esthursia and heating the entire nation up, particularly in winter. The eruption could disrupt it directly - bringing about a "super winter" and reducing temperatures across Esthursia by up to ten degrees Centigrade; it could offset it west - causing a lessened version of this - or east - greatly increasing its warming effect, both inland, in the channels and in the south in general; or it could merely weaken it or split it. All of these could be semipermanent, thanks to Helmsfell itself creating a barrier.

The ash cloud has also led to alarms in the nearby island of Merestry, and a third of its 110 000 residents have been evacuated. The townsfolk of Merestry have all been ordered to stay indoors, regardless of evacuation orders, and sea defences are being tested by the intense winds and waves ensuing from the ejection of material. The village of Walbridge on the south coast of Merestry has suffered some damage, however damage in total is estimated to be below 1 million arians so far. The volcano is also discolouring water around Helmsfell and throwing up basalt above the surface, as lava itself slowly forms around the volcano and it lifts up out of the sea.

As experts at large group together to project what may result, the possibility of a new volcanic island is there. The result of this could be the formation of a new national reserve, especially thanks to the possibility of a new island sinking back into the sea, furthermore helping environmental organisations and researchers learn how ecological migration occurs. This may also lead to an increase in the size of the Esthursian environmental protection zones and it's EEZ, as new land would legitimise the possibility of expanded Esthursian maritime interests.

The living fault, above the magma pocket, is showing its life again. With evacuations relatively well planned - following concerted efforts to evacuate those in dangerous areas, damage should be minimal and risk to human life low; however the risk of winds pushing ash clouds over the water surface and into the Esthursian landmass is increasing as the volcano approaches the oceanic surface. The power of research now allows volcanologists to calculate the length of this eruption, its severity, what could result and its risk to Esthursia at large.

Martha Grantham: "My greatest achievement is in Rosemary Manning."

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The 1990s left-wing Prime Minister has issued an official statement commending Harold Osborne and commenting on the political situation at hand

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Martha Grantham. A figure to some of much controversy - the right see her as a harbinger of demise, locking Esthursian conservatism out of power for a decade and allegedly setting up the economy in a way that debuckling it from the unions went from hard to impossible; the left see her as the stalwart trade unionist who fought Greenwood and who brought about a new Esthursia built on equal opportunity; however, following Greenwood's death a few months before Grantham left office, and Grantham's continued political activities, it is Grantham that has increasingly remained well known and well respected even to her adversaries, commanding a respect that few politicians can claim as theirs.

Grantham first reflected on the legacy of her long-time political rival, William Greenwood.
She next reflected on the divisions in her own party.
Thirdly and in more detail, she reflected on the result of post-Greenwood politics in the modern day.

"My time to step aside has come" - King Arthur has abdicated the throne the day after his second Diamond Jubilee

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Yesterday, the nation came together to celebrate 75 years of having a King. Tomorrow, the nation will have no King.

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King Arthur - statesman, wartime leader, and living history. The King has always been a popular figure, rarely controversial - barring an alleged comment against "that loony Arbjern" in private in the late 1950s, now confirmed to be exaggerated if true at all - and globally could contend for the longest reign by any head of state.

And yet, when the clock strikes midnight this evening, we will have no King.

Arthur spoke this morning to a crowd of hundreds of thousands who had gathered for the Post-Jubilee Speech:

Government announces 99% top income tax rate and largest redistribution project in history

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Harold Osborne has called for the "end of runaway wealth hoarding by uprooting their magic money tree" by introducing 99% income tax rates

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Appeasement of the centre by giving centre-left candidate Anthony Black the Chancellor role had the effect of blunting Osborne's economic record. However, this appears to have hidden a more actively redistributive side to the Prime Minister of seven years; and the greater support afforded by a similarly left-wing Jeremy Wilson now at the economic reins appears to have begun a term of radical change, rather than the incremental (although still significant, especially when compared with his predecessors) change having taken place in previous terms.

Rosemary Manning has dubbed it a "wrongful attack on entrepreneurship across the nation", amid opposition from right-wing flanks. With the Office for National Statistics (ONS) having stated that "no exemptions are expected to exist, and the Government is expected to go full haul in ensuring that corporations equally have a cap in which they must relinquish assets to workers in terms of shares, reinvest the money back into their business and declare transparently this, increase wages of working personnel. It is expected that corporations which pay higher median and lower-quartile wages are going to have a higher threshold", Wilson's move has equally confirmed that dividends from stocks and shares will be included. The ONS has estimated such a move may lead to 800 to 1,000 billion arians coming in this year alone, and then over 200 billion arians thereafter, with huge societal benefits depending on the efficiency and location of spending - "such a reappropriation of wealth allows for the largest cash injection into peoples' wallets and, or indeed or, the wider public sector that anyone will ever remember, and can ever remember, and will ever even dream of.". Wilson has also suggested that "paying your fair due in tax to rebalance the scales is what it takes to continue selling in our markets", and that "the notion that a wealth tax on the super-rich and a 99% income rate above a level at which wealth is even superfluous to its holder would be unfair to business is somewhere between elitist and insane."

Wilson has hinted that this could be "reduced further", amid concerns that targeting a much larger cohort of the "multi-millionaire elite", stating:
Stocks have rebounded after a 2.4% fall this morning, especially after the Prime Minister and Chancellor's commitments to research and development, and furthermore markets and internal politicians - hostile towards the redistribution on the scale of the Government's liking. Graham Ingley of the EPP has spoken on the ENBC News channel, claiming that:
Economists have predicted that a sudden shock to the economy due to the departure of some "super-rich entrepreneurs, and less likely, their companies - and with them, their jobs - is inevitable", however a long-term benefit is "as vague as it is, potentially a generation of new opportunities for growth if spent wisely".

Government begins "targeted sanctions", amid continued shift in government policy

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By aiming at the closest and richest partners of "unfriendly regimes", are Osborne and his government punching above their weight?

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The Esthursia of the 2000s is finally dying, say many. The Harding-Einarsson economy - one of deregulated growth and a slow move towards a social market system - has slowly eroded away in the 2010s. Osborne made it clear during the Largan forethegnship that he would be "more open in reforming the economy of Esthursia", and in his first term, his change continued to be subdued - however, after the 2018 election, shifts became more notable.

Now, with a Liberal Party - rather than its Reformist predecessor - more tolerant of foreign policy pressuring, and a left-wing Republic propping up the government with inherently anti-authoritarian policies and institutions; Osborne has a lot more legroom, even within his own party, of whom the "compromisers" as he called them - or the Third Way centrists who supported Willesden in the 1990s and 2000s - are sparser than ever.

The deregulation of the 2000s, coupled with the booming financial sector, made Esthursia a financial capital - Weskerby being the main location of this diverted investment - and little change came in the 2010s, even despite Osborne's opposition to the "finance economy". The major issue with this was that dirty money was seen to be safe - if even the new left-wing Social Democrats, who had all but abandoned the market flirtations of the 2000s, were going to prop this up; then this dirty money was at no risk.

And then the post-2022 government came. Harold Osborne - now feeling more confident in his position, as the longest reigning Forethegn since Martha Grantham and William Greenwood in the late 20th century - has begun to shift his party towards the left more openly, and equally both he and his Redery have become more openly critical of foreign regimes. The days of "cautious reasoning" - where only a "direct provocation" would result in condemnation - are long gone; Osborne's Redery routinely go on the PR offensive when foreign regimes, particularly within Auroria, step out of line. Esthursia has often seen itself as the "sober man in a drinking man's pub" when it comes to foreign policy, and now Osborne increasingly shows that Esthursia is not afraid to throw around its weight, especially as it exerts its growing influence in regional unions.

The announcement that Osborne was seizing all assets of "dictatorial regimes" over the value of 100,000 shillings came as something of a shock. ENBC One broadcast the following announcement:
Similarly, in the same announcement, a quote by Osborne was said - "we will hit the regime's support base, not those who suffer from its wrath" - and that "more humanitarian aid taps would be turned on, not off." A blanket of frozen and seized assets for suspected and confirmed "dictator collaborators" has left the government's coffers ever fuller and shocked the markets once again - Jeremy Wilson, the Chancellor, has quipped "we don't measure our success based on the stocks, but on the wealth of ordinary people" - up to "two billion shillings worth of seized property, and the same again of assets, not to mention the sheer wealth of seized bank accounts" has reportedly been taken by the Government. The Redery has floated the idea of using it to either fund the military, international aid or its large construction projects - the latter of which being dubbed "building a nation from the dirty money of those who want to knock us down".

As the third-term Osborne government continues to operate far more "brashly" than its first and second-term predecessors, political pundit Arnold Wesboke has pointed towards a "once-in-a-generation political shift, with Osborne the centre of gravity"; as communist support falls with socialist support rising, liberals increasingly flirting with social democratic policies and the centre-left, the Social Democrats heavily shedding off their moderate members and tendencies, the Liberals replacing the Reformists as openly left-of-centre, and the Conservatives rebranding itself as right-of-centre and ejecting its struggling right-wing flank - to the point that "voters have sleepwalked, from the Einarsson era of just a decade ago, into one where such a politician would be - and is - seen as extreme right-wing and unelectable". Osborne himself has equally "begun throwing his influence around far more than in the 2010s, now that the natural road-block that was the moderate Willesden-era flank of his party all but decimated and his personal popularity stable and positive". Wesboke told the Herald:

Harold Osborne announces housing fund; direct transport, education and health investments; and International Economic Development Fund (IEDF)

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A word loosely translated as democracy from Atlish, folkswald refers to free, democratic, or liberal constitutional monarchist nations - literally, "the power of the people". Is Osborne posturing; or does this Budget mark the start of a transition?

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In total, ſ53,000,000,000 - that's well over 80 billion IBU - has been seized in wealth, including non-property assets; as well as ſ2,000,000,000 in properties. This sum is not to be taken lightly; this was as a result of the building up of a reputation of Esthursia's finance economy as untouchable, and left to its own devices. Deregulation was the buzz word in the 2000s - and although it came back to haunt Esthursia in the 2010 crash, its finance economy came out of the flames unscathed, despite being the arsonist.

Harold Osborne, unveiling his Budget of Folkswald, spoke of this:
As explained in his speech, Osborne is dedicating this 53 billion half to the new IEDF - a fund aimed specifically at increasing the competitivity and growth of friendly, democratic nations, particularly those disadvantaged - and splitting the rest between parts of the public sector. Freezing fares for 4 years, cheaper social housing, more new towns, money to help build a new fleet of trains and buses, lower class sizes, increased teacher training bursaries, greater Esthursian public participation in global healthcare markets, and higher pay for UHCS staff - of whom there are nearly 7.2 million, as the largest employer in Esthursia - may catch headlines, but the Forethegn is keen to portray this as making wrong money go to the right places, rather than sticking it to dictatorships. Although Esthursia cannot be expected to claim sole responsibility for the dealings of corrupt figures in its economy, as Osborne stated, ignorance is both blissful and complicit - this money only became available to seize in Esthursia because former governments left it there in the first place.

With Osborne leaving aside this money - rather than lumping it into the yearly Budget announced by the Chancellor, presently Jeremy Wilson - to produce a separate budget, this equally raises the possibility that the Windfall Levy may end up being apportioned separately, even if in the same Budget announcement.

Not only does this raise the question of how Esthursia will continue expanding its soft power influence - now with an investment fund full to the brim of dirty money - but how it seeks to capitalise on public opinion over expanding the public sector, helping its workforce and reducing its costs by - in the words of former Forethegn Tharbjorn Einarsson - throwing it at the triple on the dartboard; lower costs, higher wages, higher spending.

Local Elections 2022; the Blue Wall finally tears asunder

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Middle Osynstry has largely rejected the Conservatives, while the right has fallen to a dismal third in Asthonhelm, with just a handful of gains in the east.

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From the left to the right - the changes are clear, particularly the further north you go. Although the Social Democrat vote share didn't actually rise much, the swing of 4 points from Conservative to Liberal has had profound effects on the council map of Esthursia.

Let's start with the Township of Hanbury, up in the north-east. Lying in the river valley immediately north-west of Brantley, it had long been a spa town and Conservative-Social Democrat swing town surrounded by Conservative rural areas that kept the township Conservative. However, with Liberals and Social Democrats both eroding away at rural and urban areas respectively, Hanbury flipped Red for the first time since 1990.

This picture is very similar across the North of Osynstry, even in councils that were red last time round - East Hereshire flipped red, Dunshire, even the middle-class city of Charenbost went from Liberal to Social Democrat. This will be a result that Osborne, particularly in the north, won't forget. As a Northerner himself, Forethegn Osborne has visited Brantley - a city that endorsed Social Democrat candidates and councils more than it had in any point in modern history.

Go into Asthonhelm, and the Conservatives were all but wiped out. Their vote share nearly halved, and they control just three councils, only one of which has a majority. Social Democrats jumped on professional urban councils, and the Liberals seized on their union with the Localists to jump on the rural councils; leaving the Conservatives stranded in third. In both the North of Osynstry and in Asthonhelm, the Conservatives have been knocked from second for the first time since 2012; but this time, it wasn't even close. Southern Asthonhelm, also known as the Dales, often behaves very similarly to Northern Osynstry - and this being no exception, both experienced the largest Social Democratic gains and Tynwald became a new safe brick in the Red Wall.

Harold Osborne chose to speak in Tynwald this morning, after hearing of the 22 councillors gained by Social Democrats - giving them 77 out of 100 - telling the crowds who came out:

Move further south into the centre and west, and an equally clear picture; urban areas swinging red, rural areas swinging orange. Liberals picked up Wencastershire, Sombershire, Leighshire, and made advances more or less everywhere in Middle Osynstry. Middle Osynstry actually voted Liberal first above either party - with the Conservatives once again relegated to third. Rosemary Manning's home county of Davenshire didn't flip orange, but the swing away from her will not make her comfortable; Liberals are unsurprisingly running with a campaign to "bring the victory to her home" next local elections.

The Cumbric nations, however, did not have the same endorsement of liberalism. The Conservatives remained in second, and the Liberals actually lost out both to the Conservatives and to the Social Democrats here, losing Eastfront to Manning's party and losing Pentreth Valley and Helstonshire to the Social Democrats. Similarly, the east of the nation defied national trends - apart from the capital, which more or less wiped out its Conservatives (with a similar story in the Brantley metropolitan area), the Social Democrats actually suffered a bruising in Mellington - a historic Social Democrat stronghold - and Almington - a historic swing council. Although Greystones swung red, Esthampton built up its red majority further and Oaksbeck remained loyal to Osborne's party; Conservatives have a lot to boast about in building a "new blue wall" in the south-east; even taking down the historic Liberal stronghold of Oaksbeckshire and setting up their own majority.

Rosemary Manning, touring Mellington after the victory there, spoke of her party's chances in the near future:
Some Conservatives in Middle Osynstry actually defected to the Liberals or the EPP - the latter of whom didn't gain a single council, unlike Republic's landmark win in Arnborg, Osthurshelm - and expressed dismay over Manning's failure to hold onto the "backbone of Esthursia". One who defected, who wished to remain anonymous, remarked to us:
Our electoral expert, Edgard Alburgh, spoke of the issues and results, amid contrasting views on the results.

This week in politics; Liberals elect new centre-left leader, Cumbric National Union forms, and Folksgeld trial in Brantley

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Many Localists, dismayed with the lack of recognition in the Liberal Party, have split back off into the Cumbric National Union.

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- Wilfred Everett, official Speaking portrait, April 2022

Perhaps experience has a new foe - youth. In Mildred Banbury, youth became quite literally a major player in governance - Republic, a virtually new party from the dying days of the 2010s, essentially blunted any prospect of Social Democratic gains (although its ability to hold votes is going to be tested in future elections, obviously). And now the merger of liberal parties, including some Willesden-era Social Democrats, a few moderate Conservatives - although Manning's Civic Conservatism actually upsets far more average Conservatives than moderates - and the bulk of the Reformists, looks set to follow the same youth over experience ticket. Both their new leader - Wilfred Everett - and their deputy leader - Freya Helston - are under thirty-five, both were elected for the first time to the House of Thegns in April, and both lean to the "Hancroft Group" factions of the Liberals - predominantly social liberals and the centre-left.

This new youth leadership seeks to aim straight into the heart of both the Social Democrats' manoeuvres to court students and the young - with new housing, university tuition fee removal and student grants - as well as Conservative Union moves in the same direction - this time scrapping their socially conservative agenda and avowedly committing to liberal conservatism - head-on by electing a leader half the age of either Harold Osborne or Rosemary Manning; the last one in particular exuding the aura of experience being king.

Everett and Helston, on a joint ticket, easily saw off competition from both centrists and Third Way politicians - instead, the Hancroft Group sees itself as the "inheritants of Newellism"; socially progressive, economically left-of-centre and particularly "globalist outlooking" ideologies, as well as extensive political reform of the likes that even Osborne may see as overly prudish. Even Everett's speech to the Hancroft Conference pointed towards this new Liberal regeneration -
Cumbric National Union sets up under old Localist leader

Morwen's back; and now, the formerly pan-Esthursian party now operates in purely Cumbria.

An irony of the union of liberalism is that the fairly social liberal - Morwen being similarly from a Hancroft Group-sympathetic faction - localists feel left out by the unionist agenda proposed by the Hancroft Group, who advocate for responsible government to start from the top and slowly make its way down. The Cumbric National Union feel that the region of Cumbria - only represented by a ceremonial and administrative riding, with no powers or elected representatives purely representing Cumbria rather than one of its regions - is underrepresented and left out; partly exacerbated particularly in Merthing by the shift towards the Atlish language being spoken in the island.

Whether the Cumbric National Union can show up may count on how many votes it can command in Round 1 of the high ministerial election in less than two weeks - however the better it does, the more likely the Liberals are to being relegated back into third place resoundingly, by a sorry irony of their own disunity. The Cumbric National Union is also breaking off a considerable amount of Liberals in the Cumbric regions; Liberal control has been lost in 2 Helvellian councils, to mention the least, and Conservative leader Rosemary Manning even remarked "the worst enemy of the liberals are the liberals, at this point".

Folksgeld (Universal Income) trialled in Brantley

The Speaking of Brantley has announced a trial to begin implementing a Folksgeld, amid approval from the central government that it will be the first location to trial this. Other candidate cities include Execester, Leigh Framping, Esthampton and Hancroft. Heavily defended by Social Democrats, the Conservatives have called it "heavily wasteful, discriminatory", and the Liberals stating "although sound in principle, it is taking a battleaxe to open a wrapper to form an arbitrary deserved income which will not only increase costs for taxpayers but create many situations where ordinary people lose out".

Redethegn for Welfare, Oscar Connery, has stated:
As the cost of living in Esthursia is predicted to be between 1,500 and 1,800 shillings per person - with the average household of four having a burden of cost of 3,000 to 3,500 shillings - per month when including housing costs, the Folksgeld is estimated to be set at 1,815 shillings for a single household ("unit household"), with an addition of 1,150 shillings a month for each person additional beyond that in the household when implemented in July.

Unanimous verdict to yeme Tardinean wershold

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The Speaking's decision has followed a sightcraft interview of the sole survivor of a Tardinean terror strike

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The Speaking has voted all-thwaring to approve a Government motion finding that the Tardinish wershold - the military regime who now hold a significant minority of Tardine - are the "trueholders of Tardine" and thus grant yemeness to them, following a sightcraft talk between the sole onliving victim of the terror strike of Mardokash's Menning Centre and one of Tardine's most well-known broadcasters, Tardineanni Roial. Particularly, Sakiru claimed that the acknown leader of Tardine, Werdoi Danfeh, was at the heart of the terror strike and possibly even the ringleader.

Forethegn Osborne spoke outside of the Houses of Berworth.
This also marks an ongoing major turning point in Atlish policy, but with it a much greater shift away from metlish "sake-of-fact" oversight and towards a more drastic Osbornian diplomatic policy of public, vocal denouncement. Yemeship, often referred to in Outward Mercantish as "de jure" recognition, is the Government's way of - following the 1957 signing of the Constitution - stating in no express terms that it "wishes not to deal with, maintain relations with or validate the reign of" a certain regime if removed from an existing head of state or government.

As hard-left Almrdal becomes Union of Unions leader - how did we reach this stage?

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Helga Almrdal, a University of Tynwald professor and union executive in southern Asthonhelm, has finished ahead of Oscar Hepburn, the soft-left candidate.

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Jeremy Marlington was the Union of Unions' "mid-left middle-of-the-road centre of influence", having won four leadership elections and led the unions through the 2010 general strike capably.

Having reached his 70s, he took the decision to step back for this leadership election; leaving the choice on the 16th of May between Helga Almrdal and Oscar Hepburn - the former a more "politically active, new generation advocate" and the latter a "continuity candidate", if slightly more moderate. Hepburn's more moderate image - compared to Marlington's self-professed distinction from the soft-left and cordial relationship with Osborne's faction of the Social Democrats - may be the reason Almrdal commanded a successful majority of those who voted, and drove turnout up, particularly amongst younger groups.

Almrdal received 38% of first preference and 64% of second preference votes, easily seeing off her challenge from the soft-left - Hepburn conceded on the night of the 17th, and today Almrdal has been confirmed as the winner of the contest. A lifelong member of the Socialist Front, having joined in her university years in the aftermath of the 2010 general strike; Almrdal campaigned for a pulling of trade union influence back away from moderate factions of the Social Democrats and advocated for increased ties between the Socialist Front, and mid-left to hard-left candidates - including the Forethegn to an extent. Hepburn, by contrast, had joined the Social Democrats during the 1980s in his late 20s, and was behind the centrist Willesden unsuccessful election campaigns in 2002 and 2006; since then, he left the Third Way faction and joined the 2007 Committee, a group of soft-left, "moderate but not centrist" Social Democrats; whose ringleader was and continues to be John Largan.

As influence from the 2007 Group shifted towards Osborne and the Holmfirth Group of mid-left to hard-left Social Democrats - whose prominent figures are currently the Forethegn and Chancellor Jeremy Wilson - the hard-left factions in the unions, who felt that their allegiance to centrist factions of the Social Democrats undermined both their own interests in the 2000s and hurt the cause of socialism in Esthursia during that era, began vying for power once again. Marlington was their first verdict in 2009 - and his snap election in the general strike confirmed his position of power, as the "bridge between the left and the lefter". Many union executives also saw their positions challenged and often won by hard-left challengers - the most notable being the 2017 dislodging of the National Union of Havenworkers (a union of portworkers and shipbuilders) General Secretary Joseph Bury in favour of hard-left Mark Senton - shifting the Workers' High Group (WHG) to the left with it, as more seats were determined by left-wing factions.

The new generation has also begun to influence trade unionism. Whereas the actual percentage of Social Democrat members in the Union of Unions has actually increased slightly - from 74% to 76% - the percentage of Third Way and 2007 Committee members has collapsed, particularly the former. With the vast majority of young entrants into the unions leaning to the mid-left to hard-left, Almrdal spent her campaign courting the "new votes"; votes that simply did not exist for the hard-left back in the days of Marlington's confirmation in 2010. Had they existed, it would be probable that they would have stood a separate more hard-left candidate such as Almrdal rather than voting Marlington over his moderate competitor.

Osborne himself, however - partly out of fear of losing moderate voters, and partly out of a desire to centralise the left-wing vote under his party - has taken little notice of the rise of left-wing external influences such as Almrdal. Political analyst Edgard Alburgh spoke to us about the potential rise of the hard-left:

Esthursia to scrap daylight saving time and end "west-east time divide"

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In a rare occasion, every party leader - and the vast majority of representatives - in both Houses have agreed.

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Esthursia has had time zones since the 1800s, although back then, they were based in regions and often centred around urban areas; the city of Execester was 10 minutes behind that of Somberbridge (which the 97.5 degree line, known in Esthursia as the Somberbridge Line for this reason, passes through), and an additional 20 minutes behind that of Weskerby. The Ereway Islands were 90 minutes behind the city of Thornton; these divides not only exacerbated existing regional divides, but created a maze of confusion for locals who often found the time changed by 10 or 20 minutes during their commutes.

In 1844, during the height of the Thoroughfaretide - often known as the Transport Boom in Outward Mercantish; astronomers, industrialists and government representatives came together to attempt to solve and standardise the chaos created by the differing time zones. As in the preceding decade, the Uranometria - or the Fallmetring in Middle Atlish - midline was being used, and had actually been used to calculate time zones regionally in Esthursia from the 1830s. Following the Meeting of Osnough, the nation's time zones were split along the line "ninety-seven-half flacks east of the Fallmetringline" - or 97.5 degrees east of the Uranometria line - with all lands of the Kinghelm (Crown) to the west of the line now being six hours ahead of the standard time at this midline, and to the east seven hours ahead. Although this created initial issues - and a Shires Act dictated that the entire shire would follow the time zone of the shiretown, particularly relevant for Sombershire which mostly laid west of its state capital but would now observe eastern time. These zones became known as Western Atlish Standard Time - WAST - and Eastern Atlish Standard Time - EAST.

Daylight Savings Time - or simply "Summertime" - became instituted for in 1904, primarily for industrial production and working hours, however interests turned away from it. Having virtually four time zones in a not particularly large nation - particularly in the past, when Esthursia's population was smaller and in particular the south-east having a greater sway - was "never sustainable", according to Jeremy Wilson, the Chancellor of the Landsfere. Esthursia's four time zones - WAWT, WAST, EAWT, EAST - are reverting to just AST (Atlish Standard Time), according to the new Summertime Act. This means that, effective on May 31, all lands under the Kinghelm are to move to AAT+7 (Aerash Alworldly Time - named such so that the timezone appears naturally at the top of all alphabetic lists) permanently - meaning that the eastern swathes of the country are set to move backward one hour (from their present AAT+8 position), and western regions to stay as they were.

This also means that the usual Autumnal Solstice Sunday change - 25 September, 4 days after the solstice - is no longer going to be held, leaving the entirety of Esthursia permanently in the time zone that only half the country observed only half the time at present.

Jeremy Wilson "personally took responsibility for this move", stating:

Protests in south-east as High Minister Wescaster sworn in

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Popularity for King Arthur has not materialised into popular opposition to the end of monarchism - but it has inflamed traditionalists.

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If you had told the Atlish people, 10 years ago, that in 2022 they would have an elected head of state even while King Arthur was still alive, they'd almost certainly have laughed at you slightly and dismissed you as loony or biasedly hopeful; but here we are, in just that situation.

Last week's election was highly uneventful - the media jumped into a paddling pool, as such, leaving a headache for anyone trying to write for it - Wescaster scooped up 44% of the first-preference votes, with the addition of many right-wing voters abstaining from the vote (despite high overall turnout, thanks to the youth vote rising). In the end, Conservatives were close to being left in third behind the Liberals, the Green-Left coalition set up by Almrdal and (present Afterthegn) Banbury between socialist pro-republic parties got over the 5% mark, and Wescaster easily won with over 60% of the second-preference vote. The EPP suffered harshly from the rejection by many voters of the electoral process - with 11% of those polled by ThisCountry viewing the High Ministerial elections as "mostly or wholly" unliked, and over 90% of those saying they won't be voting because of this specifically as at least one of the major reasons. However, with 77% stating of the election of a High Minister as "mostly or wholly" approved, buoyed by the universally popular Arthur's part in the transition, the share of the public against this position is fairly low.

(Note: The Atlish word for "republic" is "ledewald"; literally meaning "power by the people".)


As the above shows; popular support for King Arthur - of whom just under three-quarters, including a majority of voters from four of five (notwithstanding Green-Left) major political parties - has not only failed to translate into overwhelming monarchism, but actually exists alongside a 55-31 split in favour of a ledewald (republic) - although it must be noted that most neutral votes will lean slightly towards monarchism in this regard, creating approximately a 3-2 split between pro and anti-transition voters. However, as can be seen, most voters - particularly on the side of monarchism, to the dismay of more "monarch-core" groups - are not registering their presence on either side - just over 4 in 10, or 44%, identified as either mildly disapproving or approving, or indifferent/unsure, of the monarchy. Just 5% of those polled stated they were strong, or staunch, monarchists.

King Arthur, once the monarchists' strongest weapons, has all but been lost as a co-operative force for the monarchist right - with the vast majority of staunch monarchists being part of, or affiliated with, the right-wing Esthur Peoples' Party - as he not only participates in the transitive efforts, but is the key instigator. It is now confirmed that Arthur actually contacted Osborne over this - and the entire situation has left even more of a hole to fill for monarchists to justify their opposition to the transition to moderates, who are increasingly leaning away from the traditional monarchy.

Protest marches in Esthursia have been prepared for many weeks for this date; for this is the date that Edward Wescaster is sworn in and that the head of state is officially elected and the High Minister. The King remains King, but no longer is he the head of state of Esthursia, and upon his death, the monarchy is increasingly likely to disappear entirely. The Forever King, the Peoples' Monarch, is also looking to be the Last King; and as the hard-right sees it, the "complicity of the monarchy in its self-destruction" is a core reason for protests to be held. However, they haven't gone as planned; most protests in core locations, including the "Second City" of Brantley, all cities outside Osynstry, much of the south-west, west, centre and north, and even an under-performing attendance in the capital, has left the protest movements "self-eviscerated".

Our constitutional editor, Will Mayston, told us:
Wescaster himself, a quietly socialist pacifist, may create some friction with the Forethegn, Harold Osborne, who's spent the last several years building up the military, carving alliances and expanding the nuclear programme. However, with most of the public behind his position, and with the pro-monarchy movement fairly subdued and disorderly, he appears to have passed the worst.

Forethegn's Askings; Osborne confirms nuclear defence and rearmament scheme, amid moderate discontent

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A centrist Social Democratic backbencher, Isaac Derring, pushed for Osborne to back down from "an endorsement of extra-party politics"

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Forethegn's Askings have a procedure of asking a variety of different ministers a set of prepared questions, which the Forethegn had not seen prior. These take place every week on Mondays.

Government backbencher 1, Isaac Derring (SDM): Thank you, Speaker. I take this time to request from the Forethegn a simple demand - will he please confirm that the shift to the left is complete, and that we cannot expect an endorsement of extra-party politics from our coalition partners, but a sensible, centre-left approach?
Forethegn Osborne: The common goal of our Government is to provide equality of opportunity. Although I am sure that my Friend behind me may have his personal grievances with those ideologically different from himself and myself, as is reasonable, being in Government - I must assure him that this common goal and many others, from providing redistribution to beginning the return of globalism, is on our minds collectively. We've achieved so much already - the wealthy have never been held more responsible and participated more in our society actively, and we've never had such progressive taxation. That's an achievement like no other, and only came about because we were able to work together, which we will continue to do.
Opposition backbencher 1, James West (CON): Speaker, I start this question with a statement. This Government has failed to take into account the outdated nature of our nuclear defences. Will this Government begin consultations on providing a new set of nuclear defences to protect us from growing threats nationwide, Speaker?
Forethegn Osborne: Speaker, I'm afraid we're ahead of the curve on that one, which I'm entirely sure that my Friend opposite is pleased about and grateful for. We've commissioned a new eleven billion investment into our nuclear programme, renewing our nuclear deterrent for a new age, and beginning the extension of our nuclear defence programme to safeguard this nation and her people. We are not a people for hiding, as many often consider, we are a people for fighting - and if threatened, we will not hide in the bunkers, but resist.
Government backbencher 2, Rebecca Langley (SDM): Good evening, Speaker. My constituents in Oaksbeck have benefitted massively from the new scheme investing directly in their community thanks to the actions of a very capable local Council, and this pilot scheme of direct investment into peoples' pockets has been a tremendous success. People are 1,100 shillings better off than they were last year, near to double the direct payment, and transport costs have fallen dramatically thanks to this Government's investment in that regard. Will the new transport schemes involve Oaksbeck directly in our high speed rail programmes, cutting travel times between Oaksbeck, the capital and the north-to-west?
Forethegn Osborne: I can assure the Member for Oaksbeck West that we will be connecting Oaksbeck up to our Hereshire-Weskerby high speed rail link, Speaker.
Leader of the Opposition 1, Rosemary Manning (CON): Thank you, Speaker. I firstly congratulate the Forethegn on his screeching U-turn towards rearming our nuclear defences, and look forward to bringing about some more Conservative change through the vehicle of his thoughtless government, out of ideas, out of road. Will the Forethegn, Speaker, confirm that the high speed rail programme isn't even coming for 5 years?
Forethegn Osborne: Speaker, it takes time to construct a high speed rail programme of this scale, and even then - as my Governments have begun this back in 2016 - some areas, such as the Davenbrook to Devesgar line, have already been completed. The line that I presume my Friend opposite has referred to is the Weskerby to Esthampton line, which is groundbreaking as it provides a link across the south-east, thousands of high-paying jobs, and a reduced fare for the entire region as a result, in just a few years' time.
Leader of the Opposition 2: I must secondly state my thoughts for Prydania - in this solemn but uplifting time, we can stand with them as they pass the five-year mark and congratulate them on their vigilance and their success in not only overthrowing the brutal Syndicalist regime, but also staving it off for so long. Speaker, will the Forethegn join with me, putting politics aside, to congratulate the Prydanian people on their success?
Forethegn Osborne: Thank you, Speaker, and I'm more than happy to join my Friend opposite in lauding and honouring the Prydanian people as they reach a pivotal point, the five year point. Freedom, security, dignity and liberty - whether that be freedom from poverty, or freedom of expression - is vital, and has been part of our Overlaw since the days of our ancestors' ancestors in the 16th century. The more these values are adopted elsewhere, te more our Overlaw is co-ordinating with global regimes, the stronger I feel about the worldsfolk - who are all one folk, not a separated, segregated grouping as tyrants want to believe - and their power to live their lives independently, freely and in prosperity.
Leader of the Opposition 3: These Conservatives opposite the Forethegn today, Speaker, have a plan to boost private enterprise, which has been sunken by a decade of underinvestment and sidelining by an increasingly collectivist government itself blinded by red. We have proposed that we set aside half of the income taken from the very highest to give to small businesses and to boost the High Street. Will the Forethegn please finally see the flare, and save the sinking ship of the private sector?
Forethegn Osborne: Our plan is to fund productivity and working people, not profits and shareholders. We are funding the public sector, they'd rather see us sell it off and use the proceeds for their so-called "boost of the High Street". We stand by that, unlike those opposite, who would rather stuff the pockets of their friends in any way possible. Redistribution is hollow if funnelled away from the Esthurs, and we will not be engaging in any hollow redistribution - we are bringing true change, not gutted-out so-called plans, like my Friend opposite has thrown onto the table.
Leader of the Opposition 4: And there we have it, Speaker. Refusing outright, point blank, to fund business - the private sector is reeling from the effects of over a decade of this naysaying of any potential of funding the private sector over the public sector. Wages in the private sector have stagnated compared with that in the public sector. The private housing market is falling apart. The Forethegn now seems keen on scuppering any private transport companies, ending the PFIs in various different rail and bus sectors for good in one long sweep. Can the Forethegn please tell me why on earth he thinks the red charade is going to work in a nation that can see through his so-called growth?
Forethegn Osborne: I don't know what my Friend opposite is trying to say, Speaker, for our economy is booming. Growth is at its highest level for nearly a decade, wages haven't stopped rising and average incomes have risen more this year than they have any year since 2012, and before that since 1994. The last time the Conservatives opposite were in government, the stocks crashed, the economy fell into its first recession since 1983, and they handed businesses labour rights. The minimum wage was reduced, holiday days were reduced, living standards fell by the sharpest amount since the 1920s. In what world, Speaker, does my Friend opposite think she can pretend that conservatism is good for the economy?

Government pulls "full legalisation of drug consumption" policy after Green-Left fail to block nuclear renewal

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Osborne leans on opposing parties to push nuclear deterrent through to evade potentially embarrassing defeat

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Harold Osborne is rarely a man who is referred to as "not radical enough", or even as "centre-left" - many of his policies have ruffled the feathers of his party's traditional soft left core and some have stood down and jumped ship to the Liberals over time - but with the Green-Left coalition, mostly headed by Republic, he has found himself a moderate in a Redery full of radicals in many senses.

Yet, last night, when the Green-Left under Hannah Banbury announced they were denying the Coalition whip following a "falling through of negotiations" between the Forethegn and Social Democrats - who want to see a larger, updated and more capable nuclear deterrent and defensive system - and Green-Left - who want to see a complete abolition of the nuclear deterrent worldwide, starting in Esthursia - the Government was swift to drop a policy that Osborne had long been skeptical on; blanket legalisation. In a move that political pundits have been dubbing "crossing the picket line" from the left, and "dropping the rhetoric" from the centre and right - Osborne's move has, although alienating those on the hard-left in his party and in Green-Left somewhat, actually solidified his position amongst the soft-left core, who remain somewhat influential. Private member polling suggests that there was a significant degree of hesitancy from within the party over this blanket legalisation, even amongst groups traditionally sympathetic to Green-Left and socialist groups. The Chancellor and President are both reportedly privately in favour of the decision, although no fanfare has been made.

Harold Osborne has had the last laugh, however. Although cannabis still is set to be legalised, there hasn't been a single other drug named that will be legalised, and it's likely that vaping may be the next restricted field considering Osborne's previous statements on the matter. "Safe consumption centres are still on board", some Redethegns have been stating after pressing by journalists, "but we no longer believe it is in the interest of the Atlish people to take such a brash move."

The decision to quietly but swiftly throw out such a policy is the first sign of Osborne's third term having the same attitude to coalition politics as in previous terms with different parties. Our political editor, Edgard Alburgh, had this to say on the issue:

A decade of rearmament is finally coming together for Harold Osborne's new Esthursia

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Osborne initiated the Army 2025 plans back in 2015; does its nearing completion herald the death of Esthursian pacifism?

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The first three Foresight-class submarines - UEC Heleth, Middleord, and Evenmood - constructed from 2015, have now been commissioned. Nine more are set to be launched before January 1, 2024 - increasing the number of nuclear submarines in use to 31. The number of nuclear warheads stands at 522 - the cap has been increased to 610 under the Osborne ministry, citing "increased volatility in the local region and an equivalent increase in necessity for Esthursian soft power in regional peacekeeping" - up from 390 at the start of the plan. The 2017 creation of the Fyrflegan Ewthbord - the "Guarding from Fireflyers Agency" literally, or "Missile Defence Agency" in Outwardly Mercanti - has also significantly boosted missile defence funding, by 35% between 2015 and 2022.

Military spending in general has risen significantly in the past few years particularly, up at 2.31% of GDP this year from below 2% at the start of his tenure - a quarter of this increase happened in the last year alone; and although not much focus has been made on expanding armed force numbers, which have risen 5.5% since 2015, existing training programmes aimed at "mid-level serving troops" and "greater reserve integration" have been more extensive.

The Atlish Fleet and Atlish Airmight (formerly Royal Fleet and Royal Airmight) have both received the bulk of investment - the Atlish Fleet now has 195 vessels, and 290 aircraft, a change from 141 and 205 when Osborne came into office, and has seen as its troop numbers swell from 55,400 to 71,300 in the same period. The Atlish Airmight now has 68,400 active personnel, 2,055 aircraft in operation - up from 49,200 and around 1,600. Partially under the banner of "highmere safeguarding", or "oceanic patrol" - as Esthursia clamps down on foreign and illegal fishing in even its furthest and most distant waters at times, following the introduction of the Anti-Whaling Act 2013 under John Largan - Esthursian ships and aircraft are a common presence over its oceans, and foreign fishing and whaling ships are routinely guided out. Most recently, fishing around the Ereway Islands earnt two stateless "fishlooters", as many locals have called pirates who use deep sea nets to "scrape" the ocean floor, a hasty landing, arrest and seizure of assets.

The odd paradox of a seemingly globalist government also increasing its military capabilities drastically has earnt Osborne the nickname of the "flaming dove" - an illusion of peace is hard to create when Esthursia's military is reaching new levels of influence and precedence. A buoyant and relatively stable economy (barring a blip in 2017-2018, which pushed some deadlines back closer to 2024), a more global outlook and Osborne's increasing awareness of Aurorian tensions as well as Esthursia's growing place on the world stage has left the Government feeling it has no choice but to drastically increase military spending. Our political editor, Edgard Alburgh, stated this on the situation:

Esthursian economy "powered by growth of new lower-middle-class"

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Living standards continue to rise amongst lowest deciles quickest, with the average household seeing a rise of 7%

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The Institute for Economics (IfE) has stated that while incomes are growing the fastest since 1995, the growth of the lowest decile is to be the highest since 1928, and the highest decile - thanks to the bulk of 1st decile households' wealth being amongst the highest 1-2% - is set to fall to levels lower than during the 2010 crash. Higher spending amongst lower income groups, a property "construction and sale" boom and the "explosion of public investment" has been attributed to the record growth; with the economy itself predicted to grow "somewhere around 5%" for the year 2022-3, and thereafter around 3 to 4% for 3 years. This growth is heavily uneven - young, mid-ranking graduates are the greatest beneficiaries, as well as those within the public sector, whereas private sector growth is expected to be far greater next financial year when higher low-incomes feed into higher consumption.

Inflation is expected to peak next year at 3.3%, up from 2.9% this year, before tapering off to the 2.5% mark by 2025, with greater public consumption and tax thresholds being raised for low-to-low-middle income households feeding into price rises. Property prices remain fairly stagnant, rising by 0.2% this year, thanks to a rising supply of social housing - with mid-to-high price housing rising by 2.8%, and low-price housing falling by 1.1%.

Institute for Economics spokesman Ieuan yr Levelyn told a conference in Brantley:

The Chancellor, Jeremy Wilson, has responded to the findings:

Nobody born during or after 2001 will ever legally smoke or vape amid call on other nations to ban smoking for youth

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Crackdown on tobacco and vaping sales harshens under third term Osborne government

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Harold Osborne chose his moment - when he came to power in 2015, the legal age for smoking was 18. This remained until 2016, when it began rising by one day for every two days that passed - meaning that the limit rose to 18 years, 6 months by 2017, and by the start of this year, had reached 21 years of age - meaning that those born in 2001 were now approaching the correct age for legal consumption 3 years late.

This accelerated into 2022. Osborne announced a one-year moratorium on "the 2001 generation entering the tobacco market" - meaning that the limit would rise with real time and that only those born in 2000 or before would be permitted to purchase tobacco or vaping products. By New Year's, the limit was expected to stagnate at 22, or be reduced to 21, allowing those born up to and including the end of 2001 to purchase tobacco products in the latter case.

However, despite fierce lobbying by tobacco companies, the nation has voted overwhelmingly in favour of an amendment to the Overlaw stating that sales of tobacco, tobacco-related products and vaping products for those "born on, or after, January 1, 2001 will be, in all cases unlawful". This means that the legal age - currently set at 21 years, 163 days - will rise alongside time indefinitely, to the point that "the youngest generation will likely see the complete prohibition of tobacco".

Alongside this, the Government has announced that the rehabilitation and safe consumption centres will include alcohol for the former, and tobacco or vaping for both. Penalties for selling "cut" or "mixed" tobacco products and vaping products to these younger generations are to be "far greater and heavier" than those for conventional ones, as an attempt to continue regulating the safety of tobacco products even into their prohibition; consumption and possession of consumption quantities are also proposed to be effectively decriminalised in these age groups, with the exception of at borders.

Wilber Marworth, the Redethegn for Care, spoke to journalists outside the Houses of Berworth:
A total of 14% of Esthursians have stated that they smoke regularly, with daily use just below 11%, down from 21% and 16% respectively in 2012.

Cross-party consensus backs Chancellor's calls for Esthursia to "choose a different path" as party positions continue to drift

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The "suppression of devolution" in Aubervijr and "of expression" in Prydania are not thought out for the long-term, says Chancellor Jeremy Wilson

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Not particularly often do Esthursian governments make their statements, let alone publicly and clearly, on foreign policy; but following a week of "alarming headlines from our partners both in and out of Auroria", the Chancellor took the first part of Ministers' Askings to comment on the situation in Aubervijr and Prydania.

Graham Ingley has also implicated himself in the debate over Prydania's 2017 legislation, calling it a "wonderful piece of legislation of which we should definitely have had here before it was too late", whilst the Conservatives and Liberals "broadly agreed with the sentiment of the Government on this matter", as the questioning moved onto military budgets and education benefits; with Rosemary Manning, a former human rights lawyer by career, hinting that "Ingley's law would find itself stricken from the record as unlawful in Esthursia". The Conservatives have continued to steadily drift towards moderate republicanism, although some within their ranks remain vocally opposed to the new order.

Edgard Alburgh, our chief political editor, had this to say on the matter, and on Esthursian politics in general: