Aubervijan News

OOC: Where local and national news stories from Aubervijr and Faursia will be posted

Saint Constantijn Broadcasting Association
Sint Constantijn Omroepvereniging
Monday, 4th of July, 2022
8:00 AM

Ex-Chancellor Christian Floran Stan van Bunschoten dies, aged 97

Former conservative Chancellor Christian Floran Stan van Bunschoten has died 'peacefully' after suffering from a stroke at his residence in central Saint-Constantin.

Current Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen described him as a "a man who defined Aubervijr for decades, and will continue to do so for many decades to come", and offered his condolences to his family.

Van Bunschoten served as Chancellor from 1978 until 1990, and is one of the most influential Chancellors ever, loved by the people for his values and the way he stood up for the working class.

He refused the offer of a state funeral in his will, instead asking to be buried with his wife in a quiet ceremony. The ceremony, however, will be conducted with full military honours in nine days, in Saint Paul's Church, within his birth-town of Marum.

The Aubervijan flag was lowered to half-mast over the Chancellor's Residence, as well as over the President's Residence and the Houses of Parliament. Parliament has been recalled by the President in order to pay tribute, and will meet at noon today.

Christian van Bunschoten was born Samuel Christian Floran Stan van Bunschoten II on the 13th of May, 1925 to a wealthy, yet ill father Samuel I and his mother, Elise. Samuel Sr suddenly had taken ill with meningitis two days before Van Bunschoten birth and he died hours after he was born. Elise named Christian after Samuel, as per his wishes but couldn't bring herself to call him Samuel, so instead called him Christian.

Van Bunschoten studied mathematics at the University of Minnertsga, where he met who would become the first woman Chancellor of Aubervijr, Anneliese Rentmeester, who also studied mathematics there, however studied other subjects later on. Anneliese would later go on to become Chancellor, and Van Bunschoten would serve under her for 12 years - and 6 years as her depute.

Van Bunschoten married Margaretha Loman, a descendant of 19th-century Chancellor Sepp Loman, in 1938. Margaretha gave birth to twins, Eduard and Mila, however the couple divorced in 1943. Van Bunschoten then married Hendrika Anholts in 1945, and they had three children - Steven, Antonie and Sanne.

He thereafter graduated as a barrister, and in 1954 was invited to sit as a conservative MP, which he did until his retirement from politics following the 1990 general election.

Having prior served as secretary for business under Anneliese Rentmeester for 6 years, and then as her depute in her second term, he successfully won the party leadership elections of 1978, beating MP Jan Doorn. He then won the general election in the same year, and then won re-election in 1984. Anneliese would die in 1982 from cancer, at the age of 61, and Van Bunschoten attended her funeral, describing her as a teacher and friend, and added "she was much smarter than I will ever be".

Gerard Lucas Bezuidenhout, who replaced Van Bunschoten following the completion of his second term and subsequent retirement, described Van Bunschoten as a wise and passionate man, who stood up for what he believed in and did so with ferocious competency.

He was well liked by the public for helping the working class throughout his tenure, and was described by left-wing MPs as "the best of a bad bunch". Despite facing heavy criticism from inside his party at several points during his tenure, he always managed to keep the party united.

In his last public interview, conducted in March 2014, Van Bunschoten stated that he no longer supported the Conservative Party after a string of controversies associated with the party, and admitted to voting for the Republican Party, a moderate split from the party in the 2008 elections.

He stated he would be voting for them again in the 2014 elections that were in June, and suffered heavy criticism from Conservative Party loyalists, despite being one of the main reasons the Conservative Party continued to gain traction.

He criticised the Social Democratic Party's motion to ban parties they deemed "extremist", calling it a violation of the rights of a citizen in 2021, and urged Parliament not to pass the bill - which was his final public statement.

He died aged 97, which is the oldest a Chancellor has ever been. His lifestyle, especially as he first became Chancellor, involved heavy smoking and a dram of whiskey with lunch and champagne in the evenings, but he later smoked cigars instead of cigarettes as he grew older.

Following the death of his wife Hendrika in 2010, when she was 83, Van Bunschoten stayed positive, remarking to Sanne that "Hendrika wouldn't want me to mourn" - and was determined to live as long as he possibly could, which is safe to say, he did well.

Eemshaven Broadcasting Association
Saturday, 6th of October, 2023

Former government minister Calvin Faber jailed for six and a half years

Calvin Faber has been sentenced to six years and six months in prison after he was found guilty of corruption and tax evasion charges in court.

Eemshaven Police first began investigating Faber in September of 2017. At this time, Faber was serving as Minister for Transport in Rudolf Verstege’s Conservative government. Verstege was already suspicious of Faber, but was initially unaware of the police investigation until January 2020, when Verstege chose to suspend Faber.

Faber’s bank account received eight payments of 125,000 kruijns from June 2014 to January 2020, adding up to around 1,000,000 kruijns in total. These transactions were unexplained and were not part of his salary, and were deemed ‘suspicious’. These payments were revealed to have come from Josep Baas, a businessman, and a member of the Liberal Party.

Following Faber’s suspension from Parliament, a number of allegations came forward from MPs, accusing Faber of bribery and blackmail. The Commonwealth Revenue and Customs Service (CMRC) then opened a separate investigation into Faber, on grounds of tax evasion.

The CMRC visited Faber’s residence three times, and Faber started to pay his taxes following these visits, however he did not pay the money he owed prior.

However, the investigation into Faber’s crimes was postponed by Verstege, and was resumed by Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen after the Conservative Party lost the 2020 election. Police had to start from scratch with their investigation, and further inquiries dismissed Verstege as a possible suspect in the scandal that was unfolding.

Faber was first arrested in December of 2021, and was released on the condition he attended a number of court hearings, and was charged with tax evasion, bribery, blackmail and various other corruption charges, alongside Baas. Faber pleaded not guilty, and his court dates were delayed until January of 2023.

Faber’s appeal for a suspended sentence was rejected, and he was subsequently sentenced to six and a half years in prison. Faber has also been barred from ever returning to a position of power within Aubervijan politics, and several Conservative MPs have since resigned/been suspended due to their involvement with the scandal. Baas pleaded guilty and was sentenced to three years in prison, but could be released after a year and a half if his behaviour in prison is good.

Chancellor Van der Capellen has praised the outcome, stating that Aubervijr will not stand for, nor cooperate with corruption. Faber and Baas have been described as a ‘ring’ which infected Aubervijan politics. Van der Capellen made it clear that corruption will never go unpunished, and corruption always be found out, one way or another.

Eemshaven Broadcasting Association
30th of November, 2023

Former President Olivier Stoepker dies aged 89

Former President of Aubervijr, Olivier Stoepker, has died in Eemshaven General Hospital (EGH) on Wednesday night, his family have announced. A statement by the Stoepker family read;

“It is with great sadness that we announce the death of our beloved husband, father, grandfather and great-grandfather, Olivier Cley Theodore Stoepker. He died peacefully in EGH surrounded by family late on Wednesday night. Please respect our privacy at this difficult time. Thank you.”

The family also paid tribute to Mr Stopeker’s achievements, and confirmed plans for memorials in both his hometown of Piaam and Eemshaven.

Mr Stoepker served as President from 1990 to 2002, having failed twice to become Chancellor, losing in both the 1978 and 1984 elections.

Former Chancellor, Gerard Bezuidenhout, who served at the same time as Mr Stoepker’s tenure, made a rare statement, saying Mr Stoepker was “a great man” and added that he will miss his “dear friend”. Mr Bezuidenhout has been living in recluse since his retirement in 2008 due to health concerns.

Mr Stoepker led the Liberal Party from 1978 to 1984. Mr Stoepker promised his party that they would be the dominant party in Parliament by 1984, but after losing seats following the 1984 elections, he resigned.

In 1990, he was elected as President by the Houses of Parliament, with his running mate becoming the first ever woman Vice President - Manon Thijssen.

In a statement, Mrs Thijssen said that Mr Stopeker was “a warm and kind gentleman who always put others before himself”. She added; “What’s more, Olivier was my friend for many years. He took the time to listen to me when nobody else did, and I can never thank him enough”.

Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen and current President Coenraad van Rijckevorsel have joined in offering their condolences. In a statement, Mr Van der Capellen said “Mr Stoepker was a brilliant, inspirational man. Although we did not always see eye to eye, my respect for Mr Stoepker is unwavering, and I offer my deepest condolences to his family”.

Mr Van Rijckevorsel made a separate statement, where he said “Every politician should aspire to be like Mr Stoepker. Even in the hardest of times, he always wore a warm smile. He was a strong leader, and Aubervijr will never forget him.”

Mr Stoepker retired from politics following the expiration of his second term in 2002, and lived a relatively quiet life with his family. He is known to have suffered from Alzheimer’s, but his family have not yet confirmed his cause of death.

Harlingen Broadcasting Association
Wiebe Groeneveld resigns as leader of Labour Party
10th of June, 2024
9:37 AM

Wiebe Groeneveld has resigned as leader of the Labour Party, which he has led since 2015.

Mr Groeneveld released a statement this morning, which read; “I have decided to resign as the Labour Party’s leader with immediate effect. It was a hard decision to make, but I feel it is the right one. I will continue to serve an MP, and will not leave the party. I have dedicated my career to this party and I do not intend to stop now.”

He added; “I need to do what I feel is right, not just for myself, but for my family and the party. I feel it is the right time for me to take a step back and now focus on the community I represent in parliament.”

Mr Groeneveld’s depute, Andries ‘Dries’ Hoogstraten, will assume leadership of the party until a leadership election is held, which is currently being scheduled.

Rumours surrounding Mr Groeneveld’s resignation have been circulating for months. However, the Harlingen Broadcasting Association’s political editor, Heidi Kamp, reported that he was not intending to resign before the upcoming 2027 election.

His resignation follows the midterm polls, which occurred in April, earlier this year. Labour lost out to the Social Democrats across the country and saw their biggest decrease in popularity since 2009.

Mr Groeneveld added that Labour would need a new leader to repair the party’s relationship with the Aubervijan people, adding that he was no longer capable and had simply run out of energy.

Two MPs have currently been nominated to succeed Mr Groeneveld; Claes Jorissen and Hilda Kerckhoff. Mr Jorissen is an experienced Labour MP who was sitting as an MP since the 1990s. Ms Kerckhoff is a younger and somewhat less experienced politician. Most of her nominations come from the younger members of the party, who think Ms Kerckhoff can lead the party into a new era.

Mr Hoogstraten was also nominated, however he turned down the opportunity.

The party will hold a ballot to formally elect their new leader, with the vote due to close on the 20th of June.

Mr Groeneveld’s decision to resign has been met with mixed reactions across the party. A Labour spokesperson said that ‘Wiebe’s leadership will be missed’, whilst another said stepping down was ‘a hard decision, but the right decision’.

Mr Jorissen has already confirmed he will be standing in the leadership election. There is a distinct possibility that Ms Kerckhoff could remove herself from the election and instead back Mr Jorissen, which would likely mean that Ms Kerckhoff would serve as the party’s depute leader.

2025 General Election: What’s happened, and what happens next


By Anton Brands & Adam van Houten
ABV News in Harlingen & Enschede
23 June 2025


Johannes van der Capellen’s Sociaal-Democratische Partij (SDP) has secured a second consecutive majority in the Parliament of Aubervijr following yesterday’s general election, with voters delivering a resounding endorsement of his leadership and party’s direction.


Van der Capellen praised his party’s performance while speaking to supporters gathered outside Het Kanselierhuis; the Chancellor’s official residence in Harlingen. “We stood by the people, and they stood by us,” he said, raising a glass with senior cabinet members in what observers described as a confident but humble victory appearance.

While both the Conservatieve Hervormingspartij and the Arbeidsfront gained seats compared to the 2021 election, they fell short of unseating the SDP, which retained its dominant position in the 750 seat legislature with 290 seats.

In a speech delivered from the Kanseliersterras just after sunrise, Van der Capellen struck a statesmanlike tone:

“I am glad the Aubervijan people have placed their trust and faith in this government. It is clear to see that we have - and will continue to - serve you, the people, to the utmost of our ability.” He went on to promise an “acceleration” of the country’s ongoing period of unprecedented economic growth, pledging continued investment in infrastructure, healthcare, and educational reform.

President Coenraad van Rijckevorsel released a brief statement congratulating Van der Capellen and the SDP on their victory, calling the result “a clear mandate” and stating that he looks forward to “continued, constructive cooperation.”

A Leader Who Won the Nation​

Since taking office in 2021, Johannes van der Capellen has steadily grown into one of Aubervijr’s most recognisable and respected political figures.

Born in Enschede to a middle-class family, his father a civil engineer, his mother a university lecturer, Johannes initially served as a military legal advisor, before moving into academia as a constitutional law professor. He entered politics in his late 30s, quickly rising through the ranks of the SDP thanks to his legal precision, dry wit, and refusal to engage in the kind of political showmanship that characterised the previous decade.

“Van der Capellen made his voters proud with how he ran the country,” said ABV’s chief political correspondent, Lambert Baack. “We spoke to hundreds of voters across April, and the consensus was striking: they described him as impossible to rattle.”

Policy, Pragmatism, and Power​

Van der Capellen’s first term was defined by fiscal pragmatism and social moderation. His government introduced reforms to streamline bureaucracy and reduce inefficiencies while maintaining key welfare protections, a balancing act that earned him praise from moderates across the spectrum.

He is known for emphasising “measurable progress over ideological noise”, and famously quipped that “coalitions are not dinner parties, they’re rescue missions”, a line that has since become shorthand for his no-nonsense leadership style.

Even rivals within the CH and Arbeidsfront have acknowledged his debating skills, describing his tone as “calm, sardonic, and razor-sharp”. His ability to defuse tension with subtle humour, coupled with his mastery of parliamentary procedure, has made him a formidable presence in the Huis.

Within the SDP, Van der Capellen is widely seen as the unifying force that brought the party back from the brink of fragmentation; a stabilising leader in an era that had been marked by coalition volatility and voter fatigue.


Reactions from Opposition Leaders


Reactions from opposition leaders arrived swiftly following the confirmation of the SDP’s landslide victory. Gregoor Dejaeghere, leader of the Conservatieve Hervormingspartij (CH) — now confirmed as the second-largest party in the Parliament — issued a formal statement within minutes of the final tally:

“I’d like to congratulate Johannes and his party on their comprehensive victory in tonight’s election. The electorate has spoken, and we respect that result.”

He continued: “I also want to take this moment to thank all those who placed their trust in the CH. We’ve made significant gains, and we do not take that support lightly. We will continue to stand firm on our principles of economic responsibility, national cohesion, and cultural continuity, and we will not waver in our duty to hold this government accountable.”


Meanwhile, Lillian Evenepoel, leader of the Arbeidsfront, now Parliament’s third largest party, delivered her own remarks from party headquarters in Deventer. Speaking before a modest but energized crowd of supporters, Evenepoel struck a more impassioned tone:

“To the people of Aubervijr - thank you. We’ve grown in strength, in clarity, and in voice. We may not have won tonight, but we have been heard.”

“I congratulate Chancellor Van der Capellen and his party on their result. But let it be clear; this election was not a blank cheque. Millions of Aubervijans voted for change, for labour, for dignity. We will stand in Parliament with courage, and we will fight every step of the way to deliver a just economy and a fairer society.”

Evenepoel’s speech was received with chants of “arbeid! arbeid!” from the crowd, and her party’s internal figures expressed satisfaction at their consistent upward momentum since the 2017 collapse. Analysts expect the Arbeidsfront to be a louder voice in Parliament, especially on cost-of-living and housing issues.


So, What’s Next?


With the Sociaal-Democratische Partij securing a decisive lead in Parliament, attention now shifts to the business of governance. Despite Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen’s enduring popularity and reputation for competence, the SDP has fallen well short of an outright majority. 382 seats out of 1,200 tells a clear story: voters admire him, but Aubervijr’s political terrain remains fragmented, pluralistic, and ideologically diverse.

The result is commanding but far from conclusive. Van der Capellen now faces a strategic crossroads: attempt to govern as a minority with tactical support from smaller parties, or pursue a confidence-and-supply framework that offers more predictable legislative stability without the full entanglements of coalition government.

Our political analysts believe Van der Capellen will opt for the latter; confidence-and-supply agreements with liberal and centrist parties, particularly the Centristische Messianisten, the Nationale Eenheidspartij, the Vakbondspartij, Jonge Aubervijr and perhaps Groene Beweging. All share broad alignment with the SDP on fiscal pragmatism, institutional reform, and progressive-but-measured social policy. These arrangements would allow the SDP to maintain policy leadership while securing issue-based support on major legislative packages; housing, energy, infrastructure, welfare recalibration, and beyond.

However, Van der Capellen will govern under heightened scrutiny. The Conservatieve Hervormingspartij has emerged as a resurgent force, doubling its presence in Parliament and consolidating the centre-right opposition. Meanwhile, the Arbeidsfront continues to galvanise support among the lower middle class and organised labour.

The next few weeks promise negotiations behind closed doors as Van der Capellen and his team shape their second-term agendas, form key alliances and prepare the next Cabinet. Key policy questions loom, from housing reform and continued energy independence to infrastructure expansion and welfare recalibration. With the electorate delivering a vote of confidence but not carte blanche, the Chancellor is expected to lead with a pragmatic, consensus-driven approach.

Coalition manoeuvers, cabinet shifts and legislative priorities now dominate the political conversation in Harlingen. The new government is expected to be formally sworn in before the end of the month.


The Cabinet: Who Stays, Who Goes?


Van der Capellen is yet to unveil his second-term cabinet, but our political analysts expect it to be familiar. Of course, new aspects have to be taken into account; perhaps quiet reshuffling and of course, strategic inclusion. Van der Capellen will retain key loyalists in senior positions while no doubt extending a cautious hand to allied parties who may back his minority government. The previous cabinet was broadly seen as competent and cohesive, with several ministers gaining reputations for effectiveness and discretion. Many are expected to return, while others may be moved or dismissed depending on political strategy and cooperational demands.

So, who stays?

• Wilco Faber, Van der Capellen’s Deputy, right-hand man and most trusted ally, will almost certainly retain his position.
• Minister of Finance, Arend Bouwman, credited with managing the Republic’s strong fiscal record, is expected to retain his role.
• Minister of State for Defence and National Security, Coen Stegeman, is unlikely to be moved amid continued continental uncertainty.
• Melanie Peeters, Minister of State for Social Policy and Labour, earned praise for her reforms in worker protections and welfare optimisation, and is expected to retain her role.
• Minister of State for Culture, Sport and National Identity, Samuel Lenssen, remains a key bridge to nationalist-liberal factions and is seen as ideologically dependable. He too, is likely to retain his role.

Who may be reshuffled or promoted?

• Christian Naessens, currently Minister of Trade and Industry, may be promoted to a Minister of State role, possibly taking over Economic Development or Finance in the long term.
• Jakob Stenvers, Minister of Justice, may be moved or replaced amid recent judicial controversies. Our political insiders suggest Sara Koelmans, current deputy minister to Stenvers, is the front-runner to succeed him. Another name that has been suggested is Marinus de Wilde, a former judge turned Member of Parliament. He has had extensive experience with sentencing policy.
• Sophie Molenaar, Minister of Health, could shift to a higher-profile post after deftly managing recent healthcare reforms. However, some suggest Van der Capellen wants someone experienced and loyal to keep these reforms going, indicating she may instead stay in her position.

New faces?

• Lillian Sinnaeve, currently the Presidential Envoy, has been tipped to receive a more prominent ministerial role due to her rising profile within the SDP.
• Thomas Fonteyn, a senior figure within the Vaksbondspartij, may be appointed to reflect the party’s expected confidence-and-supply alliances. Vicky Manders is a name from the Centristische Messianisten that has been mentioned.

Portfolios under scrutiny?

• Ministries such as Tourism, Sport and Media may see consolidation or reshuffling, especially as Van der Capellen pursues efficiency across government departments.
• A renewed focus on Energy and Housing could lead to expanded responsibilities or the appointment of new councils or committees.

What will the new government tackle first?


Though alliance-building will occupy much of the coming weeks, ABV’s political desk understands that several major policy areas are already being drawn up behind the scenes.

Top of the list, as stated earlier, is housing. With urban affordability continuing to strain lower and middle-income families, the SDP is expected to revive a shelved 2023 housing bill that would expand public and private development incentives while simultaneously tightening speculation regulations. A renewed National Housing Accord is expected to be tabled before summer recess.

Energy independence is another pressing issue. Aubervijr’s slow transition away from imported fossil fuels over the past decade has accelerated since 2017, but supply instability during last winter’s cold snap revealed gaps in resilience. The Ministry of Energy is likely to prioritise new subsidies for wind and nuclear capacity, alongside fast-tracked infrastructure projects in key coastal regions,

Education reform is also set to return to the floor. While the SDP’s first term focused on higher education investment, their second will likely expand support for vocational training and regional universities, with emphasis on digital skills, research innovation and rural access.

On the fiscal front, Van der Capellen is expected to maintain his cautious, balanced approach. Though pressure from the Arbeidsfront may push the government to increase spending on healthcare and pensions, insiders expect the Chancellor to hold the line on deficit targets, opting for measured social investment over sweeping overhauls.

In addition, several administrative efficiency reforms are being finalised. These include digitalisation of civil services, restructuring of interministerial councils, and potential changes to how regional funds are allocated to underperforming provinces.

None of this will be without difficulty. Even with broad policy alignment among supporting parties, Van der Capellen’s government will need to navigate a deeply fragmented Parliament, and a revitalised opposition eager to exploit any misstep.

But if the SDP’s second term mirrors the first, observers expect progress to continue, as it has done for the past four years; quiet, pragmatic and unmistakably Aubervijan.

Many parties already have their eyes set on the 2029 elections. Van der Capellen will be constitutionally obligated to step-down from party leadership, in accordance with the two-term limit. But for the next four years, Aubervijr is, once again, Social Democratic.

BREAKING: Coenraad van Rijckevorsel to resign as President of Aubervijr



By Anton Brands & Adam van Houten
ABV News in Harlingen & Enschede
January 28th, 2026

Coenraad van Rijckevorsel has announced his intention to resign his post as President of Aubervijr later this year, bringing his second term to an unexpected and early conclusion. Van Rijckevorsel will formally step down on June 30th.

In a brief statement released early this morning, Van Rijckevorsel cited “personal considerations and a desire to ensure a smooth handover, rather than any immediate political or security developments”. He added the timing of his resignation is intended to allow for a structured and constitutionally sound transition of the office.

The announcement was notable for its restraint. No further detail was provided regarding the personal considerations referenced, and the President made clear that his decision was unconnected to current domestic or international developments. Government officials have echoed this framing, emphasising continuity and stability.

Johannes van der Capellen confirmed shortly afterwards that constitutional procedures for the appointment of both an interim presidency and long-term successor are already in place, indicating the decision has been been under consideration for some time.

In a statement released by the Chancellery, he said the government is “fully prepared to manage the transition in accordance with the Constitution, without disruption to the functioning of the Republic”.

Under Aubervijan law, the Presidency is a non-executive role serving as the head of state and a constitutional guarantor rather than a centre of political power. The President acts to uphold the constitutional order, ensure continuity of state institutions and safeguard the lawful functioning of government. However, the President does not direct policy or exercise executive authority, or participate in day-to-day political decision-making.

Van Rijckevorsel was first elected on 10 May 2020, following a joint sitting of the Parlement and the Beraad, which selected the former President of the Beraad to serve as President of the Republic. Prior to his election, he had built a reputation as a cautious institutional figure, having spent much of his career in constitutional and parliamentary roles. His tenure as President of the Beraad was marked by an emphasis on procedural neutrality, inter-party cooperation and strict adherence to constitutional norms - qualities that later underpinned his largely non-executive presidency.

Reaction across the political spectrum so far has been measured. Senior figures from both governing coalition and opposition parties have praised Van Rijckevorsel’s commitment to stability and his decision to prioritise a procedurally defined transition. Several have described his announcement as “consistent with his approach to the office”.

While speculation about the precise reasons behind the resignation are likely to continue, officials have been careful to discourage it. A senior government source said simply that “Coenraad has chosen a moment that serves the Republic, not himself”.

Details regarding the timing of the resignation and the appointment of an interim President are expected to be clarified in the coming weeks. The Beraad is expected to play a formal role in confirming the transitional arrangements, with no indication that the process will deviate from established precedent. For now, the government has sought to maintain normality. As one senior official put it, “this is not a crisis. It is a constitutional process, unfolding as intended”.

Your peace or mine?: de Striid, 25 years on

ABV News
Harlingen & Enschede


3rd of February, 2026

On the 3rd of February, 2001, Roelaandt van Owen was walking home from a night of drinking with his friends. It was a winter evening in Almelo. The ground was icy, the air brisk. CCTV from a nearby apartment block captured a black coupe driving up alongside Van Owen. The vehicle slowed down on the road as a man in the passenger seat lowered a window, leaning out to speak to Van Owen, who stopped to talk with them. A minute or two later, the coupe then pulled away and Van Owen continued walking. Later that night, Almelo Police received a phone call reporting the sounds of gunshots in the quiet residential area of Getouwenstraat. A second call reported they had found the unconscious body of a man at a doorstep, severely injured by several shots to the back of his torso. That man was Roelaandt van Owen.

Roelaandt van Owen was an ex-soldier and veteran of de Striid, or Operation Ides. He was born on October 14th, 1952 and served in the Aubervijan Army, attached to the 3e Territoriaal Infanteriebataljon from 1971 to 1983. After serving throughout de Striid, Corporaal Van Owen left the Army in 1983 and transferred to the Prison Service. He was employed as an officer, in charge of the infamous B-wing of Stienwei Finzenis, where violent paramilitarists, alongside violent criminals, political offenders and organised criminals were held. Van Owen was well known for his discipline and no-nonsense attitude, with inmates referring to Van Owen as ‘Fûsten’ - Fists. Van Owen ran his wing as a form of riot control, frequently clashing with prisoners during disturbances and becoming a hated, but respected, figure within the prison.

Unitarist prisoners grew to respect Van Owen as a passionate and patriotic man who, in their words, “loved his country enough to risk his life for it”. Former inmates and later testimony describe a prison culture in which, during repeated disturbances between guards and nationalist prisoners, unitarists were at times released from their cells to assist officers in forcibly subduing opposing paramilitarists. For those imprisoned for involvement in Faursian separatism, this perceived collaborationism between prison staff and unitarist militiamen, many of whom were members of organisations designated as terrorists by the Aubervijan government decades earlier, came to symbolise a profound double standard. The anger it generated both inside and outside the prison was enduring. Contempt grew not only for Van Owen, but the entire prison system and the state authority it represented.

Prisoner testimony recalls how towards the end of 1985, an explosive was detonated in the so-called ‘Republykerwing’, the cell blocks where unitarists were held. Multiple former inmates claimed that explosive material was successfully smuggled into the prison inside tubs of butter and tubes of toothpaste, brought in during visits, alongside other components concealed in everyday, permitted items. These accounts, which ABV News cannot independently verify, became widely accepted within the prison at the time.

On October 31st, 1985, this explosive device was detonated beneath a staircase in D-wing, killing several unitarist prisoners and injuring others. The attack was followed days later by a retaliatory attack attributed to the Republikeinske Vrijwilligersassociatie launched from outside the prison perimeter, killing a prison officer and leaving Roelaandt van Owen injured, having been thrown from a chair in the blast.

Van Owen nevertheless continued to serve in the prison service. In late 1987, it became known within the prison that paramilitary organisations on both sides were negotiating with the Aubervijan government aiming to bring an end to the conflict. By this point, de Striid had been raging for 39 years, killing between 22,500 and 32,500 people and directly affecting up to 280,000, many of whom were injured, imprisoned or displaced. Paramilitary sources made it clear in early 1988 that a non-negotiable term of what would become known as the Wolvega Agreement involved the release and amnesty of all political prisoners.

The agreement was formally signed on the 5th of March, 1988. All sides agreed to:

1. The creation of the Faursian Parliament, a devolved legislature with full control over internal affairs such as policing, education, taxation, civil law and local governance.
2. The withdrawal of Aubervijan Army forces from Faursia, save for a minimal ceremonial and logistical presence.
3. A provision permitting Faursian independence, subject to a referendum approved by the central government in Harlingen and requiring a majority vote within Faursia itself.
4. Amnesty and release of political prisoners and detainees, conditional on their disarmament and commitment to nonviolence.
5. The disarmament and decommissioning of all paramilitary groups, supervised by an independent commission.
6. Institutional reform, including the dissolution of the Speciale Beveiligingsafdeling and creation of a new regional police force, under shared Faursian–Aubervijan oversight.
7. Legally binding guarantees of equality, non-discrimination and linguistic and cultural protection for both Unitarist and Separatist communities.

The agreement was met with jubilation and outrage. Celebrations broke out in cities across Faursia and mainland Aubervijr, with bells rung in Mechelen and public gatherings held in Deventer and Alkmaar. But elsewhere, the response was more uncertain. Splinter groups on both sides immediately denounced the settlement as betrayal. Hardline elements within the Vrye Sosjale Organisaasje and the Ultraloyale Faursianen Strijdmacht issued statements rejecting the accord and threatening renewed attacks. Likewise, other organisations suffered internal schisms, with some commanders refusing to hand over weapons caches or abide by ceasefires. Sporadic violence continued into early 1989, including assassination attempts, arson attacks and bombings in both Enschede and Roermond.

Despite these setbacks, the Wolvega Agreement held. By mid-1989, over 80% of registered paramilitary arms had been surrendered and political representation shifted decisively toward the ballot box. The newly established Faursian Parliament held its first elections in 1990, under a proportional representation system identical to that of the Aubervijan national legislature. The elections, though deeply polarised, were conducted without violence and resulted in the formal institutionalisation of Faursian self-governance. The Fryske Demokrasy Kommisje and Demokratyske Frysk Front emerged as the leading pro-autonomy parties, while the MLRW and Republikeinse Gemeenschapsunie dominated the unitarist camp.

The peace, however, remained fragile. Some paramilitary movements outright rejected the peace process. The Nieuwe Republikeinse Front and the Republikeinse Defensiefederatie were particularly active in the early years of the new decade, orchestrating targeted bombings, assassinations and sabotage. In 1994, a coordinated attack on a police barracks in Leeuwarden left twelve people dead, including civilians. The following year, a car bomb in Enschede killed three journalists. The Aubervijan Army was repeatedly redeployed during this period to assist in crises and outbreaks of violence where local authorities became overwhelmed.

Roelaandt van Owen returned home to Almelo following the closure of Stienwei Finzenis, choosing not to re-enlist in the armed forces. He resumed civilian life as a bank clerk, joined veterans’ associations and volunteered as an instructor with the Aubervijan Army’s Kadets Force, a youth organisation sponsored by the Ministry of Defence.

This brings us back to the evening of the 3rd of February, 2001. Van Owen left friends and former colleagues at a local pub and by the end of the night he was found unconscious and severely injured on the doorstep of his home. Despite being rushed to Almelo Regional Hospital, he was pronounced dead on arrival, leaving behind a wife and three children.

Police later identified the perpetrators as two men, Jelte Rintjema and Sybren Wiersma, both former members of now-defunct separatist paramilitary organisations. The two men were arrested in April and July 1987 respectively, and were subsequently imprisoned at Stienwei Finzenis, where they were held in the prison’s D-wing. Both were released in March 1988 in accordance with the terms of the Wolvega Agreement.

Investigators said the pair had first traced Van Owen to Almelo in 1998. When they were apprehended by armed police, officers recovered documents linking Van Owen to his time in the prison service, alongside identification papers, newspaper clippings, and printed material taken from websites showing Van Owen, his family, his workplace, and his involvement in veterans’ associations.

Police believe the two men first traced Van Owen after a meeting of the Army Kadets. On the night of his death, returning from the pub, Van Owen noticed their vehicle and allowed it to pull up alongside him - the moment the black coupe was captured on CCTV. The two men claimed to have asked Van Owen for directions, with Van Owen showing no sign of recognising them. According to Rintjema’s account in police interviews, Van Owen remarked on their accents, asking, “you’re Faurzjeske, aren’t you?” and spoke to them with apparent warmth rather than hostility.

By the time Van Owen reached his front door later that night, it was already too late.

Van Owen would become the final victim of a conflict that had lasted four decades, killed years after the violence had formally ended. His death came to define what de Striid had meant for millions who lived through it: cycles of retaliation, tit-for-tat killings and violence that extended far beyond those directly involved. It spilled outward. Civilians were repeatedly caught in the middle of a war that was never theirs to fight - and many of them died as a result.

Rintjema and Wiersma were sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole, where they remain today. Many continue to ask what de Striid was ultimately worth. The Aubervijan government has since acknowledged its failures in Faursia, but resentment toward the Republic endures and in some quarters, remains as deep as ever.

For many Faursians, no statement or apology has been sufficient to bridge the divide that de Striid both exposed and entrenched - between unitarists and separatists and between Faursia and the Aubervijan state. Grievances rooted in centuries of marginalisation and political sidelining continue to shape how the conflict is remembered.

Today, Aubervijr works closely with Faursian institutions, collaborating on matters of governance and administration. Yet for those who lived through the violence, such cooperation has not erased the past. For some, it never will.

It remains difficult to move past de Striid and what Operatie Ides came to represent for many in Faursia - and for understandable reasons. Change has followed and Faursian voices are now heard more consistently than at any point in the past. Yet deep structural divides persist.

Faursia continues to suffer from chronic underinvestment in infrastructure when compared with wealthier Aubervijan provinces. Economic neglect is visible in the decline of traditional industries such as fishing, shipbuilding and small-scale agriculture, while centres like Enschede and Harlingen have continued to thrive. Tax revenue flows outward, but for many communities the returns remain difficult to identify in the form of sustained local investment.

A younger generation of Faursians - born to parents who lived through de Striid - has grown up with the perception that devolution amounts to only a partial settlement, rather than genuine equality. As a commonly cited Faursian saying now puts it: devolúsje sûnder herferdieling is neat mear as skyn - devolution without redistribution is nothing but pretence.

Presidential Race: Who's Who?

ABV News
Harlingen & Enschede


May 11 2026

As preparations continue ahead of next month's joint sitting of the Parlement and the Beraad, attention within the Harlingen political scene has increasingly shifted towards the question of who may ultimately succeed Coenraad van Rijckevorsel as President of Aubervijr. No formal candidates have yet declared their intention to seek the office and officials across both the Social Democratic/Democratic Centre coalition government and the Arbeidspartij-led opposition continue publicly to describe discussions as "preliminary". However, various negotiations and informal consultations have intensified significantly in recent weeks ahead of the joint sitting, expected to convene in late June.



Coenraad van Rijckevorsel, 61, announced his intention to resign as President in January of this year. His resignation announcement came as a surprise to commentators and analysts alike, whilst officials repeatedly framed the decision as orderly and personal rather than politically driven. Nevertheless it has sharpened the focus upon the stabilising role traditionally played by the Presidency within Aubervijr's constitutional structure. Van Rijckevorsel has never commented on the reasons for his resignation and announced he would leave office on June 30.

According to the Constitution, the President of Aubervijr is elected by a two thirds majority of both Parlement and the Beraad sitting in joint session - a deliberately high threshold intended to ensure broad consensus around the office rather than narrow partisan victory. The Presidency itself remains formally non-executive, serving primarily as a constitutional guarantor and symbolic head of state, but senior political figures privately acknowledge the office carries considerable influence. As a result, officials we've spoken to have increasingly described the coming vote as "less of a political contest" and more of an "exercise in building confidence". One senior official within the ruling coalition described the process as "simply finding the one person most people can live with".

Among the names most consistently discussed within parliamentary circles, as we understand it, is Tessa Dewaele, the current President of the Beraad, who is widely viewed by legislators and observers as the early frontrunner should she choose to accept the nomination. Dewaele has spent decades within Aubervijr's legislature and her tenure overseeing the Beraad has been marked by procedural discipline, caution and an often uncompromising interpretation of parliamentary rules. Those same qualities, however have also made her a controversial figure among the opposition and sections of the coalition government. Dewaele has repeatedly delayed or blocked proposed procedural reforms within the upper chamber on constitutional grounds, leading critics to accuse her of privately using institutional conservatism to obstruct political modernisation.


"She believes institutions exist to restrain politics, not accelerate it", one senior government advisor said. "Whether you see that as wisdom or obstruction depends on where you sit." Nonetheless, even many critics acknowledge that Dewaele commands substantial respect across party lines. Several opposition figures privately described her as "predictable in the best way possible", "stable" and "serious" - qualities increasingly valued in a Presidency traditionally expected to remain above day to day political conflict. A member of Parlement described Dewaele as "the sort of woman you may disagree with constantly, but still trust".

Attention has also turned towards Nicolaas ‘Nick’ Banning, 61, the Deputy President of the Beraad and widely viewed as representing a different institutional direction within Aubervijan politics. His supporters describe him as constitutionally rigorous while also possessing a more modern and publicly communicative political style than several other figures currently under discussion. Over recent years, Banning has developed a reputation as a highly capable negotiator and media performer, often defending the Beraad publicly during periods of dispute while simultaneously cultivating stronger relationships with legislators and Faursian blocs.


Concerns regarding Banning’s comparatively unconventional background continue to circulate quietly within parts of both chambers. Unlike several other figures linked to the Presidency, Banning has never served as a member of Parlement and built much of his career through advisory, procedural and administrative roles within the Beraad itself. While supporters argue this distance from partisan electoral politics strengthens his neutrality, critics question whether he possesses the same familiarity with Parlement in general, particularly coalition management and familiarity with procedure traditionally associated with former Presidents.

"One of the understated expectations of the Presidency is that the holder understands instinctively how Parlement is to behave under pressure", one senior legislator commented to us. "Some remain unconvinced that Nick has spent enough time inside elected politics itself." It remains unclear if he would be inclined to accept a nomination if he were approached.

Another increasingly discussed figure is Berend Hofmann, the current Presidential of the Constitutional Court, whose name has grained traction particularly among legal circles and conservatives. Hofmann has built a national reputation around strict textualism and a highly restrictive interpretation of authority. Over more than a decade on the Constitutional Court, including the past six years as its President - he has authored several landmark rulings limiting government powers and strengthening judicial oversight of emergency legislation.


Critics, however, acknowledge considerable unease regarding the prospect of a President known for such rigid constitutional interpretation. Several current and former ministers across the Van der Capellen, Driessen and Erkens administrations are understood to view Hofmann as intellectually uncompromising and at times, politically inflexible. One former cabinet minister described him as a man who "reads every sentence like a scripture". Nonetheless, Hofmann's candidacy has reportedly attracted quiet support among members of Parlement concerned about executive overreach, such as the Federaal Republikeinen.

Judith Kraaijeveld, the longstanding Chair of the Electoral Commission, has likewise emerged in recent weeks as a serious compromise possibility, particularly among centrist blocs seeking a candidate with legitimacy and limited political affiliation. Kraaijeveld has overseen four general elections since 2008, alongside constitutional referendums and several major electoral reforms during her tenure.


Her supporters argue that, in an increasingly polarised environment, her distance from frontline party politics may represent a significant advantage. "She's trusted", one opposition MP said. "Not necessarily loved politically, but trusted, institutionally, which is equally important." However, others remain less convinced. Several legislators question whether Kraaijeveld possesses sufficient experience in constitutional or state matters beyond electoral administration.

Despite growing speculation around individual candidates, senior political figures have continued to emphasise restraint and normality. Speaking briefly outside Kanselierhuis on Friday afternoon, Chancellor Van der Capellen declined to endorse any individual under consideration, stating only that "the Presidency belongs to Aubervijr as a whole, not to any government. The process of electing a new President involves a lot of broad consultation, serious discussion and consensus building, that's how it always has been."

Behind the scenes, however, officials familiar with ongoing discussions suggested negotiations have accelerated considerably since late April. Coalition representatives are believed to have begun informal outreach to opposition blocs in an effort to avoid the possibility of prolonged deadlock once voting begins. According to the Constitution, successive ballots continue until a candidate secures the two thirds majority, with no limit placed upon the number of rounds. While outright paralysis is considered to be unlikely, scholars noted this week that the threshold gives smaller factions and independent legislators unusually significant influence over the outcome.

"The system is designed to force compromise, not encourage it", Professor Willem de Graaf of the University of Harlingen said during a televised discussion on NBS Sunday evening. "You are not electing a politician to govern, you're electing a constitutional figure expected to command legitimacy across ideological and regional divides."

Several analysts have also noted that the political atmosphere surrounding this year's presidential selection differs significantly from previous cycles. ABV News understands that the date Van Rijckevorsel was originally set to leave office in July 2029 prior to his resignation will apply to the President that will be elected later next month unless he or she is reelected. For now, however, most politicians appear less interested in transformation than continuity.

"Nobody is looking for a political celebrity", one senior Beraad official said late last week. "The overwhelming mood - in both chambers - is that Aubervijr wants someone calm and trusted."

ABV News
Harlingen & Enschede


June 6 2026

Yesterday afternoon, Parlement and the Beraad engaged in an extraordinary joint sitting to elect Aubervijr's next President. The sitting, which proved difficult, continued late into the early hours of this morning as successive ballots failed to produce a candidate capable of securing the required two thirds majority.

Tessa Dewaele, President of the Beraad, initially seemed to be leading in the initial ballots. However, as the ballots continued, disrupted by intermittent breaks for food, coffee and cross party discussions, the consensus gradually began to shift.

Of the leading contenders going into the sitting, Judith Kraaijeveld was the first to be eliminated, followed one ballot later by Berend Hofmann. Until finally, into the early hours of the morning, the last remaining contenders were Tessa Dewaele and Nick Banning, the Deputy President of the Beraad.



The following ballots were widely inconclusive with little signs of who would ultimately achieve the majority needed to secure the Presidency. The sitting dissolved for a short break and, once they returned shortly after 2 AM, the ballot that followed confirmed Nick Banning to be the next President of Aubervijr. Many remember him as the politician who flew in a jet fighter; today, he is much more than that.



Following his election, the sitting was dissolved shortly after 2 AM, allowing members of Parlement and the Beraad to return home after an unusually long night of deliberations. Any respite proved brief, however. Legislators, ministers and officials began arriving at Kanselierhuis from approximately 06:00 this morning ahead of the formal introduction of the President-elect. By 8:30 AM, Nick Banning, flanked by Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen and outgoing President Coenraad van Rijckevorsel, emerged from the Kanselierhuis to deliver his first public address.

"Good morning," Banning began. "I hope everybody slept as well as I did. Which, judging by the faces in front of me, is perhaps not saying very much."

The comment drew a ripple of laughter from the assembled crowd, momentarily breaking the fatigue that had settled over Kanselierhuis following the overnight sitting. Banning then turned to his prepared statement.

"In all seriousness, I would first like to thank the members of Parlement and the Beraad for the confidence they have placed in me. I am deeply honoured by their decision and conscious of the responsibility that accompanies it.

I would also like to pay tribute to President Van Rijckevorsel. Over the past five years he has served the Republic with dignity, restraint and unwavering commitment to our constitutional order. I am certain I speak for many when I thank him for that service.

The Presidency is an unusual office. It does not govern, nor legislate, nor command majorities or write budgets. Yet, it carries a responsibility that is no less important. The President exists to safeguard continuity, constitutional government and public confidence in institutions that bind this Republic of Aubervijr together.

The Republic is not sustained by laws and institutions alone. It is sustained by trust: trust between citizens and government, trust between communities and trust that our constitutional framework remains capable of representing the interests of all those who call Aubervijr home.

Later this month, the people of Faursia will elect a new Parlemint and government. Whatever verdict they deliver, it will represent the democratic will of the electorate and deserves to be treated with seriousness and respect.

The relationship between Harlingen and Eemshaven has shaped our history, our prosperity and our security. It remains one of the most important responsibilities entrusted to our constitutional order.

Aubervijr's prosperity has long rested upon cooperation with friends and allies across the world. Those relationships remain among our nation’s greatest strengths.

Yet, alliances derive their value not from uniformity of thought, but from the willingness of sovereign nations to contribute their own experiences, perspectives and judgement.

The Republic of Aubervijr will continue to honour its commitments, uphold its responsibilities and stand by its friends. But friendship between nations has never required the surrender of perspective, nor should it.

Aubervijr enters the future as it always should: confident in its institutions, secure in its friendships and united in its determination to shape its own destiny.

Thank you."

A lot to unpack, perhaps not in its length, but in its underlying meaning. Though lasting only a few minutes, Banning's address contained several themes that are likely to attract attention in both political and diplomatic circles over the coming days.

At first glance, Banning's remarks appeared to offer exactly what many legislators sought when they elected him in the early hours of this morning: continuity. There was no suggestion of constitutional reform, no criticism of the government and no indication of any immediate departure from the cautious, institutionally minded Presidency associated with Coenraad van Rijckevorsel. Much of the address focuses upon constitutional responsibility, democratic legitimacy and public confidence in both the Republic and its institutions.

Yet several passages are likely to attract considerable attention in political and diplomatic circles over the coming days.

Perhaps the most immediately notable decision was to devote a substantial portion of an otherwise brief address to Faursia and the forthcoming parliamentary elections. The elections themselves remain just over two weeks away and, at the time of writing, no clear outcome is assured. Nonetheless, the President-elect chose to reference them directly, describing the relationship between Harlingen and Eemshaven as one of the most important responsibilities entrusted to Aubervijr.

That wording is, in my opinion, significant.

Successive governments have generally discussed Faursia through the language of administration, governance, economic development or constitutional settlement. Banning instead framed the relationship as a foundational component of the Republic itself. While subtle, it represents a notable shift in emphasis. Rather than presenting Faursia as a regional question, he appeared to describe it as a national relationship requiring active stewardship.

Whether that distinction carries any practical significance remains unclear. However, the timing is undoubtedly difficult to ignore.

Should pro-independence parties, or indeed, the Faursian People’s Party themselves, perform strongly later this month, or even secure a parliamentary majority, the question of Faursia’s constitutional future is likely to move rapidly back towards the centre of national political debate. Several Faursian parties have long advocated for a referendum on independence, though opinion remains divided both within Faursia itself and across Aubervijr more broadly regarding what circumstances, if any, should trigger such a vote.

Banning's remarks offered no indication that he supports such proposals. Indeed, as President-elect, he would be expected to remain carefully neutral on questions of partisan politics. Yet, his insistence that the outcome of the election should be treated with "seriousness and respect" is likely to be interpreted as a signal that whatever verdict emerges from Faursian voters deserves careful consideration rather than dismissal.

That interpretation is unlikely to satisfy everyone.

Unitarians may take comfort from his repeated emphasis upon the constitutional order and the institutions that bind the Republic together. Separatists, however, may point towards his unusually direct acknowledgement of Faursia’s democratic mandate and political significance. It is perhaps telling that both sides may emerge from the speech believing they heard something intended for them.

Beyond Faursia, observers are likely to focus upon a second theme running through the address: Aubervijr's place in the world.

The President-elect repeatedly reaffirmed the importance of international cooperation and alliances, describing them as among the nation’s greatest strengths. Yet, he also argued that alliances derive their value from the willingness of sovereign nations to contribute their own experiences, perspectives and judgement. He later added that friendship between nations "has never required the surrender of perspective".

The Presidency, ultimately, possesses no direct authority over foreign policy, which remains the responsibility of Chancellor Johannes van der Capellen and his government. Nevertheless, such language is unusual enough to warrant significant attention.

For decades, Aubervijr's foreign policy has broadly been characterised by continuity, predictability and close cooperation with its allies. Banning's remarks don't appear to challenge any of those principles. If anything, they reaffirm them. Yet, they also seem to contain a subtle argument that alliance and independence are not mutually exclusive concepts.

Several diplomats contacted by ABV News this morning declined to offer formal comment on the speech. Informally, however, one senior official described the address as "interesting", suggesting Banning appeared to be emphasising "national confidence rather than national change".

They may ultimately prove the most useful way of understanding what has been said this morning.

The speech contained no dramatic announcement and no obvious departure from existing policy. Yet, neither did it resemble a routine statement of thanks. Throughout the address, recurring themes emerged: democracy, legitimacy, constitutionalism, responsibility, independence, judgement and confidence. Taken individually, none are particularly remarkable. Taken together, they may offer the clearest indication yet of how Nick Banning intends to approach his tenure as President.

If Van Rijckevorsel's tenure was defined by restraint, Banning’s may ultimately come to be defined by something subtly different: a willingness to explain the Republic, its institutions and its place within the world with greater confidence and greater visibility than the vast majority had anticipated.

For now, however, the President-elect leaves behind more questions than answers. Whether that was intentional remains, like much of the speech, open to interpretation.

However, further clarity may emerge later today. Kanselierhuis confirmed, minutes after the President-elect retreated back inside its doors, that Chancellor Van der Capellen is expected to deliver a statement shortly after lunchtime. Whilst government officials have indicated the remarks were planned before last night’s sitting, the timing is likely to attract considerable attention given the themes raised by Banning earlier this morning.