Aubervijr Worldbuilding

Aubervijr

Registered
TNP Nation
Lanorth
The Second Civil War
De Tweede Burgeroorlog


On June 11th, 1643, King Willem Dumonceau recalled Parliament after 9 years of closure. Willem wanted to assert more power over the Parliament, whilst suffering from paranoia - believing Parliament could not be trusted. Willem proposed a bill to Parliament which would essentially render Willem an absolute monarch, reducing Parliament to a mere advisory body which Willem would have complete authority over. Willem, who hoped the Parliament would be willing to do so, had convinced himself that Parliament would do his bidding, as it was their job.

Instead, after a month of delay, the Parliament, already wary of Willem’s health and ability to command such power over Parliament, passed a bill called 'De Beperkingswet' (The Limitation Act), which restricted Willem’s ability to propose bills to Parliament directly, instead having to go through processes with the upper house. Parliament equallt did not trust Willem’s dedication to Parliament and democracy, so the bill dictated that Parliament must be called once every three months. Willem dissolved the Parliament four days of the bill being passed in both houses, meaning the Parliament was one of the shortest-lived in Aubervijan history. This period is referred to as De Beperkt Parlement (The Limited Parliament).

On December 4th, 1643, Willem ordered the arrest of five men;

Antonie Bosschaert,
Johannes de Lairesse,
Campegius Berckheyde,
Lambert van Poelenburgh,
Hugo van Hövell tot Westerflier.

These five men were known as ‘De Liga van Vijf’ (the League of Five). All five were good friends of each other, and commanded great influence within Parliament. All five were notorious republicans, often speaking out against the monarchy at any chance they could get. The five were deemed a threat by Willem, who charged them with treason, collusion against the Crown and blasphemy, among other trumped-up charges. Instead, the five simply went to court, where the charges were dropped soon after.

Willem then attempted to overrule the decision of the courts, holding his own, separate trial without the five attending. He suspended their membership in Parliament, however at the next session, they attended regardless and nothing was done to ensure their suepension. Willem ultimately found it humiliating, and understood how difficult it was to command Parliament to do his bidding.

On the 2nd of January, 1644, the League of Five became the League of Six (de Liga van Zes), as Vincent-Martien Florentijn Casper de Maurissens (later shortened to Vincent Martien) was introduced to the five by Lambert van Poelenburgh. Vincent Martien was a captain in the Army, and was already an MP. The five deemed Vincent Martien to be, at first, a dull, uninteresting character, but he would later prove his worth.

During a sitting of Parliament called by the King on the 1st of February, Willem ordered a troop of 15 men to storm Parliament, carrying the arrest warrants for the six. Instead, politicians sympathetic with the six or the republican cause held the doors together, preventing the troop from entering, in a rather chaotic series of events. Eventually, their arrests were abandoned, and Willem, once again humiliated, was even more wary of Parliament, which he was right to be.

Vincent Martien saw the chaos that unfolded as a chance to turn it into something bigger. It is deemed very cunning and crafty by historians today, but Vincent Martien deliberately spurred unrest within the army, and convinced Parliament that the nation was descending into civil war, and that sides had to be chosen in order to preserve Aubervijr.

The republicans managed to muster a force of around 40,000 men. They met in the rural town of Slenaken, and agreed amongst themselves that Aubervijr had to be defended, and so began to draw up plans for a civil war.

As this happened, Parliament, now convinced that Willem was a threat to democracy and their very existance, passed a bill called "Afschaffingswet", or the “Abolition Act". The bill stripped the King of all of his powers over the Parliament, and of his very title as ‘King’. The bill didn’t directly strip him of his titles, however deemed that the monarchy was no longer valid, and that a “provisional committee” would instead take the place of the head of state, on the 1st of March.

King Willem, who now just Willem, declared the acts of the Parliament to be high treason, and rallied royalist forces in the town of Hulsberg. Initial estimates suggest Willem rallied a force numbering some 22,000 men.

The league of six, however held a meeting with King Willem in the town of Ermelo, which was deemed to be in the middle of their influence. The aim of the meeting was to prevent all-out war and come to an agreement which would prevent the bloodshed all sides feared, however the meeting didn’t end well. King Willem abandoned the meeting not long after it started, and war was now seen as the only option.

The first battle of the civil war occured on the 12th of March, 1644, when a skirmish between 600 royalists and 340 republican forces.

300 Commonwealth longbowmen sat on two hills with a view of the valley below, with 150 in each hill. The remaining 2,900 sat behind a treeline in the valley, where the Royalists were marching to meet them. At exactly 11:13 AM, longbowmen, who had been crouched behind a false summit, stood up and began firing on the Royalists.

The battle was strategically, a royalist victory. The outnumbered republicans retreated not long after conflict started, however Ronald Weijn, a politician and the commander of the 600 royalists, was somehow captured. Its not clear how, witnesses say Weijn was somehow isolated from his soldiers and was dragged from his horse during the early stages of the skirmish. However, it dealt a blow to the royalist cause early on. The loss or capture of royalist commanders would prove to be the theme of the war.

Over the course of the next two weeks, a major battle occured between Willem and Vincent Martien, near the town of Nuth. Willem’s force numbered some 4,500, whilst Vincent Martien commanded around 3,750 - however, the battle ended as a republican victory, with the royalists losing over half of their men. Willem was never an adept military commander, and whenever he took command of any force, it often led to a defeat.

Between March and November of 1644, numerous battles occured, most being minor, small battles however several decisive battles also took place. Royalist forces were becoming better at repelling republican attacks towards the winter of 1644, and less battles took place from November until early spring of 1645.

On November 14th, 1644, representatives of Parliament met with the leaders of the Church of Aubervijr. Aubervijr had adopted their own form of Messianism since its arrival in the country, strongly based on laurenism and revenism. Willem was a courantist.

Parliament, soon after, declared that they had the support of the church, and thus the backing of God, and that Willem was a tyrant who had betrayed God. From that point forwards, republican soldiers and officers had to swear oaths to both Parliament and to God, which emphasised the importance of religion. Today, Aubervijans view religion as an equal to nationality, and the church and state function very closely.

Soon after, the royalists lost thousands of men to defection, not willing to fight against the church and thus against God, and some even joined and fought for the republican cause. Willem was quickly running out of options and loyal commanders, often feeling betrayed, with his mental state and paranoia worsening.

The royalists were able to retreat further north, where they set up a smaller frontline - where they could concentrate larger amounts of their forces. Light skirmishes occurred near every month along this border, but to no avail, and little progress was ever made. Major battles, however, sometimes occured, which allowed the victor of these battles to move further north, into royalist territory or further south, into republican territory.

Towns along the frontline were frequently the targets of attacks, with both sides aiming to capture strategic towns to support supply and as bases to defend or attack from. Often, small villages could see soldiers on both sides skirmishing within them, and civilians were at risk of being caught up in the conflict.

Willem’s commanding officers were often killed, wounded or captured in battles, and Willem quickly ran out of able officers for his forces. Those Willem didn’t trust, he had executed, and eventually it became apparent that Willem was not a good King, nor a good steategist or leader. Royalist supply lines were ruined and hard to maintain, and harsh winters in the north led to crop failures, with the spread of disease rampant.

Willem suffered massive defeats in the mean time. However, on On January 1st, 1649, following two years of consecutive, heavy defeats, and with his army falling apart, Willem was defeated for the final time at the Battle of Schinnen. Willem then surrendered to Boudewijn Haverstreng, a major general the same night. Haverstreng escorted him to Parliament. The remaining royalist forces quickly collapsed in their disorganisation, with royalist officers being rounded up and executed. Eventually, royalist soldiers ended up just going home, or were crushed by republican forces.

Citizen Willem Dumonceau, as he was now known, was declared a traitor by Parliament on the 4th of January. Sat in-front of a high court, full of judges, religious heads and politicians, Willem’s trial lasted 2 weeks and 4 days. He was sentenced to death on the 22nd of January, 1649. Four further counter trials were held over the course of the next two months, however to no avail.

Willem was quoted during his trial as saying; “I am wearing the mask of the court jester, and feeling sorry as him.“

On the 11th of April, 1649, Willem was taken to the Mechelen Estate, a countryside residence in Southern Aubervijr, where he spent his final days. On the 16th of April, his executioner, Gert-Jan Japink, arrived. Willem was allowed to walk in the surrounding countryside with Gert-Jan, and the two often left for hours on end, walking and conversing. The two were apparently very fond of each other, and Willem was said to have accepted his fate.

The execution, on the 20th, was delayed by ten days by order of Vincent Martien, aiming to coincide with the end of the month. On the 28th, Gert-Jan fell ill, however despite advice not to, agreed to carry out the execution, after being asked to personally by Willem. On the 30th, after having been escorted into the courtyard, Willem was given thirty minutes to read the Bible. Afterwards, an archbishop arrived and prayed for him. He was executed by hanging shortly after 11:00 AM, after reciting the Lord's Prayer.

Following his execution, his body were sown together and he was interred in the chapel of Mechelen Cathedral, now known as the Royal Chapel. Willem’s son, Frederik, with assistance from the few royalist soldiers who had fled to the countryside, fled to the Imperium, narrowly avoiding capture on several occasions.

Interestingly, the Crown Jewels were missing days after the execution of King Willem. They wouldn’t be reclaimed until 1661, when they were recovered in a wooden crate stashed in an abandoned royalist fort, located near the town of Sneek. Thereafter, the Crown Jewels were declared to be the direct property of the state, and were put on display in the House of the People. But after several failed robbery attempts, they were moved to a secure vault below the Houses of Parliament.

The Commonwealth of Aubervijr - a democratic state, and more importantly a Republic - was declared an hour after the King’s execution. Over the course of several months, individual members of the royal family believed to have betrayed the Commonwealth were tried, some imprisoned and others executed. The Constitution drafted soon after on June 26th. Aubervijr elected a new leader - Vincent Martien - on June 22nd - marking the date of elections, even today.

Vincent Martien is known as the 'Father of The Commonwealth',. He resigned on May 7th, 1661, after suffering from a stroke. He was 67 at the time of his resignation. Prior, he led Aubervijr into a period of economic prosperity and recovery and is widely regarded as one of the best leaders Aubervijr has had. He served as the honourary President of Aubervijr until his death.

Peter Luttenberg, who led Aubervijr as Chancellor in 1702, proposed the 'Het Compromisvoorstel' (the Compromise Proposal). The Compromise would restore the monarchy, with the monarch acting as a constitutional monarch with limited powers. This resulted in the Coup of 7 April, which saw Peter Luttenberg arrested and charged with high treason, among other crimes and sentenced to death, which preserved the Commonwealth as it stands today.

Overall, the civil war left 84,830 soldiers dead. Its estimated some 40,000 civilians lost their lives in the conflict. The recovery period from the civil war lasted 12 years, and Aubervijr was arguably better off after the period ended than it had been at any point before. Vincent Martien expressed a deep regret in his later life for the human suffering inflicted by the civil war, and took the blame for all the death and suffering caused. His final months were spent in great pain and discomfort as his health worsened; he believed his suffering was an act of God for the “crimes he committed”. He would die in 1670, at the age of 75, a few weeks before his 76th birthday, surrounded by his family, in his family home. The mourning period over the country for his death lasted a week, and he is buried in the de Maurissens family tomb in the cathedral of his birth-town, Brunssum.
 
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The First Civil War
De Eerste Burgeroorlog


When the illegitimate King Ernest, who had no claim to Aubervijr's throne, was crowned King in 1446 following the death of Jan-Lodewijk (John Louis), who died heirless, conflict was inevitable.

By the time Ernest died in 1482, the House of Hargovingian, who were overthrown by the House of Graeff-Wassenaer in 949, wanted the throne back.

This was also the case for the House of Dumonceau, who were overthrown in 1319 by the House of Baud, who split off from the House of Graeff-Wassenaer in 1241.

The pretender from the House of Dumonceau was a man named Maximiliaan Pieter Dumonceau (Maximiliaan IV), whilst the pretender from the House of Hargovingian was a man named Albert Egmond.

King Jan-Lodewijk was of the House of Baud, however died heirless. His brother was dead, and his brother's son died months before, and Aubervijr's accession council wasn't willing to risk a queen, and so looked for alternatives.

Instead of searching for a family with a genuine claim to the throne, they hastily elected to proclaim Ernest Friso-Hurgronje, who was a Duke with little claim to the throne, King.

Aubervijr then nearly faced a full-blown civil war until nobles were convinced that the House of Friso-Hurgronje had a genuine claim to the throne, and were directly descended from Gale Raeddeg - Aubervijr's first King, which was entirely false.

With the death of Ernest in 1482, news quickly leaked that Ernest had no legitimate claim to the throne, and outrage followed. The privy council formed an emergency meeting of advisors, nobles and wealthy men from across all of Aubervijr, which would later become Aubervijr's Parliament, to decide what to do next.

The sitting elected to crown Maximiliaan IV as King of Aubervijr, and a following accession council meeting agreed, causing outrage among the Hargovingian supporters - who were mostly situated in the south-east of the country.

Maximiliaan, on February 23rd, gave the order for an army of 20,000 soldiers to be assembled, all able bodied men aged 21 to 39. A requirement for these soldiers is that they had wives and at least two children, to ensure their bloodline would continue on. Maximiliaan recruited 3 military generals:

Paulus Kenessey de Kenese,
Frans de Savornin Lohman, and
Adam-Laurens van Nispen tot Sevenaer.

The four men were referred to as 'de Quadrumviraat' (the Quadrumvirate) and they would dictate Aubervijr for the next four years.

Albert Egmond attempted to raise an army of 30,000, but only managed to raise 12,000, putting them at an extreme disadvantage. Albert also had little to no experienced commanders, as they all had sided with Maximiliaan. Albert had to promote inexperienced and young officers to the position of general. Albert promoted four young commanders:

Hugo van Raab de Rotte,
Antonie de Roy van Zuidewijn,
Gijsbert van der Meer de Walcheren, and
Jozef Lycklama à Nijeholt.

Hugo had little experience, however had led a mostly unsuccessful expedition to Faursia in 1480. Because of a lack of choice, he was promoted to the head of Albert's armies, and was given the power to overrule the three other generals.

Hugo determined that Maximiliaan had underestimated Albert and had only raised 10,000 men, and told Albert that he could lead his armies head-on into Maximiliaan's own, and decisively defeat them. Despite advice from the other generals not to, Albert agreed, and Hugo marched his armies north. Hugo took over a village called Eelde, and expanded it for his army.

Maximiliaan was informed of the expansion of Eelde, and began the march south with his army on the 8th of May. Maximiliaan hired civilians to assist his army in building roads for further reinforcements and supplies to come through, paying said civilians well. Maximiliaan's army constructed their own village, and called it 'Nieuwe Constantijn', approximately 20 miles away from Eelde.

On the 20th of August, after months of delay, Maximiliaan broke the wait by assembling a small group of 300 longbowmen, 300 cavalry and 320 soldiers and ordered them to weaken Eelde before the main battle would begin.

On the 30th of August, at around one in the morning, the 300 longbowmen used flaming arrows and fired flaming arrows into Eelde. The 300 cavalry then sweeped in, killing anyone who tried to escape. As the flames died down, the 320 soldiers then marched into the town, killing any survivors. The force had left by dawn, and had wiped out thousands.

'Het Bloedbad van Eelde' (the Eelde Massacre) only lasted a mere two hours, but resulted in the deaths of 8,917 soldiers on Albert's side. As for casualties on Maximiliaan's side, eight horses were lost when they caught fire and fourteen soldiers sustained mild to severe burns, but no man died on the night of the massacre, and every burnt soldier made a full recovery, despite some scarring and several amputations.

Hugo was present in the town during the massacre, and went missing during or after the massacre. His body has never been found, and was never seen again. It was assumed he died during or after the massacre. He has a grave in a church graveyard, with a painting of him buried in the coffin.

Albert only had 3,083 soldiers left, and most soldiers deserted or surrendered to Maximiliaan's army, who arrived at the remains of Eelde on the 3rd of September. Little documentation remains concerning the number who surrendered, but from surviving records, historians estimate around 2,450 surrendered.

Albert attempted to raise a second army of 15,000, and managed to raise 9,000. Albert then, on horseback, travelled to another village, called Gouda, around 12 miles away from Maximiliaan's army. Albert arrived at Gouda on the 20th of September. It began to get cold around October, so both Maximiliaan and Albert decided to wait until Spring for further engagements.

On the 14th of May, 1483, Albert attempted to deploy 2,000 men, to ambush Maximiliaan's armies stationed in 4 villages approximately 3 miles apart. They targeted the outskirts of a village called Jonen, where a makeshift camp had been set up by 800 men. Among them, was their commanding officer, Count Lenard Alexander Baud, descended from King Jan-Lodewijk.

During the night of the 16th of May, they struck, copying the massacre, firing arrows into the camp, which was deliberately pitch black. They missed completely, but assumed they hit their target. However, a few arrows hit a watch tower, and an alarm was sounded, waking the soldiers of the camp up, who rushed to put on their armour, and grab their weaponry.

After around five minutes, the camp was ready for battle, and Lenard Baud was already planning a retaliation. Using the dark to their advantage, a small force of 200 men left their camp, and attempted to sneak around the opposing army, which was successful. Once the 200 were ready, the main army charged.

The remaining soldiers in the town charged out to meet them, and the others who had went around them charged in from the sides and behind, and brutal hand-to-hand combat ensued, in the pitch black. Albert's soldiers, after realising they had been encircled, believing the 200 to be a much larger force, attempted to retreat, running into the charging soldiers, where they engaged in a skirmish. Soldiers inevitably attacked each-other, and it was total chaos. Eventually, after half an hour of chaotic combat, reinforcements to aid Lenard Baud arrived, and the remaining soldiers of Albert surrendered, and some fled.

In the end, Lenard Baud suffered 90 casualties and Albert suffered around 400. Maximiliaan, after this, promoted Lenard Baud to a high-ranking position, and assembled his armies on the 20th of May, and marched them to meet Albert's own. Albert marched his armies towards Maximiliaan after receiving this news, and on the 22nd of May, the two met at the Battle of Braamt.

Not much has been recorded of the battle, due to its ferocity and the chaotic manner in which it was executed. All that has been recorded, is that Maximiliaan and Lenard won decisively, taking around 1,900 casualties, whilst Albert sustained around 9,200. Its believed that Lenard led a force of 4,000, whilst Maximiliaan led a force of 8,000, and successfully jammed Albert's forces in the Braamt Valley, close to the original site of the battle, and moved in from the two entrances/exits of the valley, and squeezed Albert's men into a tight area, before slaughtering them.

Albert himself was captured, and was held captive for a week, with no food and only a bowl of water to last him that whole period. He was forced to lick the water from the bowl like a dog, held in an underground cellar, with no lighting but one candle. Albert was then forced into signing the 'Pieterstad Agreement', which recognised Maximiliaan as King, and unconditionally surrendered his entire army and all of his land to the King.

Albert then lived in comfort for over a year, under house arrest, however was deemed a liability. Albert was then given a large meal with ample drinks, before falling asleep on the 9th of September, 1484. During the night, he woken, and escorted from his room. After being escorted, he was given more alcohol, and subsequently became drunk. He was then put on trial, and was sentenced to death for high treason, whilst drunk.

Albert was sober by the time of his execution. He was executed at noon the 10th of September, thus marking the end of the troubled era, where Aubervijans hoped stability would follow.
 
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The Fire
Het Vuur


The Fire, as its plainly known, was a devastating fire that completely burnt a large of the city of Hardenberg on the evening of the 9th of June, right through to the evening of the 11th, in 1598.

Hardenberg was, at this time, a dense city and hadn't been modernised like most of the other cities of Aubervijr at the time. To preserve 'tradition', it was mostly unchanged since it had been constructed, and was near entirely made of timber, covered in flammable substances.

The fire began at around 20:40 in the evening, after a long heatwave. Due to the immense heat, storms across Aubervijr caused lightning strikes. A lightning strike struck a clock tower close to the River Bus, which ran through the city, causing a fire to start. Within twenty minutes, the fire had spread at an extremely fast rate, through major areas such as Dedem Lane and was carried north to less dense areas by a strong wind, away from the River Bus.

Chaos and panic within the urban regions of the city caused citizens to flee initially, in all directions, however common sense, as well as the occasional police officer and soldier, as well as guardsmen of Hardenberg Palace, a royal estate, saw people begin to evacuate, although still in a chaotic manner, south, out of the city, where the army would soon arrive to set up dense camps for the displaced.

Over the next few days, a rain-storm swept in, seeing the remaining, dispersed fires put out by the 11th.

The King at the time, Maximiliaan VI, was present at Sint-Pietersstad Palace. After he was alerted of the fire, he travelled to the city to assess the damage, converse with the injured (or dying), and be a comfort to the people in the hard time.

Maximiliaan went on to walk the city for the entire day on the 12th and 13th, visiting survivors, paying respects, and praying for the dead. Miraculously, the Hardenberg Cathedral, due to the Cathedral being cut off from the city due to its gardens and stones surrounding it, it was mostly untouched by the fire, and still stands to this day, one of the only structures from that era that survives. Many of the time referred to it as a miracle, many still do to this day.

The death toll isn't known. The city prior to the fire was home to around three hundred thousand people, one of the largest in all of Aubervijr, if not, the largest. However, after the fire, it had dropped by as much as seventy thousand, who had been evacuated to hospitals throughout the country, to camps set up by the army further south along the River Bus, or had died/went missing.

These dense camps were the home to an estimated fifty thousand over the period of time that the city was reconstructed, and eventually, most resettled within the rebuilt city itself, which was made of new materials, and was built strictly according to new safety regulations to ensure the city wouldn't be vulnerable to fast-spreading fires in the future.

People eventually settled into the camps as people moved out, and the camps themselves were constructed as smaller cities and were integrated into the city itself, with the names of the former cities that formed becoming boroughs.

Disease easily spread throughout the camps, and the harsh winter of 1598-99 was horrible for the population of these camps. Hundreds to thousands died during the winter, and hospitals in the area were overwhelmed to the point the army had to step in and set up their own hospitals with untrained doctors and surgeons working in said hospitals.

The rebuilding of the city cost untold amounts of money, the entire price isn't known and it took a century to steadily rebuild/repair and modernise the city simultaneously. The entire repair project took over a century to fully complete, and was declared fully completed by the Commonwealth Government on the 16th of November, 1701.

The price to modernise every city across Aubervijr was vast, but was demanded by Maximiliaan VI nonetheless, to ensure such a disaster wouldn't occur again. The Civil War delayed this process, however it was hastily continued by the Commonwealth Government. Its estimated most remaining, unmodernised cities had been modernised at points prior to 1701.
 
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The Coup of 7 April (Official Retcon, WIP)

In 1702, Pieter Martis van Luttenberg, who became increasingly loyal to a possible restoration of the monarchy, proposed the Compromise Act of 1702 on the 23rd of March. In the act, it proposed the restoration of the monarchy under a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament. Although some old reformists found this appealing, the republican majority did not.

Despite lacking a majority, Van Luttenberg pushed the act forward. In response, a hardline, yet charismatic general named Jasper Joep Mason Brecht Romeijnders, aged 48, who held the rank of Lieutenant General, contacted the leader of the republican opposition, Ferdinand Adam Johannes de Girard de Mielet van Haersolte.

Romeijnders and Van Haersolte agreed to launch a coup d'état, via letters exchanged over a period of a week, with a solid agreement reached on the 2nd of April. In the meantime, parliament had successfully delayed the act from being voted on. However, time was running out; as the act couldn't be delayed forever.

Romeijnders raised the Saint-Constantin District Forces, which comprised of 13,000 experienced and professional soldiers - all loyal to himself and the Commonwealth. Thereafter, during a sitting of Parliament, Van Haersolte and Romeijnders struck, on the 7th of April, 1702.

Marching from the outskirts, they blocked the roads leading in and out of the city, and blocked ways of transport via the River Pallandt, completed at 13:30. They then moved to secure key buildings throughout the city, with local police collaborating; this was done in mere hours, with combined forces of soldiers and police closing off Parliament, which was completed by 17:00.

At exactly 17:47, 21 men forced open the doors of Parliament with a battering ram. Thereafter, they all, armed with muskets and flintlock pistols, entered Parliament, with both Romeijnders and Van Haersolte with them, alongside Mason Brecht de Witte, the Chief Justice and Colonel Andreas Ouwerkerk, who served as Romeijnders’ right hand man. Romeijnders, armed with a flintlock pistol, approached Van Luttenberg, who stood in the centre of the Parliament. His supporters simply sat on their benches, as cries of support errupted from the opposition benches.

Romeijnders then looked to De Witte, who read out a list of crimes committed by Van Luttenberg, including high treason, murder, robbery, conspiracy to murder, among other crimes. De Witte sentenced Luttenberg to death on the spot, and Romeijnders handed his pistol to Ouwerkerk. Ouwerkerk then raised the pistol and shot Luttenberg once in the neck, and executed him.

Van Haersolte was sworn-in immediately after as Chancellor, Romeijnders was appointed his Depute. After Van Haersolte's two terms ended, Romeijnders completed his own two terms as Chancellor thereafter. He remained incredibly popular amongst the populace, and remained Minister of Defence and the Chief of the General Staff until his death aged 73 in 1727.
 
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All years below are CE - Chancellors

b. = Born, d. = Died, io = In-Office

Dates and/or names may be changed in the future

Vincent-Martien Florentijn de Maurissens (b. 1594, d. 1670, io. 1649-1661)
Charles Ludger van Brederode (b. 1599, d. 1680, io. 1661-1673)
Louis Alexander Feedinand Perponcher (b. 1624, d. 1703, io. 1673-1685)
Laurens Anthony Caspar Aldenkamp (b. 1628, d. 1701, io. 1685-1697)
Peter Martis Luttenberg (b. 1640, d. 1702, io. 1697-1702)

(Coup of 7 April occurs to prevent a monarchist restoration. Ferdinand Adam Johannes de Girard and Lieutenant-General Jasper Joep Mason Brecht Romeijnders arrest Van Luttenberg, who is put on trial and found guilty of high treason and executed.)

Ferdinand Adam Johannes de Girard (b. 1666, d. 1744, io. 1702-1714)
Jasper Joep Mason Brecht Romeijnders (b. 1664, d. 1727, io. 1714-1726)
Haghen Kobus van Leeuwenhoek (b. 1672, d. 1753, io. 1726-1738)
Jordan Gerrit Olaf Philips (b. 1687, d. 1761, io. 1738-1750)
Edwin Martinus 'Ties' Rooijakkers (b. 1687, d. 1771, io. 1750-1762)
Frederik Augustus Casimir Albronda (b. 1697, d. 1767, io. 1762-1767)
Johan Aidan Rían Schoorl (b. 1712, d. 1786, io. 1767-1768)
Killian Augustus Robin Rood (b. 1720, d. 1804, io. 1768-1780)
Hennie Ciel Dehaan Holst (b. 1718, d. 1802, io. 1780-1792)
Roelof Henrick Sebastian Verhoeven (b. 1743, d. 1823, io. 1792-1804)
Damian Rosey Baars (b. 1747, d. 1805, io. 1804-1805)
Oliver Frits Kornel TerAvest (b. 1762, d. 1841, io. 1805-1810)
Sepp Lievan Adam Loman (b. 1767, d. 1854, io. 1810-1822)
Boudewijn Gerlach Benjamin Kuiper (b. 1764, d. 1835, io. 1822-1834)
Josep Anthony Berg Langbroek (b. 1773, d. 1858, io. 1834-1846)
Roland Bonifacius Klein (b. 1790, d. 1861, io. 1846-1858)
Julian Maximilian van Owen (b. 1800, d. 1883, io. 1858-1870)
Percy Ilias Leeuwenhoek (b. 1816, d. 1901, io. 1870-1876)
William Thom Penders (b. 1823, d. 1893, io. 1876-1882)
Lucas Maurits van Rossum (b. 1825, d. 1899, io. 1882-1888)
Calvin Spencer Bas Roosa (b. 1838, d. 1908, io. 1888-1900)
Andries Henrick Roggeveen (1847, d. 1922, io. 1900-1906)
Melchior Lieven van Exen (b. 1856, d. 1934, io. 1906-1912)
Louis Ruud van Laar (b. 1851, d. 1921, io. 1912-1918)
Jacobus Hæge Westenberg (b. 1863, d. 1921, io. 1918-1921)
Ernest Leopold Vermeulen (b. 1862, d. 1945, io. 1921-1924)
Steven Pim Casimir Wijngaarden (van Jacobiparochie) (b. 1863, d. 1947, io. 1924-1936)
Constantijn Caspar van Soeterwoude (b. 1871, d. 1941, io. 1936-1941)
Frans Willem Arend Kranenberg (b. 1895, d. 1977, io. 1941-1942)
Paulus Machiel Adam Cornelissen (b. 1886, d. 1957, io. 1942-1948)
Alexander Jan Florentijn Buskirk (b. 1898, d. 1983, io. 1948-1960)
Antonie Hendrix Hannes van Kappel Kneijnsberg (b. 1915, d. 2004, io. 1960-1972)
Petrus Leonard Taets van Amerongen van Renswoude (b. 1913, d. 1990, io. 1972)
Anneliese Eline Hannie van der Muur (b. 1921, d. 1982, io. 1972-1978)
Christian Floran Stan van Bunschoten (b. 1925, d. 2022, io. 1978-1990)
Andreas Ton Gerrie Rodenburg (b. 1947, d. N/A, io. 1990-2002)
Alfons "Fons" Rens Jordaan Baas (b. 1952, d. N/A, io. 2002-2008)
Laurens Roelof Dean Theunissen (b. 1950, d. 2021, io. 2008-2014)
Rudolf Sjef Marteen Verstege (b. 1967, d. N/A, io. 2014-2020)
Johannes Simon Vincent van der Capellen (b. 1973, d. N/A, io. 2020-)
 
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All years below are CE - Presidents

b. = Born, d. = Died, io = In-Office

Dates and/or names may be changed in the future

Samuel Janus Axel Verheyen (b. 1589, d. 1656, io. 1649-1655)
Berghuis Thomas van Zutphen (b. 1591, d. 1666, io. 1655-1661)
Antonie Wolter Ludger Tuinstra (b. 1599, d. 1670, io. 1661-1673)
Lieven Walraven Berendsen (b. 1608, d. 1681, io. 1673-1685)
Tobias Melvin Hanegraaff (b. 1619, d. 1699, io. 1685-1691)
Marten Olivier Pascal Engelbrecht (b. 1637, d. 1716, io. 1691-1697)
Quirinius Remco Zeger van Hesselt (b. 1642, d. 1702, io. 1697-1702)

Coup of 7 April occurs to prevent a monarchist restoration. Peter Luttenberg, the Chancellor was executed for high treason; Van Hesselt, already in poor health prior to the coup, died while awaiting trial.

Philip Melvin Cortelyou (b. 1639, d. 1720, io. 1702-1714)
Kiliaen Medaert Peresyn Rademaker (b. 1654, d. 1728, io. 1714-1726)
Perchevael Tossaen Nataneel Haisten (b. 1659, d. 1739, io. 1726-1738)
Jacob Cornelis Govert Kleinjan (b. 1682, d. 1747, io. 1738-1744)
Tjalling Marinus Jasper Schrijnemakers (b. 1692, d. 1762, io. 1744-1750)
Adriaan Andries Gillis van Banchem (b. 1706, d. 1766, io. 1750-1762)
Laurens Paul Robbert van Duvenvoorde (b. 1699, d. 1769, io. 1762-1768)
Anthonie Isaac Hugo Bicker (b. 1715, d. 1782, io. 1768-1780)
Rombout Benjamin van Binnenhof (b. 1726, d. 1787, io. 1780-1787)
Theodoor Reinier Francken (b. 1733, d. 1796, io. 1787-1792)
IJsbrant Lodewijk Otto Aldershof (b. 1741, d. 1815, io. 1792-1804)
Adriaen Gerard Meulenbelt (b. 1757, d. 1820, io. 1804-1816)
Hans Joep Willemsen (b. 1757, d. 1825, io. 1816-1822)
Leonardus Okkie van der Vuurst (b. 1768, d. 1840, io. 1822-1834)
Antonius Sven Kneijnsberg (b. 1772, d. 1852, io. 1834-1846)
Sylvester Harmen Jaap Bekkering (b. 1802, d. 1885, io. 1846-1852)
Karel Janathan Bouwman (b. 1792, d. 1873, io. 1852-1864)
Roland Pascal van Sint-Annaparochie (b. 1807, d. 1874, io. 1864-1874)
Sebastiaan Rudolf Hendriksen (b. 1828, d. 1878, io. 1874-1876)
Jakob Henry Juw Houtkooper (b. 1824, d. 1888, io. 1876-1882)
Hessel Hendrick Roggeveen (b. 1826, d. 1897, io. 1882-1894)
Lukas Melvin Zuiderduin (b. 1834, d. 1914, io. 1894-1906)
Friso Willem van Wegberg (b. 1844, d. 1920, io. 1906-1918)
Michel Pascal Barend (b. 1860, d. 1934, io. 1918-1930)
Remco Sem-Stefan van Camp (b. 1868, d. 1948, io. 1930-1942)
Laurens Harm Jasper Jacobs (b. 1880, d. 1962, io. 1942-1948)
Albert Lieven Bas Castelijn (b. 1894, d. 1986, io. 1948-1960)
Johannes Calvin van der Velden (b. 1900, d. 1990, io. 1960-1972)
Antonie Karel Timmerman (b. 1916, d. 2000, io. 1972-1984)
Jan Martijn Willemsen (b. 1919, d. 1997, io. 1984-1990)
Olivier Cley Theodore Stoepker (b. 1934, d. 2023, io. 1990-2002)
Abraham Henry Bowsel (b. 1944, d. N/A, io. 2002-2014)
Stefan Jesse Augustus Peters (b. 1958, d. N/A, io. 2014-2020)
Coenraad Andries Ferdinand van Rijckevorsel (b. 1948, d. N/A, io. 2020-)
 
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All years below are CE - Monarchs

b. = Born, d. = Died, r. = Reign, io = In-Office

House of Walcheren


Audwulf (b. 368, d. 427, r. 413-427)
Aldgisl I (b. 387, d. 436, r. 427-436)
Thiatbraht (b. 406, d. 460, r. 458-460)
Folkmar (b. 427, d. 491, r. 460-491)
Aldgisl II (b. 450, d. 505, r. 491-505)
Arnulf I (b. 474, d. 513, r. 505-513)
Floris I (b. 493, d. 534, r. 513-534)
Floris II (b. 513, d. 543, r. 534-543)
Nordalah (b. 522, d. 587, r. 543-587)
Arnulf II (b. 541, d. 599, r. 587-599)
Floris III (b. 560, d. 611, r. 599-611)
Wolfgerus I (b. 564, d. 615, r. 611-615)
Ludger Eoban (b. 594, d. 649, r. 615-649)
Floris Egilbert (b. 628, d. 694, r. 649-694)
Arnulf Herman (b. 648, d. 700, r. 694-700)
Wolfgerus II (b. 680, d. 728, r. 700-728)
Floris IV (b. 702, d. 738, r. 728-738)

House of Drenthe

Reinoud (b. 713, d. 764, r. 738-764)
Herman II (b. 732, d. 764, r. 764)

House of Westerkwartier

Sedemaiden (b. 744, d. 805, r. 764-805)
Gozewijn I (b. 769, d. 829, r. 805-829)
Wolfgerus III (b. 817, d. 843, r. 829-843)
Gozewijn II (b. 838, d. 897, r. 843-897)
Wolfgerus IV (b. 841, d. 903, r. 897-903)
Rudolf Hartwig (b. 860, d. 923, r. 903-923)
Theodoor I (b. 891, d. 949, r. 923-949)

House of Zeeland

Gijsbrecht I (b. 918, d. 965, r. 949-965)
Jan Zweder I (b. 942, d. 996, r. 965 to 996)
Gijsbrecht II (b. 966, d. 1015, r. 996-1015)
Koenraad (b. 1000, d. 1061, r. 1031-1061)
Boudewijn I (b. 1026, d. 1074, r. 1061-1074)
Jan Zweder II (b. 1052, d. 1100, r. 1074-1100)
Jan Zweder III (b. 1075, d. 1120, io. 1117-1120)
Karel Dekema (b. 1093, d. 1150, r. 1120-1150)
Boudewijn II (b. 1111, d. 1160, r. 1150-1160)
Ulrich (b. 1129, d. 1192, r. 1160-1192)
Floris IV (b. 1149, d. 1202, r. 1200-1202)
Henry I (b. 1179, d. 1225, r. 1214-1225

House of Dumonceau

Maximiliaan I (b. 1168, d. 1241, r. 1225-1228)
Theodoor II (b. 1213, d. 1274, r. 1252-1274)
Alexander I (b. 1260, d. 1319, r. 1274-1319)
Maximiliaan II (b. 1293, d. 1355, r. 1319-1355)
Maximiliaan III (b. 1323, d. 1380, r. 1355-1380)
Henry II (b. 1341, d. 1385, r. 1380-1385)
Alexander II (b. 1359, d. 1394, r. 1385-1394)
Henry III (b. 1377, d. 1426, r. 1394-1426)
Henry IV (b. 1397, d. 1440, r. 1426-1440)
Alexander III (b. 1419, d. 1469, r. 1440-1469)

House of Lauwers

Ernst (b. 1408, d. 1484, r. 1481-1482)

First Civil War - 1482-1484

House of Dumonceau, reinstated


Maximiliaan IV (b. 1444, d. 1510, r. 1482-1510)
Maximiliaan V (b. 1474, d. 1538, r. 1510-1538)
Eleonore Marie (b. 1519, d. 1601, r. 1538-1601)
Maximiliaan VI (b. 1542, d. 1620, r. 1595
1620)
Maximiliaan VII (b. 1560, d. 1622, r. 1620-1631)
Henry V (b. 1580, d. 1632, r. 1622-1632)
Willem (b. 1600, d. 1650, r. 1632-1644)

Civil War - 1644-1649

Establishment of the Commonwealth of Aubervijr - Kingdom of Aubervijr is dissolved and the Royal Family abolished
 
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The Assassination of Jacobus Hæge Westenberg

22nd to the 23rd of December, 1921

Jacobus Hæge Westenberg was born on the 21st of August, 1868, to his parents Sverre and Sanne Westenberg, in a remote village named Lidlum.

He became Chancellor in June 1918, having been elected as the leader of the Conservative Republican Party two years prior. He was especially unpopular among socialists and progressives for his hardline, more traditional views. He’s remembered as one of Aubervijr’s more disliked chancellors, and is known for his failed attempts to reform the economy, which led to a sharp rise in unemployment rates during his tenure.

In late December of 1921, Jacobus made the decision to visit city in the south of Aubervijr named Menaldum. His intentions were to visit the local MP and mayor, and then travel further south, where he would visit his family for a day, before returning to the capital. However, a local greengrocer and radical socialist, Cornelis Thyssen, aged 26 at the time, made it his intention to assassinate Jacobus. Its not properly understood as to why he wanted to, nor when he came to his decision, however his wife later recalled a change in his behaviour in the leadup to the assassination. He also wrote a will in secret, where he left all of his belongings to his wife and sister.

A day before Jacobus' arrival, on the 20th of December, Cornelis purchased a .45 calibre revolver. Gun ownership and purchase in Aubervijr was, at the time, entirely legal, and Jacobus owned several other firearms which he kept in his shop in case of a robbery or break-in. It wasn’t deemed unusual for his purchase of another weapon, and there was no reason to refuse to sell it to him.

Jaocbus arrived on the night of the 21st and slept in a hotel within the city centre. Jacobus stayed inside most of the day performing office work, signing documents and at met with the local MP and mayor at around 11 AM on the 22nd. In the evening of the 22nd, at around 9 PM - he left the hotel. It was his intention to meet with crowds and watch a Christmas parade, although it was not recommended by his security - Jacobus reportedly insisted, and viewed it as an opportunity to rally much needed support in the area.

Crowds filled the streets, and were kept behind short metal fences to prevent disorder. Cornelis arrived early, and was sighted pacing up and down the main road. Cornelis positioned himself at the front of the fences, and its estimated that Jaocbus was in close proximity to the crowds - and was approximately half a metre away from Cornelis at the time of his assassination.

Jacobus arrived to the parade at 10:02 PM, and decided he would greet the crowds after the parade had passed. The parade took around half an hour, and concluded at 10:46 PM. Jacobus then walked alongside the fences, holding out his left hand, greeting the crowds.

At exactly 10:51 PM, Jacobus passed Cornelis. Cornelis reportedly grabbed Jacobus with his left hand - his weaker hand, and exclaimed; “Dood aan jou” (death to you), before he pulled the revolver from his greatcoat pocket. The revolver was already cocked, and Jacobus turned his head to face Cornelis as he raised the revolver. In an instant, Cornelis had already fired, with the bullet hitting Jacobus in the neck.

In mere seconds after, members of the public had pounced on Cornelis, restraining his right arm and pushing it either upwards or to the left, so the revolver was not pointing at Jacobus. Police officers were quick to arrive, apparently taking ten seconds for the nearest officer to arrive. It took several minutes to restore order, and nobody further away from the fences quite knew what had happened. Eventually, voices in the crowds began to cry out; “the Chancellor has been shot!”

Jacobus was hit in the lower neck. The bullet lascerated both his common carotid artery and his internal jugular vein. This caused Jacobus to suffer massive haemorrhaging, and a lack of blood flow to his brain meant he would have suffered severe brain damage. Two police officers had reached Jacobus within mere seconds of his shooting - and Jacobus was reportedly conscious for no more than five seconds after he was shot. He was caught by a police officer as he collapsed to the ground, and was bleeding heavily. Its not known as to how long he survived, as his pulse was not checked, however a pathologist conducting his autopsy concluded he likely died within 15 seconds of being shot.

His body was moved out of the street and into the nearest building, which happened to be a pharmacist. Inside, Senior Constable Nicolaas Dekker pronounced him dead, at 10:53 PM. Jacobus was 53. According to his wishes, his funeral was quiet. He was taken back to Lidlum and buried in Saint Anne's Chapel in the town on the 30th of December. His wife, Luna died in 1939 following struggles with alcoholism and was buried next to him. Jacobus had four children; Max (died; 1948), Julia (died; 1972), Mila (died; 1974) and Eva (died 1978).

Cornelis, in the chaos of the event, suffered from several broken bones, dislocations and various other injuries. Cornelis was arrested and held by police officers in a nearby hotel, which police would use as a sort of temporary station. Cornelis was held in the Cornelis reportedly asked for the Chancellor on several occasions, asking “Is hij dood? Ik heb hem vermoord?” (“Is he dead? I killed him?”)

The army was called in from a nearby garrison to help calm the chaos and restore order, and Cornelis was handed over to the army. Cornelis was then moved to said army garrison in the early hours of the next morning. He was tried before a court in a bunker within the garrison, in a "special session", with no lawyer to defend himself and no right to appeal. Both the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, General Arnold van het Hoff and Brigadier Constantijn Caspar van Soeterwoude, a future Chancellor of Aubervijr were the present at the session. The session officially began at 13:21 - with every word said in the session documented, and the time each sentence was said also noted.

He was facing charges of high treason, murder, assassination and conspiracy. He was apparently smug in the courtroom, and acted as if he was proud of his actions, though was often in pain from his broken bones and dislocations, which were not treated. At 13:44 Cornelis made some offensive remarks where he more or less admitted his guilt. In response to this, the session ended and Cornelis was removed, and placed in a holding cell, where he remained for around 20 minutes. He was recalled, where he was told that he had been sentenced to be shot at 14:07. At 14:20, he was executed by firing squad in a concrete basement beneath the garrison. He was cremated and his ashes dumped into an unmarked grave "within the vicinity". His will was burnt and his belongings were instead destroyed, leaving nothing for his family.

It was later discovered in January 1922 that Cornelis had potentially acted in partnership with two brothers, Maximiliaan and Hendrik Los, who were brothers, known socialists and friends of Cornelis. Cornelis had mentioned their names as “helpers of the cause” in his journal.

They were both arrested and tried before a court, and both promptly sentenced to be executed. However, at the last minute, the guard of their cell, who was later found to be sympathetic towards the brothers, handed them one pistol, loaded with two bullets. (The same guard was later found guilty of high treason and was executed himself.) The brothers chose to die by their own hands, rather than be made an example of, and were cremated, with their ashes buried in an undisclosed location, only known by their familiy. The Los brothers were later found to be completely innocent, and were sentenced without proper justification. They were both granted a pardon, by Social Democrat chancellor Paulus Cornelissen, in 1941.
 
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Vincent Martien’s official portrait, circa 1649.

Vincent-Martien Florentijn Casper de Maurissens was born on the 21st of January, 1594 in Bolsward, in the outskirts of Harlingen, to Louis de Maurissens and his second wife, Eline. Louis de Maurissens came from a modest background, yet still inherited a large countryside estate from his own father, Casper. Eline de Maurissens came from a similar background. Martien had ten siblings in total - seven who survived, and three who died in infancy.

Martien was baptised on the 25th of January at the Church of St Jan’s in Bolsward. He attended Bolsward Grammar School, and went to study at Goes College, Flevoland, in the south-west of Aubervijr. Goes College was recently founded at the time, and had a strong Messianist ethos. He achieved a degree in law shortly after his father’s death in 1618, and returned home thereafter to help and support his family.

Martien married Marie ‘Manon’ Beenhouwer on the 18th of December, 1618 in the same church of his baptism. Together, the couple would have five children - Claus (1620-1647), Laurentin (1622-1686), Esmee (1625-1696), Maurits (1628-1677) and Floris (1630-1702). Beenhouwer’s father, Cornelius Beenhouwer owned extensive lands in southern Faursia and had connections to the Church of Aubervijr. He also had strong connections to merchants across Aubevijr and had several friends who were MPs. The marriage thus brought Martien into contact with leading Aubervijan merchants and two MPs, named Arendt de Norman et d'Audenhove and Pascal van Randwijck. This created an influential network which Martien would come to use to his advantage, and would prove vital in the early stages of Martien’s rise to power.

It was around this time that he became known as Vincent Martien, rather than Vincent/Vincent-Martien de Maurissens. Martien registered as an MP with the name Vincent Martien, and the name thereafter stuck. To his family and close friends, he remained Vincent de Maurissens, and his children were given his actual surname aswell. On the De Maurissens family tomb, his name reads “Vincent-Martien de Maurissens”.

On the 22nd of June, 1623, Martien was elected as the MP for Bolsward. Its believed that Martien, at this point wasn’t strongly religious, as letters to his wife reveal his scepticism towards religion. Later that year, however, Martien would fall ill with a fever, that would leave him bedridden for weeks. The fever only seemed to worsen, and Martien’s wife would summon a priest to sit by his bedside and pray with Martien. Afterwards, his condition improved and he made a recovery and became a devout Messianist, believing that God had spared him from a fatal illness, and further boosted the thought that God had spared him because he was destined for greater things.

IMG_9761.jpg

Vincent Martien in 1623.

Martien would be introduced to an MP, named Lambert van Poelenburgh. Van Poelenburgh was a very influential politician, who would later become a member of the a league of five, a clique of MPs who led the republican cause. The league frequently met outside of Parliament and gathered a following of MPs, disloyal military officers and civilians. The two became good friends. Martien’s seat in Parliament would more or less go to waste, as Martien stopped attending meetings of Parliament. Between 1623 and 1634, Martien only made three speeches in Parliament, all of which were poorly received and in general, he made very little impression. In 1631, he would move from the family estate in Bolsward to his own residence in Harlingen. There, he would join the army as an officer. By 1643, he was a captain.

Martien spent 12 years with the army, and attended Parliament inconsistently between 1631 and 1634, when King Willem Dumonceau dissolved Parliament. Parliament would remain closed for the next 9 years. In 1643, Martien returned to Parliament when it was recalled, still as the MP for Bolsward, and Martien would become properly introduced with the league of five. Parliament would be closed within around a month after Parliament turned on Dumonceau, and passed a bill which limited the powers of the monarch, something which Dumonceau deemed to be illegal.

Martien would more or less become a member of the newly founded league of six on the 2nd of January, 1644 - and not long afterwards, on the 1st of February, Dumonceau attempted to arrest the league of six by storming Parliament with 15 men, only to discover that they had fled minutes before. Between then and the 12th of March, Martien met with Lucas Holwarda, who was the leading figure in the Faursian indepencence movement of the time. Martien was able to convince Holwarda that civil war was coming to Aubervijr, and that the Faursians would face little resistance if they decided to revolt.

Martien was also able to convince many MPs in Parliament that Aubervijr was on the brink of civil war, and Parliament thereafter drafted a series of demands, which were submitted to the King. These demands involved Parliament securing a larger share of power in the governance of the country, but Dumonceau rejected the demands a week after they had been submitted. Dumonceau then left Harlingen for the north of the country.

Following the 12th of March, the Aubervijan civil war had begun. The league more or less ran Aubervijr as a directory for a few years during the civil war. However, the eldest member of the league, Campegius Berckheyde, died on the 17th of August, 1646. Berckheyde kept a balance within the directory, and kept Martien’s ambition in check. Following his death, Martien became the de-facto leader of Aubervijr. A second member of the league - Hugo van Hövell tot Westerflier would be killed at the Battle of Brunssum on the 28th of May, 1647. After this, the league essentially disbanded, and its members became a group of advisors to Martien.

Martien’s eldest son, Claus, whom Martien adored, was wounded in the same battle. Claus sustained an injury to his gut and upper leg, and would later die at the age of 27, before Martien had an opportunity to see him alive for a final time. His death had a massive impact on Martien, leaving him emotionally devastated. However, he pushed through the pain and continued with his duties.

Martien would, in the end, oversee the defeat of the monarchists in the civil war. The final battle of the war, the Battle of Schinnen, which occured on new year’s day, 1649, would see the surrender of King Willem Dumonceau, who was taken into military custody. Parliament declared him a traitor on the 4th of January, and a day later, was then sat before a court. Judges, archbishops, politicians and military leaders all sat in this court. The trial lasted fifty five days, and Dumonceau was found guilty of treason and tyranny, and was sentenced to death on the 25th of February.

He would not be executed until the 30th of April. Martien delayed his execution deliberately, and was later present at his death, when he was hung at Mechelen estate. Martien, later on the same day, declared the Commonwealth of Aubervijr to be a new state, based on democratic and Messianist principles. Martien, following Dumonceau’s death, Dumonceau’s 26-year old son, Maximiliaan-Casimir was executed in the same location as his father. Dumonceau’s son attempted to escape Aubervijr, and evaded capture for 42 days before he was apprehended on a boat minutes before it was due to depart. He was executed alongside several other princes, dukes and marquises who fought against the Commonwealth.

Martien also fought in Faursia, where he participated in numerous battles and commanded the Aubervijan army. Martien would oversee the defeat of the Faursian rebels and royalists who refused to surrender after the fall of the Aubervijan monarchy. Martien would treat Faursia with respect, viewing them as fierce and brave fighters. Martien made peace treaties with most of his Faursian enemies and allowed them to return to their homes to live the rest of their lives in peace. Martien would leave Faursia soon thereafter and return to Aubervijr.

Martien then purchased Mechelen estate, and had it transformed into a museum. The museum was built around the courtyard in which Dumonceau and his son was executed. The museum holds artefacts from Dumonceau’s imprisonment, right through to the Bible he read prior to his execution and the clothes he wore when he was hung. Martien wanted Aubervijr to learn from the mistakes of the past, and the museum, known as Mechelen museum, remains open today, and the exact scaffolding on which Dumonceau was executed can be found there today.

It was around this time that Martien met Louis Perponcher, a young political aide, who served as an aide to Antonie Bosschaert, a former member of the league of six and a close advisor to Martien. Perponcher found Martien to be a “charming, respectable and intelligent man” and later viewed Martien as his own inspiration. Perponcher would later become Chancellor in 1673, and would prove to be one of the most influential Chancellors Aubervijr has ever had, revolutionising Aubervijr’s politics for many years to come.

The strain of leading the Commonwealth during the civil war had visibly taken its toll on Martien. His once black hair had become grey. His facial hair, too had also greyed, and Martien grew it out more. He appeared skinnier, and often wore thick, heavy clothes to hide his loss of weight. His eyes often appeared a lot more sunken and tired, and he never fully recovered from the mental strain and stress that he experienced.

Martien would serve a further 12 years as Aubervijr’s chancellor, regardless. Martien established the 6-year term limits, and a limit of 2 terms per individual - a system still in place today. Martien led the economic recovery following the civil war, and set the foundation for a period of economic growth that would succeed the expiration of his final term. Martien’s health took a turn for the worst in early 1661, during the final months of his term, and he considered resignation, however decided not to.

Prior to the ending of his term, he named Charles van Brederode as his successor to leas his party, the Commonwealth Party, should they win the next general election. Martien also created the Order of the Commonwealth (Orde van het Gemenebest, abbreviated OG), which today, is the oldest and highest honour in Aubervijr. He was posthumously awarded this after his own death.

Following the expiration of his second term, Martien retired from politics, choosing to live out the rest of his days with his family. Martien gathered he likely didn’t have that much time left to live, and wanted to spend his final years doing what he enjoyed. And so, he took up many hobbies, including gardening, writing, reading and long countryside walks.

Martien struggled with what is known now to be PTSD towards the end of his life. His actions in the civil war, and memories of the violence he witnessed at battles came back to haunt him. One specific battle that prayed on his mind was the Battle of Gissenburg, which was particularly gorey. Faursian royalists fought against Commonwealth forces, and Martien was present with the commanding officers of the Aubervijan force. The Faursians wrapped their faces in white cloth, stained red with blood and blood drenched on their tunics. They aimlessly charged at the Aubervijans, engaging in brutal hand to hand combat. Martien later remembered them as “the dead men”. Martien wrote in his journal that the battle gave him nightmares, and Martien found it extremely unnerving.

Martien’s final months were spent in great pain and discomfort as his health worsened. In the early hours of of the 4th of January, 1662, he is believed to have suffered a stroke. He died later on in the evening, 17 days before his 68th birthday, surrounded by his family. Martien would leave behind his wife and their four surviving children. The mourning period in Aubervijr for his death lasted a week, and he is buried in the de Maurissens family tomb in the Church of St Jan’s, Bolsward - the same church in which he was married and baptised.

Martien is remembered as one of the great chancellors of Aubervijr, and is remembered as the ‘father of the Commonwealth’. His policies and his approach to religion remains influential in the Commonwealth today, and his Messianist and democratic principles remain the foundation on which the Commonwealth still stands strong.
 
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Anneliese as aide to the Minister of Economic Affairs.

Anneliese Eline Hannie Rentmeester was the first and currently the only woman Chancellor of Aubervijr, serving for exactly five years and seven months following the removal of Chancellor Petrus Leonard Taets van Amerongen van Renswoude, after only five months as Chancellor.

Anneliese was born on the 17th of September, 1921 to Sepp and Suzanne van der Muur in the industrial city of Haule. Sepp was a MP for the Socialist Party, and had prior served as a navyman, whilst Suzanne didn't have a job and frequently took ill. Anneliese was one of seven children the couple had, she was the fifth child the couple had.

Anneliese didn't attend a nursery, however attended a local Courantist primary school, followed by a secondary school nine miles from her home, which she had to attend until she was at least 14. She often had to walk to and from school every day, regardless of weather.

Suzanne died in 1937. Its not clear how Suzanne died, but its suspected it was from a combination of health issues, perhaps including pneumonia, that had affected her since childhood, when she suffered from multiple childhood illnesses that left her scarred and with a weak immune system.

Anneliese remained in school until she was 16, when she dropped out and attended a college in Marum, in the north-east, and after performing well, she was accepted into the University of Minnertsga, one of the most prestigious in the country aged 21. She studied mathematics, and later political science. She entered a relationship with an army ensign she met at a bar, named Rob van der Muur, who is the great uncle of a minister currently serving in the Aubervijan government. They would marry six years later, and she took his surname.

The 1940s saw a small growth in the number of female politicians. One of which was a woman named Noortje Achterkamp, a conservative who was nicknamed 'Kat', due to her short height but her competency and feisty nature. Anneliese named Kat as her inspiration to go into politics.

With influences from her socialist father and her conservative friends whilst attending university - she joined the liberal party at first, before joining the conservatives, and represented them in Haule, alongside MP Siem Robbe, when she was 30.

She took the conservative party by storm after proposals for reform in certain areas of the economy, written in a paper she wrote to the government, were submitted to parliament for debate, however never went further than that due to the conservatives lacking a majority st the time. However, the government saw her potential and in 1952, she was appointed as an aide to the Shadow Minister of Economic Affairs. She had a daughter the same year, named Rosa.

Anneliese was invited to serve as an MP in 1960 following the victory of Antonie Hendrix Hannes van Kneijnsberg and the conservatives in the 1960 general elections. She accepted, and thus began her tenure. During a cabinet reshuffle in late 1962, she was appointed Minister for Economic Affairs, and survived two cabinet purges. The economy underwent growth during her tenure, and the conservatibes were re-elected in 1966. However, between 1969 and 1972, Van Kneijnsberg became increasingly wild with his decision making and reshuffled cabinet four times in one year, which cost them the 1972 election, where they fell shy of a majority, with the far-right Commonwealth Party gaining more seats, but still not reaching a majority themselves.

And so, the Commonwealth and Conservative parties formed a coalition government, which was approved by the President - however it only lasted five months. The two parties frequently clashed and began operating separately, which later caused the President to dissolve the coalition, and Petrus Leonard Taets van Amerongen van Renswoude, the Chancellor of the time, subsequently resigned.

Anneliese guided the conservatives along a stable course and improved relations between the conservative and liberal parties. She secured a coalition government between the two parties thereafter. In the leadership contests that followed on who should lead the coalition, she won with an overwhelming majority within the party, and thus became Chancellor. She vowed to only serve one term, which is a vow she lived up to due to 'unimportant concerns'.

She was one of the most capable chancellors Aubervijr had seen, and served as a breath of fresh air that the country had needed for a long time. She was popular amongst the populace, and even took her cabinet across Saint-Constantin, where they spoke to homeless people, those with disabilities and those living in the poorer areas of the city. During her tenure, the rate of homelessness dropped drastically, and she took some left-wing policies and adapted them slightly to the Aubervijan economy, in what became known as "Muurism".

Towards the end of her term, rumours of her health were circulating after it was reported she had lost a lot of weight over the period of two years, which was dismissed as stress-related. The 1978 elections came around and the conservatives won the election, and Anneliese stepped down as chancellor in favour of her depute, Christian Floran Stan van Bunschoten.

Soon after, she was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer. Its unclear how long she had cancer before her diagnosis, as documents concerning it have never been published but its suspected the weight loss was related to it. Her diagnosis wasn't revealed until her death.

She stopped making public appearances after mid-1981, instead retiring to her humble countryside home along the Sea of Rhij. She went to hospital often to undergo chemotherapy, and initially the growth of the cancer seemed to slow, however in early 1982, increased. Chemotherapy no longer seemed to effect the cancer by the summer of 1982.

Anneliese died on the 19th of September, 1982, aged 61, two days after her birthday. Her last moments were described as "peaceful", with her husband Rob stating "she was surrounded by family, right till the end". According to her wishes, she had a small funeral, only attended by close friends and family. Her funeral took place on the 30th of September in Haamstede Cathedral, close to her seaside home. She was cremated, with her ashes scattered into the Sea of Rhij.

Rob died aged 87 in 2002. Rosa, their daughter, went on to become the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Republican government from 2008 to 2014 and remains an MP in 2023 at the age of 71, and has served as an MP since 1984 - a total of 38 years.
 
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Portrait by Samuel Kabel, 1673.

Louis Alexander Ferdinand Perponcher was born on the 13th of August, 1624 in Bareveld; a small, but wealthy town in the north west of Aubervijr. He was the youngest of six children born to Frederik and Saskia Perponcher. His father was, at the time of his birth, a colonel in the Aubervijan army and his mother was the daughter of a Faursian aristocrat. From an early age, Perponcher was an intelligent child, displaying a particular gift for poetry. He developed interests in literature and philosophy at a young age, and received a good education from the age of 11, until he was 18.

His father was home very rarely, and dedicated his life to his occupation, rather than his family. He valued the time he spent with Perponcher, however and raised him firmly, encouraging discipline and enlisted Perponcher in an army youth programme when he turned 12, where he developed valuable leadership skills. He was noted by his peers as being a strong-willed individual, and developed a keen interest in multiple topics, including art and music. However, Perponcher developed radical views on the monarchy as a teenager, using philosophical and various religious arguments to argue against the monarchy, and advocated for the establishment of a republic. Aubervijr was, at the time a radically changing country, and more of the youth were beginning to share this viewpoint, creating divisions between generations.

At the age of 18, he completed his education and enlisted in the army, where he served in the King’s Own Royal Mounted Guards as a warrant officer at first, and at the age of 19-20, was a second lieutenant. Between 1642 and 1644, Perponcher began associating himself with republican politics, against the wishes of his father, who’s health was now failing. Perponcher attended bars at night where republicans would hold meetings, and participated in various drunken riots, and was apprehended by police on one occasion for this, however was released without charge. His father had to intervene to ensure Perponcher was not discharged, and he managed to keep his rank.

In 1644, the Aubervijan civil war broke out. The war was fought between the republicans, who fought for a republic and for Parliament, and the monarchists, who fought for King Willem Dumonceau. The King’s Own Royal Mounted Guards were called up by the King to fight, however a lot of their ranks defected to join the republican side, including Perponcher. He had his rank continued into in the new regiment, serving initially as a second lieutenant in the Second Commonwealth Guard, as they became known.

His father, an ardent monarchist, deemed his son as a traitor, and died of his ailments before the conclusion of the civil war. Its rumoured the two may have been able to reconcile before his father’s death, as Perponcher departed from his post for a couple of days on a short leave, and only returned after his father had died.

Perponcher began writing poetry more consistently during his service. He saw battle on several occasions, though not often; he was regarded as a capable and effective officer, often fighting among the lower-ranking soldiers, giving orders to help direct soldiers and led several dangerous charges, yet always succeeded in their aim. He mailed his poetry to his girlfriend and later wife, Ilse. His work was later compiled into a book and is regarded as classic piece of Aubervijan literature today.

Perponcher saw several promotions during the course of the civil war, and by the civil war’s end, he was a captain, and had been serving as an assistant to Antonie Bosschaert, a member of the league of six for a few months. Perponcher was present at the sentencing of the former King to death on the 22nd of January, 1649. Following the conclusion of the civil war, Perponcher had a ‘religious awakening’, and became a devout Messianist, and prior had only used religion when it benefited him.

At the age of 21, he married his partner, Ilse and the pair bought a house near the capital of Harlingen. Perponcher had ambitions and believed he was destined for greater things. He was already decently wealthy, still inherting all of which belonged to his father. Most of it, Perponcher sold - including the family home in Bareveld, which his mother purchased from him.

Louis and Ilse had their first of four children when they were both 22, in 1646. Their first born was a daughter, who they named Sophie Saskia Perponcher. Although Louis did not care much for his father, Louis still greatly loved and admired his mother, and later commented on her strength and willpower to raise him when his father wasn’t present at home. Saskia lived alone for the remainder of her life, and died in 1662.

Perponcher pursued a career in politics following the conclusion of the civil war, still an assistant to Antonie Bosschaert became better acquainted with the surviving members of the league of six, including the new chancellor, Vincent Martien. Louis would later become the private secretary to Antonie Bosschaert in May 1649, and the two became close friends on a personal level. The two attended lunch clubs on a daily basis, alongside many influential politicians and even various military commanders. Bosschaert by then was serving as the minister for foreign affairs in Vincent Martien’s government, and Perponcher was often around members of the government. Vincent Martien took to Perponcher very well, and Perponcher was later described by those who knew him at the time as a ‘very likeable person’, outgoing and intelligent, with a brilliant understanding of the Aubervijan language.

In June 1655, when Louis was 31, Vincent Martien was re-elected as Chancellor of Aubervijr and Perponcher was invited to sit as a member of Parliament in the Commonwealth Party - the party which Vincent Martien led. Louis quickly accepted, and became one of the youngest members of the house at the time. From there, he demonstrated the full range of his political ability. He became well-known for his quick and ferocious style of debating, where his understanding of the topic being discussed and his volcabulary crushed his opponent in minutes.

In October 1656, he developed what was, at the time an unusual belief; that the church and state should be very intertwined and should work in unison, or as one. He first mentioned it in Parliament on the 28th of October of that year, and was met with a very mixed response. However, Vincent Martien took to the idea well, and began to support the idea himself. It was then slowly implemented, beginning in January 1657; small changes were made, such as religious figures were allowed to sit as MPs and MPs were made to swear an oath to God, as well as the Commonwealth. It became compulsory for any politician in the country to be a member of the Church of Aubervijr, and you could not enter politics at all if you weren’t.

These changes continued throughout the tenure of Vincent Martien, and by the time his second term expired, the church and state were more or less the same thing. This, known as the ‘Legacy of 57’, still exists today and is still viewed as a crucial part of Aubervijr’s political system. Perponcher advised that Vincent Martien create a separate office in government, which was later named the Minister for Church Affairs to better solidify the connection of church and state. It was decided that whoever was archbishop of the church of Aubervijr would hold the position, and it remains that way today.

Shorlty before the expiration of Vincent Martien’s second term, he created a law that determined that an Aubervijan President or Chancellor could never serve more than two terms. Vincent Martien retired from politics from The Commonwealth Party was re-elected. Charles Ludger van Brederode then became Chancellor.

Van Brederode was keen to have Perponcher in his government, but Perponcher was still viewed as a prospect in the world of Aubervijan politics and other members of cabinet believed Louis was too young, radical and reckless to hold a position of any importance. However, Charles remained keen and to compromise with his cabinet, appointed Louis as a minister without portfolio.

Louis however, demonstrated his maturity in this role, and very early on began to have a big impact on the government. Often, where ministers failed to find solutions to pressing issues, Louis would step in and solve them instead. Louis would ensure his voice was heard in cabinet meetings, and was often more influential than most ministers with portfolios. This later caused some ministers to feel a disliking towards Louis, and some even schemed to have him removed from cabinet, which he found out and used to his advantage.

By 1667, when Charles was re-elected for a second and final term, Louis was more or less his right hand man, and was appointed as the First Minister of State, which meant he had seniority over all other government ministers. He served Charles well, and regained the trust of government ministers and party members, which gave him a chance at running for party head in 1673 - a role which he would win.

And therefore, in 1673 - Perponcher became Aubervijr’s third chancellor. He instantly began to organise his cabinet with those he trusted most, and those who would support him, yet still feel free to criticise him when he was in the wrong. He appointed his closest friend and advisor, Laurens Anthony Caspar Aldenkamp as depute chancellor. Aldenkamp was four years his junior, and would later serve as chancellor himself.

Perponcher’s first aim in his first term was to stabilise the economy and the taxation rate. Due to the civil war, Aubervijan peoples had been taxed heavily through and beyond the civil war. By 1673, Aubervijan cost of living was at the highest rate it had been in Aubervijr’s history, although these costs varied by region, and was especially higher in Faursia. Perponcher would attempt to ease the economic burden that had been put on the people, and did so over the period of his first term.

The social structure of Aubervijr changed rapidly and massively during and after the civil war. A lot of the Aubervijan nobility was persecuted by Commonwealth radicals, and the high-ranking nobles were subject to death threats and assassinations during the civil war. Prior to the civil war, most of the Aubervijan elite were simply wealthy businessmen, most of whom made their wealth as financiers. However, the elite often shifted their attention to government, and became what was at the time, called a ‘regent’ - or today, an MP. Regents were essentially the representative of a town or province to the capital, and were often invited to Parliament to sit and voice their concerns, or opinions.

However, after the civil war, the role of regents were altered, and instead, designated seats were introduced, and regents became known as MPs. However, becoming an MP remained invitational. The population of each seat would vote for a party, and the head of each party would ‘invite’, or appoint an MP for said seat, to represent them in Parliament. This system remains mostly unchanged, even today, although has been altered slightly over the centuries.

The common people, or commoners comprised mostly of minor businessmen, and many different classes of artisans. The combined prosperity of said minor businessmen often laid the groundwork for the generally high standard of living within Aubervijr during this time. Workers of the time were generally well paid during Perponcher’s terms, yet remained burdened by unusually high tax rates, which although had been lowered by Perponcher, still remained high.

Farmers prospered in Aubervijr, as its population began to grow massively, more food and raw materials were needed nationwide to fund this growth. Over time, the wealth gap between the commoners and the elite began to naturally narrow, yet the differences between a rich businessman and a simple farmer would remain very striking for centuries to come. However, during Perponcher’s terms, hatred towards the upper classes by the lower classes seemed to decrease, and a sense of mutual respect came to develop, if the pay for commoners remained good.

Perponcher’s second term in 1679 saw what was known as the ‘rush to the sea’ begin. This saw massive investment into sea-faring industries, as merchant and other sea-faring jobs were encouraged and both dockyards and ports were both further developed and repaired. More and more coastline became subject to construction of ports and dockyards.

This led to an extraordinary growth in culture, as more and more people moved to the coastline and constructed new towns and cities to live in. This created an almost entirely new atmosphere to the countryside, and each city even seemed to develop their own unique accent. Sport competions between neighbouring towns even became common, and added a sense of rivalry. Many Aubervijans, however found a sense of purpose and unity in sea-faring work.

Perponcher’s second term saw much of the army that had fought in the civil war to be stood down and many regiments were simply dismantled and retired. Veterans were supported by the government with monthly pensions, and Perponcher greatly reduced military spending, instead focusing the money into other industries to assist economic growth. As the Aubervijan economy began to greatly improve, taxation rates were steadily reduced to a normal rate, whilst support for workers remained high.

More memorable acts of Perponcher included his treatment towards Faursians. Perponcher pardoned many Faursian prisoners who had been taken captive during the civil war, and returned them to their families, granting them a monthly pension to each released prisoner in order to get them back on their feet. Perponcher relaxed both cultural and political restrictions that had existed in Faursia since 1649, and introduced laws which protected Faursians from further persecution for as long as he remained chancellor. Perponcher disregarded the widespread hatred towards Faursians in order to protect them. Historians believe he had a secret adoration for Faursia, mainly due to his Faursian mother and ancestry.

All of this remained throughout his second term, which came to an end in 1685. Perponcher, by the end of his term was hailed as a hero, and even Charles van Brederode approved of Perponcher’s work in a statement he made shortly before his death in 1680. Soon after, Laurens Aldenkamp, who had been learning from Perponcher for both of his 6-year terms, was elected to the position of Chancellor. He would continue Perponcher’s work beyond 1685 and would kickstart what is now known as the ‘Aubervijan golden age’, an age of economic prosperity and growth.

Perponcher retired from politics following the end of his second term, at the age of 61. His health, at this time, would begin to slowly decline. Perponcher would live the rest of his life in seclusion, in the Hemelum countryside, in the north-west of Aubervijr. He lived in a relatively modest estate with his family from his retirement till his death. Perponcher kept a diary in the later stages of his life, and he documented the decline of his health quite vaguely. Perponcher would die at the age of 68, in the evening of 10th of October, 1692.

His body would be transported to his birth-town of Bareveld, and he would be buried in the graveyard of St Peter’s Cathedral on the 24th of October. His wife would be buried with him upon her death in February, 1696. Today, he is remembered as one of Aubervijr’s greatest ever chancellors, and is even respected by Faursian nationalists, who recognise him as a great chancellor, although the laws he passed which restricted the persecution of Faursians were repealed following his death.
 
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MV5BZjkxNGE3NmEtNWEyZi00MTE5LWFkODktYjFjMmRlNGM3NTg5XkEyXkFqcGdeQXVyMTcyODY2NDQ@._V1_.jpg
A portrait of Alexander Jan Florentijn Buskirk in January 1940.

Alexander Jan Florentijn Buskirk was born on the 24th of November, 1898 to Aalbert and Jacoba Buskirk in a village named Lutjegast, in the west of Aubervijr. He was the second of their three children. His older brother, who was nicknamed 'Pat' by his family, was hostile to Alexander as he grew up, which Alexander would later say ‘toughened him’ as a person. Not long after Alexander's second birthday, Frida, his younger sister was born.

His family was relatively poor and came from an uneducated background, however Alexander developed quickly and proved to be significantly more intelligent than his family members. He began attending school in 1904, at the age of 5. Alexander also began to play football at a young age, and later became a midfielder for Lutjegast Athletic. Alexander had a talent for music, and could play 3 instruments by the age of 16.

He finished primary school at the age of 12, and was offered a place in a boarding school in Nistelrode, approximately 83 miles from Lutjegast, which he accepted. He bid farewell to his family on the 15th of August, 1910, as he recorded in his journal. Although he was unaware at the time, it would be the last time he would see Frida - who died from complications relating to epilepsy a few weeks later.

He performed well in the boarding school, although was devastated with the news of Frida's death, he picked himself up and carried on, using the grief to motivate him to do his best. Alexander learned how to control his emotions and was well-known for staying incredibly calm under pressure. He would utilise throughout his political career. Alexander captained his school’s football team, and his classmates always recalled him as a good leader.

He returned home at the age of 18, in early December of 1916. His father's health was deteriorating, as he was suffering from scarlet fever. Alexander helped his mother and brother around the house and was present when his father died from scarlet fever and other health complications, at the age of 49. Alexander didn't contract scarlet fever and instead left home to attend the University of Minnertsga, one of the best in the country, where he graduated with a degree in political science, having found an interest in politics during his days at boarding school. He took courses in the Faursian language and eventually learned to speak it fluently.

At the age of 21, he joined the Republican Party. He attended local surgeries and in the same year, married his partner Carla. They lived in a relatively humble home in Minnertsga itself.

He was employed as the assistant of an MP, named David van der Linden in 1920. Whilst jotting down notes in a meeting of a specialised committee in February 1921, he was heard mumbling in disagreement at something said by an MP. When he was asked to speak up, he stood up and made a firey speech, without any practice, and surprised the MPs in the room. He was then asked his name, to which he replied "I'm just an assistant."

Following the assassination of then-Chancellor Jacobus Hæge Westenberg, David van der Linden sat on an emergency council formed between parties to ensure political stability. It became clear to Van der Linden that Alexander was a gifted orator and had potential in the world of Aubervijan politics. Alexander was commended by Van der Linden, and Alexander began to explore other options than working as some secretary.

This came in 1924, when Chancellor Ernest Leopold Vermeulen refused the option of a second term, which inadvertently sent the Conservative Party into a frenzy to elect a new leader to represent them, which caused a panic and they were unable to properly fund their campaigns. This sparked what is known as the Liberal Wave, wherein the next 18 years, Aubervijr would be dominated by Liberal parties. The same year, Carla gave birth to their first child, Karin.

The decline of the Conservative Party saw Conservative voters flock to the Republican Party, who in-turn gained a large amount of seats. Alexander, who was now relatively well-known within the party, was invited to sit as a Republican MP, which he accepted - becoming the 'Baby of Parliament' at the age of 26.

The 1930 elections saw the re-election of Chancellor Steven Pim Casimir Wijngaarden under the Classical Liberal Party; Alexander performed well in parliamentary debates in his first six years and maintained his seat. In those six years, he and Carla had two more children; Frits, born in 1931 and Marjie, born in 1933.

In June 1934, he was described by Steven Wijngaarden, perhaps accidentally, as 'the future of Aubervijan politics’ during a debate in Parliament, which Alexander used to his advantage, using it as his slogan for his future campaigns.

On November 7, 1934, he made a surprise appearance in the annual operatic concerts held in Harlingen, where he played piano in an orchestra, which was met with thunderous applause. He later collaborated with Aubervijan jazz guitarist Fabian de Graaf for a Christmas concert that same year, where they performed a song Alexander had written himself, aswell as several Christmas songs. Alexander was always regarded as a talented musician, and he continued to play several different instruments up until the final months of his life.

In the 1936 elections, the Republicans didn't loss or gain any further seats - the Liberal Party, rather than the Classical Liberal Party, won the general elections, with the Classical Liberals losing a lot of their legitimacy following the expiration of Wijngaarden's terms. The new Chancellor was Constantijn Caspar van Soeterwoude, a former army Brigadier. However, Van Souterwoude’s first term would not last long.

On the 12th of February, 1940, the leader of the Republican Party, Florian Rolloos, died unexpectedly at the age of 61. This sparked an internal civil war within the party over party leadership. Alexander gathered his allies within the party for a meeting on the 14th of February, where he made his intentions clear, to:
  • Win the leadership contest
  • Maintain stability within the party
  • Repair divides in time for the 1942 elections
  • Come back stronger and win the 1948 elections
This caught the eye of Republican Party members, who eyed Alexander as a young and capable candidate who would lead the party to great things. Opposing Alexander in the contest, however, was the experienced, yet older Emiel Molenaar, who was 71 at the time - however remained popular amongst old-guard members of the party. The contest ended in a narrow victory for Alexander, perhaps encouraged by doubts over the health of Molenaar. Alexander, however, had great respect for Molenaar, and asked Molenaar to become his depute, which Molenaar accepted.

Alexander then began to ease divides and compromised with rival party members in order to ease tensions within the party in preperation for the 1942 elections, of which he had no intention of winning. He knew that if he maintained the number of seats the Republican Party had, they might be able to be the second largest party in Parliament after similar divides had hit the Liberal parties.

On the 26th of March, 1941, Van Souterwoude died unexpectedly. He was replaced by Frans Kranenberg, who acted as Chancellor until the 1942 elections, when he refused to pursue the office further.

The 1942 elections came and went, and indeed, Alexander and the Republican Party succeeded in their goals of becoming Parliament's second largest party, securing votes from hardline and moderate conservatives nationwide - meaning Alexander was now Shadow Chancellor. However, the Social Democratic Labour Party, under Paulus Machiel Adam Cornelissen, shocked conservatives and liberals alike by securing more seats than any other party - however, not a definite majority.

This led to the liberals, conservatives and right-wing MPs to cooperate further in order to prevent the social-democrat government from operating properly. This led to the social-democrat's proposals often being halted in the Upper or Lower Houses before they could pass for further readings. This led to Cornelissen's hands being tied, however he avoided impeachment and votes of no confidence, despite Parliament being dissolved several times by the President.

Alexander assisted the conservatives with the reform and stabilisation of their party during his term as Shadow Chancellor, which would eventually backfire on the Republican Party.

Throughout the duration of the Fascist Wars, the government banned fascist and communist parties from forming, existing, gathering and campaigning. Alexander was the first to intially propose the ban in Parliament. It was one of the only bills that Parliament decisively passed during Cornelissen’s term. Although both Alexander and the government were accused of being authoritarian by politicians of the time, historians today believe that Alexander’s proposal and the decisive action of Cornelissen’s government crushed support for radical ideologies nationwide. This ban would persist until the conclusion of the Fascist Wars, and radical parties have hardly had a seat in Parliament ever since.

In the 1948 elections, the social democrats lost the majority of their seats. The Republican Party won 413 seats, with the conservatives racking up numbers after their recovery. Alexander was Chancellor, at the age of 50. He reversed economic policies installed by the social-democrats and introduced several ‘annual plans’ in order to get the economy back on track before the 1954 elections. He oversaw the foundation of 'designated committees'. These committees oversaw and scrutinised the work of the government, suggested ideas for reforms, and oversaw the work of government departments and agencies in general. They would offer Alexander frequent advice and criticism, which Alexander always appreciated and always took in stride.

Alexander handpicked his cabinet based off of their experience in the fields they were assigned to. For example, a former coal miner and mine manager turned politician named Clemens Hendriksen was made Minister of Coal.

He attended the funeral of Constantijn van Souterwoude in 1949, after he passed away aged 79. Despite Van Souterwoude's failure in his role, Alexander had great respect for Van Souterwoude and found inspiration in his prior successes.

Alexander was involved in a car accident in January 1950, when he was driving to visit the President. His car skidded on ice and crashed into a tree just outside of his estate. Alexander bashed his head and was knocked out. During his stay in hospital, the office of Depute Chancellor had not been filled. So, his Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the ever experienced Gerard D'Hont took over in his stead, consulting Alexander twice a day during his stint in hospital. Alexander was discharged two weeks after the accident, and returned to normal political duties. He was completely unfazed by the accident and insisted throughout his hospitilisation that he was completely fine, telling nurses that he suffered "a mere scratch and bruise", and insisted this to his peers upon his return.

Aubervijr saw another period of economic growth throughout the early 1950s. Alexander was re-elected as Chancellor in 1954, winning 463 seats in Parliament - a majority of 63. Alexander utilised this majority to his advantage, and more bills were passed by Parliament during his second tensure than in his first.

On the 28th of February of 1956, Alexander’s mother Jacoba suffered from a stroke. Alexander was then informed she was in the final stages of her life. Alexander went to travel to visit her, however she died on the 1st of March, whilst he was still journeying to visit her. She was 81.

In 1958, Alexander permitted an increase to the military’s spending and budget, after a report was published which suggested Aubervijr’s armed forces could be falling behind the rest of the modern world. He emphasised the importance of the armed forces and the defence of Aubervijr in the later stages of his second and final term. In June of 1960, his second term expired and he could not run again. He instead chose to retire from politics altogether. He returned to his family home with his wife, and settled down. Alexander would later write in his journal that he felt ‘weaker in body and mind’, and struggled to find energy throughout the day.

The stress of office had taken a toll in Alexander, and this was clear to see in his retirement. He hated retirement, as he was constantly bored. He adopted a sheepdog, who he named Felix, and Alexander would often pass the time by going on long walks with him. However, when he often found himself bored, he would become irritable. Alexander considered coming out of retirement several times, however ultimately decided against it, as he simply did not feel up to it.

Alexander’s stress was made worse by his excessive smoking and drinking. Alexander smoked heavily from a young age, and its estimated he smoked upwards of 60 cigarettes a day - which is equivalent to three ‘decks’ in modern-day Aubervijr. After he retired, he began to drink more often, reportedly going through a bottle of whiskey every day. He developed lung cancer, and he reported changes in his health in early January of 1961. He quit smoking and drinking around this time, as was advised by his wife, but was officially diagnosed with lung cancer in February, alongside a number of other conditions Buerger’s disease and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.

On September 27th, 1961, he underwent a surgical operation on his right lung. His health briefly improved following his operation, however steadily declined in the months leading up to his death. On February 4th, 1962, he made his final public appearance, where he attended church. He was noticably thinner and appeared frail, his eyes were noticably gaunt. During the service, Alexander reportedly sat with a blanket wrapped around his legs, and struggled to stand during prayers. Six days later, at around 7:45 in the morning, on February 10, 1962; his wife awoke to find he had passed away during the night. An autopsy concluded he suffered a coronary thrombosis, which then caused a heart attack.

His funeral took place on the 20th, in a private ceremony, with a second ceremony then held the next day in which the public could attend and pay respects. He is buried alongside other members of the Buskirk family in St Elias, just outside Lutjegast. His wife, Carla died in 1991, at the age of 90 and was buried alongside Alexander. Since then, all but one of their children have since died, and were buried in St Elias. Alexander’s last surviving child, Marije, died late last year, aged 90.
 
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Dalmsholte Riots and Aubervijr vs Reform
1969
WIP

Prior to 1969, the Consitution of the Commonwealth of Aubervijr stated that the Church of Aubervijr acted as the state religion of Aubervijr. There was little to no separation between church and state, to the point where religious officials from the Church of Aubervijr were permitted to serve in both political and law-related roles. Furthermore, Aubervijr’s legal system was based around Messianism, which many viewed to be impartial and unfair. As the 20th century progressed, Aubervijans became increasingly more progressive and liberal. A major part of this liberalisation began in 1919, when women were granted the right to vote - something that many politicians and lawmakers of the time strongly opposed. Verses from the Bible were used as an argument to oppose women’s sufferage, which led many to think that Aubervijan law was more inclined to support a male Messianist over a female Messianist. It was later questioned whether a Messianist of any gender would be prioritised over those who were not practicing Messianists. Aubervijr was, simply, discriminatory. It wasn’t until women began to protest, that any progress was seen. In the end, basic human rights determined that women should be given the right to vote, and many hardline conservatives believed that this undermined both Aubervijr and Messianism as a whole.

Liberalisation was further encouraged during the Aurorian fascist wars. The Aubervijan government made an effort to prevent communist and fascist parties and/or movements from growing in popularity, or even existing. Parties aligned with the far-right or far-left were banned from existing, gathering and standing or campaigning in elections. This paved the way for other parties to replace them, namely socialists, liberals and conservatives. The Liberal Party, however, saw the most growth out of any party throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

Throughout the course of the 20th century, many Aubervijans began to lose their faith. Although it started amongst the youth, by the end of the Aurorian fascist wars, the religious percentage in Aubervijr had dropped by more than 20%. Many began to question whether Aubervijan law should remain the same, or instead be restructed into a more modern system. The youth supported these reforms, whilst the Messianists strongly opposed any sort of reform. It all reached a boiling point in 1968, when Jorien Teerlink, a 22 year old member of the Aubervijan Liberal Party, was part of a small protest in the city of Dalmsholte. Teerlink had prior served in the army and was dishonourably discharged for his political beliefs. The group he was with protested the Aubervijan Constitution and supported amendmants which would modernise Aubervijan law and separate church and state entirely, meaning Aubervijr would be entirely secular. The protest, however had not been pre-arranged with local police or government, and police responded to the protest in numbers, and with force. Teerlink was beaten by police, supposedly with a riot stick, and Teerlink retaliated by shoving an officer and punching another. As the protest turned violent, bottles and rocks were thrown at police, and eventually, a brick was thrown. Teerlink, in the chaos, was shot and killed by police.

Teerlink’s death sparked outrage nationwide. A young man, who had defended his country and served in the armed forces, had been shot ‘like a dog’ for merely protesting. Protesting was, even then, a right protected by the Constitution - and Teerlink quickly became a martyr for the reformist cause. The Reform Movement was formed in the aftermath of the incident, and Dalmsholte was chosen as the place for the movement to expand from. The movement quickly gained thousands of members, mainly young men and women. They defined themselves not as a political organisation, merely as a movement for change. They did not attempt to stand in elections, but it was led, more or less, by a coalition of five men and three women; Koenraad ten Doesschate, Harm van Valkenburg, Andries ‘Dries’ Specter, Jack Stamsnijder, Bruno Pijpelink, Emma Valentijn, Natalie Poelmans and Jacoba ‘Cobie’ Rojer. Together, they became the face of Aubervijr’s youth, and the collective movement that was starting to form in support of reform.

Ten Doesschate, a qualified lawyer, was part of the protest wherein Teerlink was killed. He saw, first hand, how police treated the protestors, and witnessed Teerlink’s death. Ten Doesschate more or less formed the movement and funded it, initially operating out of his own home. They established a headquarters, not long after, in Dalmsholte. It was quite literally just a home, and inside, they had one secretary, who handled all calls and letters, and a handfull of employees who worked behind the scenes. To say the movement started small would be an understatement. They quickly found themselves relying on funding from the public. As word of the movement spread across the city and later, nationwide, they received more and more donations, which helped fund their operations and protests.

Their first protest was a concert. Several major artists at the time performed at the concert, which gathered nationwide attention and raised awareness to the movement. The concert offered no charge for tickets and said anyone could attend. Held in a park within Dalmsholte, thousands of people flocked to attend. Many of them began to protest during the concert, which was encouraged by those who were performing. They all demanded the same reforms to the constitution, and Ten Doesschate organised the entire event. It was after the concert that police attempted to shut it down, demanding everyone in the park disperse. They did, mainly to avoid confrontation, but Ten Doesschate believed the movement was not ready to simply run out and start a riot against armed police officers - believing it would simply be a waste of Aubervijan blood, and create senseless conflict.

It was after the concert that Ten Doesschate gathered the seven others, all of whom were founding members of the movement and had proved their ability during the concert’s organisation. Every one of the seven played their own role - for example, Emma Valentijn, a talented orator who had worked as a newspaper editor, defused the crowd and encouraged them to follow the police’s order to disperse, despite the chaos unfolding around her. Ten Doesschate first hired Valentijn, and the two worked together in appointing the six others. After the movement gained national attention, they adopted a new name, simply just ‘Reform’, and a slogan - ‘For Teerlink’. Thousands of young people around the country began to join the movement and protest in their own way. Ten Doesschate’s aim was to command a single, united protest comprised of as much people as possible, and anyone who supported the movement was encouraged to travel to Dalmsholte, where they would lead a single, massive protest against the Aubervijan Constitution, the government and the police force.

Initially, a protest began on August 12th, 1969. Ten Doesschate and the seven others led a group of around 800 people through Dalmsholte, waving banners, signs and chanting. The protest was entirely peaceful, and had the aim of marching to Dalmsholte Town Hall, however armed police officers, dressed in riot gear, blocked off roads, bridges and more or less trapped the protest in a series of streets across the city, and prevented them from even getting close to the town hall. Ten Doesschate insisted that the protest would remain peaceful, and that if any violence were to occur, it would not be started by the protestors. Some violence was reported, including beatings - this time, witnessed by civilians. There was an instance where two officers chased a protestor into a shopping centre, and beat him with riot sticks in full view of hundreds of people, including children. The officers were photographed in gas masks and riot gear, which is standard practice as police used tear gas in the instance of a riot, however, the protest was peaceful and did not warrant the use of riot gear, nor force. Most importantly, however, neither of the officers did had name tags or badges visible. It is illegal for a police officer not to show identification at all times, in the form of badge/badge numbers or name tags - meaning the police officers knowingly removed their identification beforehand.

A number of protestors were arrested and held overnight in cells, but most were either released on bail or simply released. This included Dries Specter, who was detained during the protests, however was not taken in. The next morning, however, police arrested Specter outside his home, and held him for 24 hours, when he was released on bail. He was charged with inciting a riot, and Specter later told the other seven that the police said they would come for each and every one of them - which would turn out to be true. As the movement continues to gain traction and hundreds began arriving in Dalmsholte with the sole purpose of protesting, the government launched its own investigation and deemed that the movement was ‘non-violent’ and ‘did not intend to become violent’. Ten Doesschate then personally went to the MP for Dalmsholte, Calvin Post, and informed his office of the plan for the upcoming protests. Post refused to meet Ten Doesschate and instead referred Ten Doesschate to his secretary. Ten Doesschate asked five times to meet with Post, five times he was denied - so Ten Doesschate wrote to Post and informed him that the protests would occur regardless of whether Post met with him or not. Post’s secretary noted that without a proper permit, or permission from police or local government, any sort of protest would be illegal.

Ten Doesschate decided that Reform’s first protest would take place directly outside Post’s office. The date was set for August 29th, and police set a curfew for 23:00 throughout the entire city. Many refused to obey the curfew, and instead gathered in parks and spent nights drinking, smoking, lighting bonfires, playing music and chanting. Around 4,000 protestors gathered for the protest itself. They marched from street to street, chanting and singing. Police responded with nearly 12,000 officers put on double shifts, and the Aubervijan army was even called into the city. Members of both the Military Intelligence Service and the National Intelligence Service were also operating with the protest itself, getting close to members of the inner circle and sending back information. 2,000 police officers were positioned along and around the street surrounding Post’s office. All the officers were armed, and snipers were positioned in Post’s office and around buildings adjacent to it.

Across the entire city, its believed 20,000 demonstrators had taken to the streets that day. As demonstators got closer and closer to Post’s office, they encountered police barricades. When they attempted to approach, police fired tear gas and formed a skirmish line, subsequently charging protestors down, where they were clubbed and beaten. Journalists and news reporters were close to the unfolding chaos, and camera crews recorded journalists being targeted by police. A young man was thrown into a wall, which broke his arm or dislocated his shoulder; police still proceeded to attack him. The remaining protestors scattered and regrouped next to the town cemetary. There, they were joined by more demonstators from across the city, and they proceeded with a second march.

Following an altered route, they still aimed to reach Post’s office, instead this time from the opposite side. As they neared Post’s office, once again, they met barricades. However, the barricades were manned by military police, armed with rifles. Supporting them, military vehicles, jeeps and trucks, armed with machine guns and fitted with cages and barbed wire frames on the fronts of the vehicles. It escalated quickly, and a 20 minute confrontation ensued. Police violence extended to protestors, bystanders, journalists, news crews and photographers. Police smashed windows along the street where Post’s office was; protestors fled into buildings, crawling and running over broken glass, where police pursued them inside, trapping them and beating them. Hospitals recorded hundreds of people turning up with various injuries, from broken bones or fractures, to dislocations and blunt force trauma. Many suffered head wounds, even concussions and several were knocked out and left in the street.

News reports from the day of the riots stated that Koenraad ten Doesschate was injured in the riots but was not arrested. He supposedly wore disguise and was still amongst the protestors after the second attempt at reaching Post’s office. Harm van Valkenburg was in hospital, Dries Specter was also injured and recovering at home. Both Jack Stamsnijder and Bruno Pijpelink were injured and arrested. Emma Valentijn, Natalie Poelmans and Cobie Rojer were not listed in the report, but they said they suffered injuries at the hands of the police, and Cobie Rojer was arrested.

The remaining, uninjured protestors were all tired and some were reportedly scared of police retaliation, but continued their march nonetheless, where police continued to harass them, firing tear gas and occassionally running up to demonstrators, grabbing people and arresting them; anyone who even tried to resist were simply beaten or clubbed. All of this was still being recorded by journalists and news crews, and by now, it was being broadcasted nationwide. The Aubervijan public were disgusted at how protestors were being treated and it shifted public opinion massively, to the point where the majority supported Reform and its cause. Later on that night, after the curfew, police patrolled the streets and continued to harass anyone who was still outside. Police raided houses and hotels in which protestors were staying, and reportedly cut all power to these places 30 minutes before. These raids were supposedly violent, even more so than the riots that unfolded earlier that day.

The next day, the government led investigations into the riots and found that Dalmsholte’s police department was responsible for the whole ordeal. The government tried to look on the incident from both perspectives. They stated that the police’s ‘use of force’ was ‘understandable but not excusable’. The report stated; ‘While it is true police officers would be full of adrenaline in that situation, their way of handling the incident was effective but not excusable, nor condonable. The protestors did not show violent intent, nor did they, at any point, attempt to become violent. It wasn’t until police intervention that any such violence occurred. Reports of police officers deliberately removing their identification, alongside the involvement of journalists and bystanders are equally worrying. The government should take action to ensure this never happens again, and individual police officers should be punished accordingly.’

A second investigation was then carried out, wherein several hundred investigators reviewed Intelligence Service footage, alongside film captured by news companies and independent journalists. The investigators nearly unanimously concluded that the incident was “directly instigated by the police”. Their concluding report stated; “Measures must be taken to punish police officers involved and to discourage the use of violence in any situation that does not require such force. Unarmed protestors should never be assaulted, regardless of the situation. The provocative nature of the protest was no doubt an instigating factor, but it is still no excuse for the behaviour of the officers involved.”

The following month, it was decided that the leaders of Reform would be tried in court. All eight were charged with various charges, mainly the incitement of violence. Furthermore, police officers who were confirmed to have been involved in the violence were also involved, charged with various charges, notably assault and perjury. Many other demonstrators and police officers were named in the trial but were not charged. Dalmsholte’s chief of police, Alvin Provoost, was also charged with both the incitement of violence. Provoost was found to have lied under oath later on during the trial, and was thereafter charged with perjury. The trial lasted just over a month before the jury had come to a verdict. The jury acquitted all of Reform’s members who were on trial, instead charging the police officers with assault, intent to incite violence/a riot, perjury and excessive use of force, among others. Provoost was deemed responsible and found guilty of nearly all charges brought against him. Independent investigators took time to review nearly all of the footage available of the riots and identified hundreds of officers who were directly involved in the violence. These officers were put on trial and the vast majority found guilty of various charges. Many went to prison, or were issued non-custodial sentences.

The result of the trial caused the government to bring forward propositions to Parliament which would introduce amendmants to the constitution which would, more or less, concede to all of Reform’s demands. After a nunber of changes and months of debate, the amendmants passed, and Aubervijr became a secular state, maintaining no state religion and vowing that the state would not become involved in religious affairs whatsoever. Religious officials were banned from serving in politics, instead being regulated solely to their church. The government also issued a list of reforms for the police force, in an attempt to prevent a repeat of the chaos that had unfolded. While emphasising the rights of the citizen, including the right to protest freely and without government intrusion, they issued a complete overhaul of police standards and determined what force a police officer could use and when they could use it. The government further determined that protestors no longer needed ‘permission’ to protest, instead deciding that anyone could protest, whenever they so desired, so long as their protest did not interfere with the public. The only condition was that the protests would have to be confirmed with authorities at least 24 hours in advance, for various reasons.

The trial, which is today, known as ‘Aubervijr vs Reform’, is one of the crucial events in Aubervijan history. It continues to influence Aubervijan politics today, and the riots serve as one of Aubervijr’s darker points in the 20th century. The government offered compensation to all who were injured in the riots, paying for medical bills and paying for damage to businesses, homes and public property. The government later vowed to learn from its errors and admitted that the secularisation of the country was more or less inevitable, adding that the violence over the issue was almost certainly avoidable, and unnecessary. In Dalmsholte, various damaged buildings remain unchanged as a homage to the demonstators and their cause. A fountain, containing a statue depicting demonstrators being beaten by police was constructed in Dalmsholte’s city centre.

Most of Reform’s leaders went onto live successful, but quiet lives. Ten Doesschate, Valentijn and and Rojer went on to serve in Alfons Baas’ Liberal government of 2002 to 2008, and served as MPs in their own right. Dries Specter committed suicide shortly after the Aubervijr vs Reform trial concluded. He reportedly had suffered from depression in the wake of the riot, and struggled to cope. Both Jack Stamsnijder and Bruno Pijpelink said they were treated horribly in police custody, to the point where Pijpelink was left with scars from the injuries he sustained. Natalie Poelmans and Harm van Valkenburg went on to live quiet lives with their families, and refused to take part it any interviews following the conclusion of the trial. The Reform movement disbanded, and many of its members went on to join the Social Democrats, the Liberals or the Labour Party.

Today, the Aubervijan police force has changed remarkably from the 1960s. It prides itself on their discipline, fairness and effectiveness, and has established divisions for every possible scenario, from riots to counter-terror and drug dealing. Regular police officers remained armed with pistols and tasers, but both are not used without proper cause. Counter terror units now exist, and they remain one of the few police divisions that are allowed to carry anything more than a pistol. Designated units now exist to prevent and deal with riots, and these units have to be highly trained and highly disciplined. Aubervijr has not experienced any sort of notable riot since 2017, meaning their use is often not required, and most of its officers instead serve in the regular police force during their day-to-day work.

The Liberal Party recently succeeded in pushing a bill which Parliament passed, legalising marijuana for personal usage. Van der Capellen’s government confirmed the bill would be passed for further consideration to the Senate in December 2020. This was seen as a massive move by the government and was heavily praised by surviving members of Reform. Although the decision itself was controversial, the decision made sense economically. The Aubervijan government confirmed that the legalisation of cannabis brings in an average of 1.8b kruijns per year in tax revenue. Furthermore, its estimated around 892m kruijns per year was saved within the first year of legalisation after spending by police, prisons and courts all reduced. Aubervijr’s national health service, which has been under serious pressure in recent years, also reported a reduction in pain relief treatments, which made way for funding in other areas.
 
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