Those Whose Words are Always Fair... [COMPLETE]

Status
Not open for further replies.

Prydania

Það er alltaf sólríkt í Býkonsviði
-
-
-
Pronouns
He/His/Him
TNP Nation
Prydania
Discord
lordgigaice
Þeir sem hafa alltaf sanngjörn orð eru ósönn og ekki treystandi
Those whose words are always fair are untrue and not to be trusted

-Prydanian proverb, attributed to Ijellana, Goddess of wisdom

29 April 2021
12:06 pm
On a Thursday

Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði, Prydania
Session of the Realm's Alþingi


Magnus had told his caucus and the Peers what to expect earlier in the day. The rest of the Alþingi- and the rest of the nation for that matter- would be unaware.

"My esteemed colleagues," he said as he stood to speak.
"My career started in obscurity, as a fresh faced political science graduate student from the University of Býkonsviði. I must have impressed someone somewhere, because I was brought on as an ÖSU political analyst. Those were strange times for me personally. I owe a lot to my wife Bríana in those years- and I probably still do! There's only so much a man can expect from his wife when he has to lie to her about where he's been all day."

The chamber chuckled softly as Magnus smiled and continued.

"I eventually assumed a position that the Thane of Alaterva once described as 'keeper of the broomcloset of state.'"

There was more soft laughter.

"I did what I did in the ÖSU for the same reason I entered the political arena in the 90s- a sense of duty to my country. My choice to become a Free Democrat owed itself to my desire to see a more progressive Prydania than the one languishing under Social Commonwealth yoke at the time, my belief in the inherent goodness of liberty, and my friendship with Gætir Ravn. I wish Gætir were alive today. He would have been immensely proud with what his party- this government- has accomplished. In fact I believe he is, looking down on us. Equal parts brimming with pride and equal parts upset with me for signing off on that logo change."

The chamber chuckled again, this time as Magnus steeled himself for the point of his speech.

"My career didn't end in the 90s though. I lived through the Civil War that tore our country apart. I saw the brutality of Syndicalist tyranny first hand. And I worked tirelessly as a FRE ambassador to gain international support for our cause. For fifteen years I was consumed with War. And before that I was privy to the ugliness intelligence work can often entail through the ÖSU. That's why I'm so proud of what we've done with this government. It was a battle that we waged not with guns, but with peaceful discourse. Through the ballot box. After a life of violence I can claim a victory in a peaceful battle that left my country and, dare I say the world, better off than before it started. My last battle."

The chamber filled with hushed whispers amongst the other parties who were not expecting this. Magnus just smiled slightly for a moment before continuing.

"I promised the people of this country a codified constitution. I promised them not just an end to darkness of past tyranny, but a vision for a bright future. We have that constitution, agreed to by the King and Alþingi, approved with the consent of the people. It's a fitting step towards the recovery of our beloved country and setting it to the path to progress."

"We have given Prydanians more control over their destiny. No longer shall we be at the mercy of tyranny or at the clutches of fanaticism. Instead, we shall be the masters of our own destiny, the architects of our own fate, the engineers of our success. We will be builders of a brand new Prydania. And with that in mind, contemplating the future, I have realized it truly was my last battle, to see this happen. My purpose here, as Prime Minister, as leader of this party, is complete. We've given the future something great, so maybe let's let someone with a few less white hairs have a shot at guiding that future, eh?"

The chuckling returned, but it a bit on edge. Many weren't expecting this. Anything could happen, really, and already party leaders- and those who aspired to some day wield that influence- had begun planning for what would happen once Magnus' speech was finished.

"So I have tendered my resignation to His Majesty, effective at noon tomorrow. To His Majesty, to this legislative body, and to the people who we serve- serving as your Prime Minister and being entrusted with our country in such a pivotal moment- was the greatest honour of my life."

Magnus removed his glasses, wiping away some tears that had begun to form. He honestly wasn't expecting to feel this way. He'd been rather jovial during his practice runs with this speech.

"I'm sorry..." he said softly before continuing.
"I retire comforted with the knowledge that we, and future generations, shall be securely rooted in freedom and democracy. And speaking of future generations, I am eager to spend my last years of life spoiling my barnabörn* rotten. Thank you."

The rest of the Alþingi stood to applaud. It was genuine, for the most part. Magnus Brandt's service to Prydania could hardly be overstated- from ÖSU work, to FRE ambassador, to PGU ambassador, to Prime Minister. He smiled and have a small wave to the chamber.

One of the many clapping was a member of Magnus' Brandt's cabinet. Maríanna Toft, Minister of Foreign Affairs, contemplated her next move. She'd planned for this, and now she only needed to wait for someone else to make the first move.



*barnabörn- grandchildren

OOC Note: Thank you to @Kyle for help writing parts of the speech
 
Last edited:
30 April 2021
1:57 pm
On a Friday
Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði, Prydania


Maríanna Toft could feel the energy around her. She was so close and yet, as tempting at it was, she had to hold back. Everything she'd planned for...it was too late to muck up now when she was so close.

Cerdagne...that's where she had fled with her mother following the Syndicalist coup. Where she was held in a golden cage in a foreign land as those ravaging animals consumed everything. Her mother might have been content to drink herself into a stupor but she...wanted something more.

At first she harboured thoughts of revenge, appropriate for an adolescent she supposed. She'd return to Prydania, lead the legions of her father's supporters...but she had to watch from afar as that didn't happen. Instead it was William Aubyn, Stig Eiderwig, and... Tobias Loðbrók who overturned the Syndicalist regime.

She was ashamed to admit it now, but she resented them at first. Resented that they'd taken what should have been her revenge. She was ashamed though, because she grew to understand one fundamental, objective, and inescapable truth; her father, Stefan Toft, wasn't a good man.

That revelation had caused Maríanna to reevaluate what it was she wanted, and what she wanted for her country.
Her father- as much as he was that- was also a tyrant in his own right, probably deserving Thomas Nielsen's company in hell more than anything else.
So the re-assertion of a Prydania that championed the values of freedom and liberty wasn't such a bad thing. It was, she reasoned, what he country needed.
That didn't mean, however, that she didn't want to play a part in it. It just meant she'd have to be smarter.

The first part was easy. She returned to her homeland shortly after the collapse of the Syndicalist regime. Playing on the idea that people would want her to take up her father's mantle she made contact with the largest contingent of Social Commonwealth loyalists remaining, and promptly handed their information over to the new government.

That had done more than enough to win good favour- both with the press and the new political leadership of Prydania. She'd just helped the government shut down a Social Commonwealth plot in the making. It gave her more than enough ammunition to shoot down any suggestion that she wanted to continue her father's legacy.

The sad and frustrating thing was...she truly didn't. Her revelation into Stefan Toft's moral failings was genuine. Perhaps it would be easy to take that change of heart, take the good will won from handing over the SoComm cell, and just live a quiet life somewhere.
It was that old ambition- now fuelled by a desire to prove anyone who thought she was her father wrong- that made that impossible. She wanted to forge her own destiny. And if that meant people would feel threatened and accuse her of being her father then she'd succeed, prove them wrong, and leave them in her wake.

So she capitalized on her name, and paired it with the good will earned from turning on her father's old followers. She ran for the Alþingi in 2018 on the Free Democratic ticket.
Her allegiance to that party was one of convenience. William Aubyn had emerged as the obvious choice for the Bandalag in that election. His Conservatives and their Agrarian allies would follow his lead in lockstep. And he would not let the daughter of Stefan Toft stand under their banner.
Magnus Brandt didn't like her family name any more than William did, but he was far less able to shut her out- the Free Democrats had only recently elected him party leader, and the party was desperate for people. They couldn't afford to keep her out.
And then Magnus won. He fucking won. By two seats, but he did it. His promise of actively building the country for the future rather than hold onto the status quo was enough to squeak him by Aubyn. Maríanna ran under the Free Democratic ticket as a matter of convenience, but it had paid off- surely it was a sign.

She didn't have a portfolio though. Magnus may not have been able to keep her out of the party but he wasn't going to put her in charge of a ministry either.
But then that mess in Oclusia happened, the cabinet split on what Prydania's response should be, and suddenly a new Foreign Minister was needed.

Maríanna had been waiting for that- for something to cause a shakeup. She'd been spending her time as a Free Democratic Þingmaður cultivating contacts in the party. Not followers per se, but people she could rely on to support her. And it worked- Magnus had enough people tossing her name at him to have him make her Minister of Foreign Affairs.

It caused a mini uproar in the press at first but the fact that she was responsible for putting actual SoComm insurrectionists behind bars was enough to deflect most criticism. And it was, again, the truth. She truly didn't plan to be her father- the people accusing her of that just fuelled her ambition.

Ambition that led to the Prime Minister's office. Of course that wasn't an immediate plan- it couldn't be. Magnus had won the election. He'd promised a lot too- robust investments into infrastructure and education, a push for renewable, green energy, the constitution.
She could only sit back- continue to amass support- and wait. Magnus was sixty-seven when he won the 2018 election. There was a good chance he'd be ready to retire in 2023.

Turns out he was ready to retire in 2021. The successful adoption of the constitution he had promised was enough for him to say he was done.

Now everything was in motion. And Maríanna was ready. It's why she felt so electric, despite the formality that was occurring. It was two years early, but the plan she had in mind would still work.
First, the Free Democratic Party Alþingi caucus would choose a loyal lieutenant of Brandt's to replace him...

"With all votes of all Free Democratic and Peer Þingmaður tallied..." Free Democratic caucus chairman Asger Dam said, "Reynir Arnketill Aaker is hereby elected leader of Free Democratic Alþingi caucus and supported for the post of Prime Minister by the Free Democratic caucus with the approval of the Peers caucus."

Reynir stood as the caucus clapped, shaking Dam's hand before he stood to give a quick speech.

Maríanna just smiled slightly, not paying Reynir's speech much mind.
She knew what would happen. The King would formally appoint Reynir as Prime Minister. He'd attempt to hold the Free Democratic/Peer coalition together for the remainder of this Alþingi's term, to 2023, when he'd lead the Free Democrats into an election with two years of governance under his belt to sell to the voters.

And Maríanna wouldn't let it happen. Reynir was just keeping the two new seats he occupied warm for her, and she was eager to get started.




Maríanna made her way to her office in the Haraldvígi after the caucus dispersed, pulling out her phone as she sat at her desk.

Messages:
Maríanna Toft: Do you think Reynir is the long-term answer?

Patrik Huseklepp: It doesn't matter what I think. The Peer seats will be gone in two years. Whether he's the answer or not after that is the FLF*'s problem, not mine.

Maríanna Toft: Well that's my point. If he's not the answer then why wait? The Peers can force an early election if they pull support. No one party- or viable coalitions- can form a government without them. You're all gone from the Alþingi in 2023 at the latest, let us get someone who is the answer going forward in, force the King to call an election, and we'll get a FLF majority.

Patrik Huseklepp: we?

Maríanna Toft: You're a new Peer who's done a lot with your position. It would be a shame if you just left politics once the Peer seats were finally removed. You'd have a place in the FLF if you wanted one.

Patrik Huseklepp: Reynir's gonna make that happen?

Maríanna Toft: Not Reynir. Whoever comes next.



*Þingmaður- MP
*FLF- Frjálslýðræðislegur Flokkurinn- Free Democratic Party- FDP
 
Last edited:
3 May 2021
1:47
pm
On a Monday

Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði, Prydania
Session of the Realm's Alþingi


Reynir Aaker stood, ready to address the Alþingi as Prime Minister for the first time.
"It's the honour of my life," he began, "to be asked to serve as Prime Minister by His Majesty, on the backing of the support of this party's supporters and the Peers of the Realm. Magnus Brandt's service to this country is awe-inspiring. I know I have big shoes to fill, but I am eager and excited to continue Magnus' legacy here, and the track record of this government. It's under this government that Prydania has begun the very real processes of rebuilding, and laying the foundation for the future of our Realm will look like. One committed to peace, here and abroad. Of international cooperation. Of economic growth, and of doing right by our children and future generations. A modern realm was what Magnus advocated for in 2018, and it's what we will continue to build on today, for the remainder of this government's mandate. And we will take that into the future."

There was a polite round of applause from the Free Democratic and Peer caucuses, and Maríanna Toft watched with interest. It was all in place. Of course nothing that needed doing would have her hands on it. Her reputation was as fragile as an eggshell already. She needed to make sure she wasn't seen as pushing Reynir out the door. She had a small but dedicated group of followers though, and two of them would be the one to start things.

"I wish," Reynir continued, "that I had more to say, but those who know me know I'm a man of few words. Honestly, there is work to get to."
More applause followed. And then...she watched. She watched the Alþingi's Speaker, Hafr Gade. He should be calling on Patrik Huseklepp. Any moment...but he didn't. She shot a look over to Patrik, who was conversing with some of his other Peers. And suddenly an upsetting possibility shot through her. Had she been double crossed? Had she read Patrik wrong? The thought grew in her. Grew and festered in her as the Alþingi went about its business, with Patrik Huseklepp remaining silent. And most certainly not raising for a motion of no confidence in Reynir's leadership.




3 May 2021
3:41 pm

On a Monday
Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði, Prydania


"Patrik," Maríanna said firmly as she closed in on him in the halls of the Haraldvígi.

"Mhm," Patrik muttered, steeling himself for a conversation that he knew was coming.

"We talked about this," Maríanna insisted.
"What happened?"

"I reconsidered, Marí," Patrik said as they made their way through the legislative building's corridors. That feeling of dread gripped Maríanna tighter.

"You fucking snake..." but Patrik cut her off.

"Rich, coming from you, of all people," he said as he stopped, holding a finger up at her insistently.

"Stuff the fascist bullshit Patrik, it's a cop-out and you know it," Maríanna scoffed, clearly frustrated.

"Is it? Because last I checked this session of the Alþingi had a mandate until 2023. What else would you call an attempt to subvert the will of the electorate? I'd call it fascist."

Maríanna grumbled.
"If this is about keeping your seat..."

"My seat's gone anyway!" Patrik replied angrily. The more he talked to this woman the more he disliked her. Everything was an angle, everything and everyone had an ulterior motive. Patrik may have grown into the role of politician since he'd been Knighted and granted a Peer seat, but he was still a man who went off to war for straightforward and good reasons. He didn't take kindly to Maríanna's more cynical view of things, and her belief that everyone wanted to play the same chess game she was playing.
"Tomorrow or in two years, I lose my seat when this session's mandate expires. This isn't about that, it's about the right thing."

"The right thing?" Maríanna rolled her eyes.
"Come on. It's Reynir fucking Aaker. He's not William Aubyn, or even Magnus Brandt. He's a fucking..."

"He worked in FRE military logistics while you were sitting cozy in Cerdagne, during the War," Patrik shot back, cutting her off. "He's got the moral authority to lead. You don't. And I don't know if you ever will."

"Oh yes, compare me to my pabbi, everyone else has," Maríanna sighed. It was truly getting tiring, and maybe she could drive that home with Patrik? Problem was...she'd misjudged him again. He wasn't referring to Stefan.

"I didn't believe all that shit about you when we met," Patrik shot back.
"You're not your father, and I wasn't going to put that on you. Didn't seem fair. But now that I've gotten to know you? It seems to fit."

Patrik turned, storming away in a way that seemed to indicate he wasn't in the mood to be followed. Not that Maríanna could have anyway. She was too shocked to move.
 
Last edited:
12 May 2021
7:25 pm
On a Wednesday

Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði, Prydania

Varin Melby munched on some Santskartöflur* he'd grabbed from a food truck. He watched as Maríanna sat tensely at her desk, her finger pounding on the oak. Varin was in no mood to stop her or interrupt her. He just munched another fry.

"So far so good..." Maríanna mumbled. It was the fourth time she'd mumbled it to herself over the past twenty minutes. Varin knew what she was talking about.

"You keep saying that like it's going to change, but it won't. Patrik Huseklepp won't spill your little plot you tried to cook up. He's too honourable for that."

"He's a politician," Maríanna replied.
"You're always risking disappointment expecting one to be honourable."

"Herra Huseklepp isn't a politician," Varin corrected her.
"He's a soldier. A war hero. He's only in the Alþingi to fill a peer seat. He's not going to spill your little secret. He's too honourable for that and he likely thinks his decision to not play along had killed your ambitions. If you want to strike though, it should be quickly."

"You just said he's no threat," Maríanna said, raising an eyebrow.

"If we assume that he's too honourable to rat you out, and convinced our plans are dead in the water anyway, then he's not- for now. But if you try to find a more agreeable Peer, if you try the same sort of thing you tried with Patrik, then he might see it and feel compelled to expose your plans. So being quick, and out of his breadth of suspicion is key."

"Aaker isn't impervious," Maríanna replied.
"He's soft spoken, he's not very comfortable with the media. He's not charismatic at all. Right now though, people go on about his skills as an administrator, his deal with the Santonian military, and his Civil War service. We just need to get the media- the conversation around him- focused on his weak points rather than his strengths."

"The Free Democrats lose the Keris-Bygdö by-election," Varin shrugged as he munched another fry."

"That wouldn't change the balance of the Alþingi in any way," Maríanna replied.
"Even if we lost, no other party or bloc of parties can realistically challenge us."

"No, but imagine the shock of losing Magnus Brandt's seat. That could convince enough members of the caucus that Aaker isn't cut out for the job."

"You think the Peers will support us even if I oust Aaker?" Maríanna asked.

"No," Varin said matter of factly.
"No doubt that Patrik will raise objections at that point, but Aaker losing leadership might convince the Peers to force an election. And then, if you can get Free Democratic leadership, you can coast on all the good will Magnus Brandt has garnered across the country."

"Unless he comes out against me," Maríanna smirked.

"Why would he?" Varin replied, munching another fry.
"It's not like anyone will be able to tie you to Aaker's downfall."

Maríanna tapped away at her keyboard, keeping one eye on Varin, as she searched for polling results.
"Looks like the People's Party's Svanhild Ropstad is polling second behind our candidate, Bodalf Listhaug."

"Well let's see what we can do for Fröken Ropstad then," Maríanna mused.

Varin shrugged, munching another fry.
"Well ok then."



*Santskartöflur- French fries
 
Last edited:
7 June 2021
11:32 am
On a Monday
Eskilborg, Prydania


The sound of the clock ticked away slowly, and Louisa Grundt was a bundle of nerves.
How could she not be? She'd had to flee Prydania, her homeland, in a whirlwind of chaos. Her brother hadn't had time to explain much before they left, only that "he couldn't do it anymore," referring to the Syndicalist People's Militia.
He would explain more when they were able to get settled in Saintonge. About how the Militia's abuses were too much, how he needed to get out...but he was always hesitant to speak of specifics.

And now Louisa was back in Prydania. Even knowing the War had been over for close to four years made her return nerve-racking. The memories of the conflict, and the fact that she was related to a Syndicalist. One who turned on them or not...the possibility that her name would be flagged worried her.
Of course her editor assured her it was fine, and it was. She passed through customs in Býkonsviði without issue, the only comment related to her past being a "welcome back" remark from the customs officer.

She didn't have much time to spend in the capital though. The ÖSU had a car waiting for her, set to take her to the new ÖSU HQ in Eskilborg, to the south. And the trip actually calmed her a bit. The road hugged the Ryon River, and Louisa had found the scenery on the way here from Býkonsviði rather pleasant.
Prydania tended to defy the common perception of it in more southern lands come summer, and it did bring to mind a host of pleasant smells and sights she hadn't thought of in years. Yes, the car trip had calmed her.
Now though? Well...she found found herself in a normal conference room about to meet the head of Prydania's intelligence agency. The normalcy and extraordinary of the situation clashed to leave her a bundle of nerves.

She set her phone down and opened her satchel, going over her files again. She’d looked over these to the point of near-memorization to prepare for this interview, but looking over them again allowed her to focus on something else aside from the quiet passage of time. The picture of Max Hveiti she had was out of date. It had to be. He was still wearing a flak jacket and tactical gear, his chestnut hair a mess. This was clearly a picture taken from the Civil War or just after it had ended. Even still though, his blue-grey eyes seemed very bright behind his rimmed glasses. Inquisitive almost.
The rest of the file detailed what was known of him in Saintonge. He was thirty-nine years old, and from Býkonsviði. He came from a prominent family that had been mostly wiped out in the early days of the Syndicalist Republic. He joined the FRE around the early 2000s, but nothing more was known of him until early 2012, when he took command of the ÖSU. He and his brother had been granted ownership of what was left of their family business after the War, a chain of department stores. And Max had willingly given his half to his brother. That was it.
Louisa wasn’t surprised that public information on a spymaster was hard to come by, but it was nonetheless frustrating. Max's brother, Dorri, couldn’t even provide much aside from childhood stories and recollections from the War that weren’t insightful to Max’s activities.

“Max was committed to his job. We met when we could, but I have no idea what he did,” Dorri had said when Louisa had called.
“He’s still committed to his job,” he added. “He’s no stranger, but visits are sparse.”

That, too, didn’t surprise Louisa. People like this, people who held jobs like Max Hveiti held, were not open books. She didn’t know if the job made them like that, or if it attracted closed off people. It hardly mattered. And it meant it was a shock when she was granted this interview. The ÖSU didn’t release a statement. She wasn’t going to talk to some PR specialist or one of Hveiti’s aides. She was going to talk to the ÖSU chief himself.

She looked over her copy of the leaks, her own comments, questions, and observations scribbled in the margins of her copy. A lot of journalists had gone full digital. Everything- from files on their subjects to their notes- were on their phone. Louisa didn’t shun technology, but she didn’t lean on it either. Her phone was far more effective than any tape recorder could be, but she didn’t appreciate having to navigate back and forth through her phone for this or that when she could just have it all spread out in front of her, in paper form. Her observations of her own notes were cut short by the sound of the door opening.

“Madame Grundt,” Max said with a smile, approaching Louisa. She didn’t know what to make of what she was seeing. This was Max Hveiti, but he didn’t look like she suspected. Most FRE personnel of note from the Civil War were seen time and again in military gear, looking a bit worse for wear. Like the picture of Max in her file. They’d all, however, traded the military gear and clothing in for suites. Dity hair and faces were washed.
Max fit that pattern...only he didn’t. His hair was cut nicely, if a bit shaggy, but he neither dressed like a dull bureaucrat or dashing spymaster. Instead he wore a loud green and blue Skandan shirt, khaki slacks, brown loafers, and a brown sports jacket that seemed like it was being worn begrudgingly, like Max himself only wore it because it was expected someone in his position should. Still, his eyes behind the glasses looked just as inquisitive and bright as they seemed in his picture.
Louisa was caught off guard by the manner of dress, but quickly shook her head just a bit.

“Herra Hveiti, thank you for meeting me,” she said pleasantly, standing up to shake his hand. She wasn’t sure if he was dressing like this because that’s just how he dressed, or if it was because he was trying to rattle her. He was in intelligence and espionage after all. She decided she’d make that determination by speaking with him.

“I’m sorry,” she added, “I wasn’t expecting Skandan fashion. You don’t strike me as either a bureaucrat or politician,” she said as they both sat near the head of the table, her finger pressing the “Record” button on her phone.

“Thank you,” Max replied with a pleasant smile, in Santonian.
“Believe me, I take that as a compliment. I wasn't sure if you'd prefer to hold the interview in Prydanian or Santonian.”

“He speaks Santonian well,” Louisa thought to herself. His accent was present, but it was subtle. It didn’t weigh down his words.
"Whichever you are more comfortable in," she replied in Prydanian with a smile. Max chuckled.

"Well this is about speaking to the Santonian people, so Santonian it is," he said with a nod.

"You speak it rather well," Louisa replied, now in Santonian herself.
"Was this a result of espionage work?"

"No," Max replied with a smile as he shook his head.
"My mother and father insisted on a worldly education. My brother and I were nearly fluent in Santonian before the War ever broke out."

"I see," Louisa continued.
“I also want to thank you for agreeing to meet with me for this interview. Direct access to the head of a foreign intelligence agency isn’t something that happens often,” she added.

“I don't really care for what's expected or proper. I care about what needs doing. In this case I felt it necessary to be direct with the Santonian people. So here I am,” Max replied. His tone was casual. As was his posture. He was leaning back comfortably in the chair opposite Louisa.

“You say direct, Mr. Hveiti,” Louisa replied. “I’m not naive, and I would like to think my readers aren’t either. I’m well aware that there’s a limit to what you can speak about. I don’t intend to poke at Prydanian state secrets beyond the confines of what we agreed to regarding this interview.”

“I appreciate that,” Max said with a nod as he reached his hand out to the conference table to absent mindedly tap his finger against it.
“But on this matter I intend to be direct with you, and to be direct with Saintonge.”

“So,” Louisa replied, “the leaks that are out there indicate that the ÖSU was spying in Saintonge from 2005 to 2017. What can you confirm about these leaks, either in support of, or in denial of, their authenticity?”

Max looked at Louisa for a moment, and she was caught by his inquisitive gaze again. It wasn’t hostile by any means. He wasn’t glaring at her. He simply...studied her. Like he was trying to figure her out as he answered the question.
“They’re all authentic. It’s true,” Max replied almost casually.
“We operated in Saintonge from 2005 to 2017. I didn’t come to lead the ÖSU until 2012, but I was aware of earlier activities in Saintonge- and other nations- and authorized their continuation until the end of the Civil War.”

“I wasn’t...I wasn’t expecting that answer,” Louisa replied, a bit taken aback at how casually Max had admitted it.

“What answer were you expecting?” he asked in return, still tapping his finger on the desk.

“I don’t know. Maybe a denial? More likely some sort of political non-answer.”

“I didn’t ask that you come all the way to Eskilborg so I could give you a non-answer,” Max said with a soft chuckle.
“And as you pointed out, I’m not a politician.”

“The leaks are authentic then. It has caused a stir in Saintonge. Some are upset that this has happened, given the aid Saintonge has provided to Prydania.”

“I think that’s a bit of a revisionist attitude, if I’m being perfectly honest,” Max replied. He still seemed causal, relaxed.

“I feel I must press you on that. How so?” Louisa asked.

“Well,” Max began with a shrug, “the fact is that the relationship between our countries as it has existed from 2017 onwards wasn’t a factor in how the FRE and ÖSU went about its business before then. All we could do, before then, was to act in the best interests of our cause and our country. And that included running intelligence gathering operations in Saintonge. A country, I must remind you, that recognized the Syndicalist government. Saintonge has done much to help Prydania since the end of the War, but prior to that things were different.”

Louisa gulped softly. Was he trying to get into her head? She knew basic information on him...he was an intelligence chief though. Surely he knew just as much-probably more- about her. And he'd invoked the Syndicalists- the side her brother fought for before they fled. Was he trying to rattle her? Or was she caught up in her own head? She breathed slowly and gathered herself.
“The Santonian government may have recognized the Syndicalist Republic’s legitimacy," she replied, keeping her cool, "but I don’t believe anyone truly considered themselves a friend of it. Nor did the Santonian government aid them in any way militarily.”

“No, you’re quite right,” Max replied. “And I didn’t bring that up in an attempt to shame anyone. I am merely bringing up facts. The Santonian government did recognize the Syndicalist Republic. And they accepted a large amount of Prydanian refugees fleeing said government. That created a situation where we had to act in Saintonge. So the ÖSU did what it had to do to save the country. If that meant spying on the Syndicalist government within Saintonge’s borders, the ÖSU did it. If that meant protecting Prydanian refugees within Saintonge from the people they fled away from, the ÖSU did it. We were fighting for the future of our homeland. No stone could afford to remain unturned.”

“Some in Saintonge demand answers. You don’t sound remorseful.”

“I hope I can provide answers. I hope that the people of Saintonge will recognize that what we did was a necessary evil, and that we hold no ill-will against them or their country. I am not, however, remorseful. I and the ÖSU did what we believed was necessary to save our country.”

It was Louisa’s turn to study Max. He didn’t seem emotional. He seemed very matter-of-fact. Still casual. The only hint that perhaps emotions were beginning to run hot was the increased tempo of his finger tapping the table. She nodded at his answer and continued.
“So what can you tell me about what the ÖSU did during that twelve year period?”

“What do you want to know?” Max replied calmly.

“As much as you can tell me,” Louisa answered.

“I’ll be happy to answer that. I want to say that everything I am about to say can be confirmed and verified by our own internal documents related to our operations in Saintonge. And if the Santonian government would like to see what we were up to they merely need to ask. The dossier, the files, everything can be shared. And will be if they ask for it.”

“There is a committee meeting to discuss the matter. They may very well arrive at that conclusion.”

“Political grandstanding doesn’t really interest me,” Max replied.
“I don’t care if it’s in my country or yours, I don’t like it. If the Santonian government wants to see what we have, they can ask. We will share it with them, in full. It's not my business to care about how many committees politicians need in order to answer simple "yes" or "no" questions.”

Louisa raised an eyebrow before continuing.
“You weren't kidding when you said you preferred what needed doing to what was expected.”

“In my experience,” Max replied, “it's the best way forward.”

“So to get back to my question,” Louisa continued, “what can the Santonian government expect to read about ÖSU activities in Saintonge if they do ask to see your files?”

Max nodded, pulling his hand from the desk as he rested his arms on his chair’s arm rests.
“The first operations regarding Saintonge began in 2005, as the leaks indicate. The FRE was still an underground movement at that point. Stockpiling weapons, waging an insurgency. The Santonians..." he paused for a moment. Should he tell her about Thomas Lasmartres' communiques with the FRE during the Civil War? No. He wouldn't do that.
"...the Santonians had recognized the Syndicalist Republic but had also aided a number of refugees in fleeing. The FRE wanted to determine to what extent the Santonian government was supporting the Syndicalist Republic and what motives they had for helping refugees. Was it altruism? Or part of another agenda? That's when the ÖSU started to gather intelligence on the Santonian government. We were trying to ascertain Santonian motives."

“Started,” Louisa nodded.
“The leaks themselves seem concerned with the ÖSU spying on the Syndicalist Republic within Saintonge.”

Max nodded.
“Yes, that was the primary activity our Santonian operations entailed as we got going. We had agents in Saintonge who monitored and infiltrated the Syndicalist Republic’s embassy in Saintes.”

“To what end?” Louisa asked.

“A variety of ends,” Max replied.
“First and foremost, basic intel. Was there anything we could learn that would either aid the FRE in the War or weaken the Syndicalist Republic? Beyond that we were engaged in determining whether anything from the Syndicalist embassy could shed light on Santonian motives in Prydania. And finally, to frustrate Syndicalist Republic efforts to hinder the Santonian government’s integration efforts regarding Prydanian refugees.”

“The Syndicalist government attempted to hinder those efforts? Why?” Louisa asked, genuinely curious. So much of this was news to her, but this was especially captivating.

“The Syndicalists didn’t like Santonian efforts to save refugees. So we were able to confirm that the Santonian efforts to save refugees were altruistic, as an aside. Regardless, the Syndicalist regime didn’t like that. If they could hinder attempts on the part of Saintonge to integrate Prydanian refugees it might cause tensions and make Saintonge seem unappealing to potential future refugees. We took steps to neutralize and oppose these efforts once we learnt of them.”

“Why was this an ÖSU aim?”

“Because I think it’s quite cruel to not only force someone to flee their home, but to then continue to torment them when they find safe haven elsewhere,” Max replied bluntly.
“I joined the FRE very early in the War. I know the type of people the Syndicalist regime was made of. It’s why I was willing to do what I did, including gathering intelligence in Saintonge, to try and stop them.”

Louisa looked over Max again. Her brother. Her brother had been a Syndicalist Peoples Militiaman. Part of her wanted to react defensively to what Max had said...but then again her brother had left. He'd fled with her because he couldn't follow the Militia's orders any longer. That proved Max's point, that her brother ultimately arrived at the same conclusion.
She also sensed a tonal shift. Max still wasn’t angry, but his causal attitude had become a straightforward and blunt one.
“So the Syndicalist Republic ran operations designed to frustrate and stunt the Santonian government’s efforts," she reiterated.

“Yes. They did. I’m sure Santonian intelligence was aware of it, but we did what we could to stop it. These people may have fled Prydania, but we felt responsible for them. It’s why we did the other thing we did in Saintonge.”

“What was that?” Louisa asked.

“We created a network to get messages from people in Saintonge to their family and friends in Prydania. And vice versa. It was irregular, and even that took a monumental effort. Both because our agents who could pass along messages had more pressing matters most of the time, and because information in the Syndicalist-controlled parts of Prydania was strictly controlled. We still did what we could though, to help people. Even if it was just to let them know someone they cared about was ok.”

“You paint a rather noble vision of Prydanian operations in Saintonge, Mr. Hveiti.”

“I’m no saint, and neither was anyone else in the FRE,” Max said matter-of-factly.
“As I said, the operations we ran in Saintonge were a necessary evil. We gathered intel on the Santonian government and their intentions. We spied on a government Saintonge recognized, within its borders. Yes, to all of it. We did it because it was necessary to do so, to save our country. We were not saints, Ms. Grundt, but we believed in a better future for our homeland and worked to that goal. We never acted against the Santonian government. Or the Santonian people. We never attempted to compromise Saintonge in any way. We did run operations, however. I’m sorry we had to do it, but we did.”

Louisa let that conviction sink in for a moment. What she knew of the FRE was filtered through Syndicalist propaganda in her younger years. And then her brother's defection had recast everything she knew in new light. Max Hveiti wasn't a soldier, but he was a believer in the FRE's cause. And here he was, in a free Prydania. Something about that conviction was captivating to her.
“You say ‘did,'" she said. "And you mention the dates 2005 to 2017. As do the leaks. Can you confirm that the ÖSU’s operations in Saintonge ceased after the Civil War?”

Max nodded.
“Operations in Saintonge largely ceased after the Kingdom of Prydania took control of the Syndicalist Republic embassy. As I have said, the Santonian government is free to ask for our dossier and files. They will find post-Civil War reading to be dull and brief, however.”

“So,” Lousia replied, “when you say ‘largely ceased,’ you mean that.”

“Yes,” Max replied with a nod.
“Let me make it clear. Saintonge is a friend of Prydania. A close friend. Post-Civil War the ÖSU was tasked with gathering intelligence and running operations to defend Prydania from its enemies. I’d be pretty bad at my job if I wasted resources spying on a friend like Saintonge instead of directing them towards targets that threaten Prydania.”

Louisa instinctively wanted to ask who Max was talking about. Who he had redirected his efforts to after the War. She stopped herself as she began to ask though. She had promised Max she wouldn't prod at sensitive topics outside of the parameters of the interview. She paused for a moment before asking a different question instead.
“You say that Saintonge is a friend of Prydania. So you must understand why this would concern some Santonians?"

“I do, yes, but context is important,” Max replied, nodding, and cracking a small smile.
“It’s why I have been so insistent on being open, and why I granted you this interview. So Santonians can understand the context of what we did, and why. And to understand that these efforts are not ongoing.”

Louisa nodded, noticing the recording app on her phone running. She looked back at Max. “Emotionless” wasn’t the right word, but he never once raised his voice. Even if he was clearly affected by what he was talking about. He just seemed...like an enigma. Even with everything he shared, and everything he promised to share if asked. It was clear he was only divulging this information because he chose to, and that there was more behind those blue-grey eyes.
“Thank you, Monsieur Hveiti,” she said.
“Thank you for agreeing to speak with me.”

“I’m glad you could come, and I’m happy I could be as direct as I could be.”

“Is there anything else you’d like to say on the record before we finish?”

“Just what I said earlier,” Max replied with a shrug.
“That we never worked to hurt Saintonge. The records will corroborate that.”

Louisa nodded and smiled as she turned off the recorder function on her phone, and stood.
“Thank you, again,” she said off the record.
“It’s not every day I find myself in an intelligence service’s headquarters.”

“Well I hope you weren’t too disappointed,” Max replied with a chuckle as he stood, shaking her hand once again.
“I wish I could stay, but I’m afraid I’m needed elsewhere.”

“Of course, Monsieur Hveiti. Thank you again.”

“And thank you, Madame Grundt, safe travels back home,” Max said as he left.
He made his way down the hall, turning a few corners before he pulled his phone from his pants pocket. It was on silent but it had been buzzing throughout the interview. He knew what it was about. His agent, tasked with ascertaining the leaks that made their way to Saintonge, had sent him her findings. He grumbled to himself as he scrolled through a recent message.

“Oh Maríanna…” he said under his breath.
“Look at what you’ve gone and done.”

OOC Note: Posted with the approval of @Kyle
 
Last edited:
23 June 2021
12:36 pm
On a Tuesday

Býkonsviði, Prydania


Reynir Aaker sipped on the whisky, groaning softly as Asger Dam sat next to him.

"There have been better two week stretches, I admit..." Asger said as the Keris-Bygde by-election results flashed across RÚV. They had held off on calling it until now...but it was time to face the music. Svanhild Ropstad of the People's Party would win Magnus Brandt's seat. It was a close race, but it looked like the numbers would hold...

People's Party Svanhild Ropstad 35.6%
Free Democratic Party
Bodalf Listhaug 33.4%
Peace not Blood
Hrani Bock 26.8%
Conservative Party
Hellbera Risager 4.2%

"Rikard I had an easier two weeks marching from Shravasti to Hastinapur," Reynir grumbled before taking another sip of whisky.
"First I have to deal with the damn ÖSU drama over spying in Saintonge during the War, and now this... I swear fate's out to fuck me."

This was no new frustration. The ÖSU leaks had caused him no shortage of controversy, made worse by the fact that Max Hveiti had just admitted to their authenticity in an interview without even consulting the government. Reynir Aaker was, further, a FRE verteran. And he had positive connections with the Santonian government as one of the architects of the the initiative to bring Santonian military personnel over to Prydania to advise in the reorganization of the Prydanian military along defensive lines. That didn't make it any easier for him to sort through that mess.

And then the polls started coming in from Keris-Bygde. It shouldn't have been so close. Magnus was popular. The Free Democratic Party was popular. Keris was traditionally split between the Free Democrats and the Syndicalists, which had become far more complicated. The People's Party had tried to take up the Syndicalists' pre-Nielsen mantle, and Peace not Blood was founded in the city. Giving them some grassroots strength there.
Keris-Bygde, though, shouldn't have been this close. It was a party of the city that had traditionally been a Free Democrat seat.

The polls were close though, and they kept getting closer. And then a report from local FDP volunteers ended up on his desk. They were concerned. People's Party campaigners knew where they'd be canvassing, knew where they'd be organizing events, and could effectively counter their efforts.
What was concerning, though, was what Dalla Barfoed had told him. The head of the local FDP association had shared a theory of hers. The People's Party campaign for Svanhild Ropstad could be moving the needle in the polling by specifically targeting left-leaning Free Democratic voters.
Reynir had asked how they would know. Dalla replied that one way to know, for sure, would be if they had the Free Democratic Party membership and supporter lists.

And now this. Svanhild Ropstad was going to take Magnu Brandt's seat. It didn't change the overall balance of seats in the Alþingi, but losing Magnus Brandt's seat looked bad. And this, on top of the ÖSU leaks, was not what Reynir needed in his young tenure as Prime Minister. All of it had built up. And all Reynir Aaker could do was watch a solid FDP seat fall away.

"Look, you'll address the caucus..." Asger tried to say, prompting Reynir to groan "oh God..."

"No look," Asger replied.
"You do what you do best. You say that you're committed to doing the work of government and you move forward. The Alþingi math doesn't change."

"That...that won't be enough," Reynir grumbled. He sipped his whisky again. Asger nodded. He could tell...Reynir was frustrated. And it was feeding into his pessimism.
"The Peers, the Opposition, people were calling for elections when Magnus retired. The past two weeks gave that crowd more ammo. Something's coming."

"Let it," Asger shrugged.
"I'm sure that, when push comes to shove, we're not going to dissolve our own government."

Reynir didn't say anything as he watched the television. He'd normally be inclined to agree with Asger, or he'd at least be open to the possibility of being convinced. He just had this haunting feeling though. That Dalla was right. That something else was happening under his feet. Something he couldn't see.
 
Last edited:
24 June 2021
10:02 am

On a Thursday
Stormurholmr, Prydania


"Sorry about the mess," Kjeld Svane said as he waved Rósalind Brúnsteð, Trym Varvik, and Bersi Langseth into his town house in downtown Stormurholmr.

"No worry at all," Rósalind remarked.
"It's not even very messy."

"The Misses will appreciate you saying that," Kjeld said with a grin.
"Bersi," he added.
"A pleasure to see you again."

"Wait, you two know each other?" Trym interjected, as Bersi smiled but blushed.

"I know his parents," Kjeld answered as they all sat down at a quaint kitchen table overlooking the local market. The sun was nice and bright today. It made for a nice contrast to the cool breeze coming off the Auburn channel.
"How are they, by the way."

"Busy with the farm," Bersi nodded, "but they send their regards."

"Them busy with the farm and you in the Alþingi. I'm sure your pabbi isn't thrilled," Kjeld chuckled. Bersi blushed again but laughed along.

"He understands that I'm doing it because I want to make sure Social Commonwealthism and Syndicalism never happen in this country again."

Kjeld nodded. The Langseths had joined with one of the smaller anti-Syndicalist militias in the west when collectivization started. Bersi had spent most of his life as part of an insurgency deep in Syndicalist-controlled territory. It was commendable that the boy- now a young man- had turned that into something constructive.
"That's very noble," Kjeld replied. "And I can see you mean it, leaving Nygaard's circus like you did. That passion's going to do you well when you have to square off with the other party leaders come election time."

Bersi, the Peace not Blood Alþingi caucus leader, coughed a bit.
"That's why we're here."

"Oh?" Kjeld asked, raising an eyebrow. He sensed what this meeting was going to be about, but even now he had no idea what his answer to the question he knew was coming would be.

"Everyone in this country has a great deal of respect for you, Herra Svane," Trym said nodding.
"Two terms as the Pan-Gotic Union's Chancellor and you took a firm stance against religious persecution in Oclusia and solved a centuries long territorial dispute between Andrenne and Goyanes that even the Fascist War couldn't settle. You led with integrity, and were an excellent ambassador for Prydania on the world stage. You proved we were ready to contribute again."

"Já, well...thank you," Kjeld remarked.
"I'm glad someone appreciates it. It felt like it was nothing but months on end of being Hellstrand's punching bag."

"You gave the Vallish what for in your final address," Rósalind nodded.

"Thank you dear," Kjeld sighed.
"It was a long time coming for them, I promise."

"I'm sure it was," Rósalind replied.
"And for all of those reasons we want to ask you to lead Peace not Blood in the next election."

Kjeld sat quietly for a moment, before getting up to make something in the kitchen.
"Coffee?" he asked.

The three Peace not Blood representatives looked at each other and then to Kjeld.
"I think we're all good," Rósalind answered.

"I know I should give it up," Kjeld said, deliberating avoiding what they'd just presented to him.
"Bad for the kidneys they say. It kept me alive during my FRE years though. I doubt I'm kicking the habit anytime soon. Plus with the War over, well...it's easier to get the good stuff. This is an Astrongese roast. You sure you don't want any?"

"Herra Svane," Trym tried to interject, only to be cut off by Bersi.

"We're all fine, thank you," he said, shooting Trym a look that said "just be patient, please?"

Kjeld sat back down with his coffee and took a sip as Bersi looked at Rósalind, who gave him a nod.
"Kjeld, we really believe in you. To lead our party," the young Þingmaður said.

Kjeld took another sip and sighed. This was it. And he still didn't have an answer. The calm act of brewing didn't give him any clarity on the matter. So he just said what was on his mind.
"You're not asking for 2023, not after last night. Toft's wolves will go for Aaker's head after the People's Party scored that upset. You and I know that an election is coming."

"2023 or now, we want you leading us," Bersi said, nodding.

Kjeld, though, just kept saying what was on his mind.
"I'm a Free Democrat or a Conservative, depending on the day," he said with a shrug.
"I'm that middle ground. And your lot is...well...look. I'll be frank. I believe in what you kids are doing. And truth be told? It's good. The old party system wasn't going to survive after the War intact for long, and I'm happy to see it's you guys and not those Messianic League drullusokkuri* that seem to have lasted..."

"I sense a 'but,' coming," Trym interjected.

"...but," Kjeld continued, "your Alþingi caucus is all young Agrarians. Even before Nygaard, they always skewed a bit more to the right than the Conservatives. So já, I'm happy to see you kids out there and pushing peace, but beyond that your party's base doesn't really line up with my ideals. I'm too much of a centrist for you all."

There was another awkward silence, as Trym, Rósalind, and Bersi looked at one and other. Their expressions a mix of doubt and disappointment. No one was sure who should say something next. It ended up being Rósalind, who didn't really know where she was going. She just...replied with what she felt.

"When I started Peace not Blood," she began, "I didn't mean for it to be a right wing thing or a left wing thing. I didn't want it..." Kjeld began to speak, but Rósalind held her hand up.
"Please let me finish. Peace not Blood was just one thing to me. It was a promise, that we all made to each other. That we would work to solve our country's problems peacefully. After all the war we saw, we'd solve our problems peacefully. It didn't matter if you were from the cities or the country, or if you were left or right, if you wanted a better country then Peace not Blood was there for you."

"You do skew right, though," Kjeld replied.

"Can you blame us?" Rósalind replied.
"All of us saw what the Syndicalists did. Bersi fought them. You fought them. Trym and I lived under their boot most of our lives. If by 'skew right,' we don't want that poison back then já we skew right. But you know as much as anyone else that we're not fond of the fascists either."

"That's why I followed Ísgeir out of the Agrarians and into Peace not Blood," Bersi said softly.
"I don't want politics that hurt people. Regardless of the 'side' it comes from."

"Kjeld," Rósalind continued.
"We have Peace not Blood candidates ready to go in every major city, not to mention the old Agrarian constituencies. We want to build a real movement. Maybe some of our members are further to the right than you, but you are by no means alone in Peace not Blood. And we all- and I mean all- look up to you. We need you."

Rósalind felt her heart racing when she was done talking. It was pounding in her chest, and her cheeks were flush. She was feeling very nervous.

Kjeld reached for some cream for his coffee and sipped, looking at the trio that had come to see him.

"You've been quiet," he said to Trym.
"Is she telling the truth, or just trying to butter me up?"

"I mean..." Trym said softly.
"Já, she's telling the truth. As far as I know. I look up to you. You were pushing for peace as head of the PGU before Peace not Blood was even a thing. You showed everyone Prydanians could contribute on the world stage again. And we need you because we're all...well..."

"Kids," Kjeld said, finishing the sentence.

"We skew young," Bersi replied.

"Skew young...my daughter has one of your posters. I'd show it to you if I thought she wouldn't eviscerate me for going into her room. A Syndicalist gun nest has nothing on the ferocity of a teenage girl."

The trio laughed politely at that but there was one big question left hanging. Kjeld sighed again, and broke the silence.

"What are your goals?"

"To win," Bersi said.

"That's a tall order," Kjeld remarked.
"The Free Democrats are leading comfortably. Even after that electoral disaster in Keris."

"I spent my life in a militia fighting Syndies in the Vesturland," Bersi remarked.
"I know how to deal with a tall order."

"I'm sure you do," Kjeld replied.

"That's why we want you though," Trym added.
"We want to win, and we believe in you as Prime Minister."

"That's sweet," Kjeld replied.
"And don't think I'm not honoured, because I am. But...best case? You- we- are in a king maker position. So I need to know. What parties are you prepared to work with?"

The three looked at each and then back at Kjeld.
"Conservatives yes," Rósalind said, "Agrarians no..." she looked at Kjeld, judging his reaction. He was rather stone faced as he sipped coffee.
"Free Democrats, depends on who's leading them, and People's Party? Only if we can agree to terms"

"I should hope whoever you attempt to coalition with agrees to terms," Kjeld replied.

"Já," Rósalind answered, "but it's worth emphasizing for them especially. As I said, most of us have an aversion to the left wing."

"And the far right," Kjeld added.

"Well the People's Party aren't as hopelessly lost on the fringes as the Agrarians are under Tenna," Rósalind replied.

"That's fair," Kjeld replied before thinking for a moment.
"I'll tell you kids what. I've got a lot to think about. So enjoy the sights of Stormurholmr. They're giving tours of Stormurkastala now. I'll let you know by the afternoon. Promise."

"Well...thank you," Rósalind said as they all stood up, holding out her hand. Kjeld shook it.
"I wish I could have a more definitive answer but it's a lot to consider."

"It's fine," Trym said, trying to hide his disappointment.
"I've never been on the island before. I could stand to sight see."

"That's the spirit," Kjeld said happily, before turning to Bersi as he lead them out.
"Tell your mamma and pabbi I say 'hi,' will you?"

"Of course," Bersi nodded.
"It's good to see you again."

"You too," Kjeld said with a nod.
"I'll try not to keep you all waiting too long," he added, showing them out. And finally...the door was closed. He made his way back up the stairs and sat back down at the kitchen table with his cup of coffee. He looked down at the bustling market. It wasn't so long ago that this place was...not so bustling. Ravaged by back and forth Syndicalist and FRE firefights. He sipped his coffee and thought...




"He's gonna say no," Trym sighed as they stood outside of the Svane family townhouse.

"I'm afraid you're right...we need to start going through names. It might end up being you after all, Bersi."

Bersi chuckled nervously.
"I don't think he'll say no."

"You think so?" Rósalind asked. Bersi knew him. So that had to count for something.

"It's a feeling. Look. Let's do what he said, já? I've never toured a castle before. I don't want to head back to Býkonsviði so soon after getting here anyway. So let's see some sights and we'll see what Kjeld says."

"Já," Trym shrugged.
"Worst thing that can happen is he says no, I guess."

"Yeah, the worst thing," Rósalind reiterated in a serious tone.
"But alright. Lead the way."




24 June 2021
12:56 pm

On a Thursday
Stormurholmr, Prydania


"And this is the Ríkiskort*, originally made by Elgfrothi Haust between 1012 and 1014 in preparation for King Vortgyn I's campaign to unify Prydania. It's a map of all of Prydania, carved into the stone masonry. Stormurkastala never fully fell into Syndicalist hands, so damage was minimal. What was damaged was repaired by artists volunteering their time..."

Trym, Bersi, and Rósalind listened to the the tour guide go on as he explained the impressive map that spanned an entire wall. Rósalind's gaze followed the details of the map, the way the artistry captured the form of the country. Especially impressive for the 11th century. She had just managed to get to the front of the crowd to get a better look when her phone went off, causing her to jump a bit in surprise.

"Fröken?" the tour guide remarked.
"Could you please take that outside?"

"Já, já, sorry," she said blushing, angrily looking at her phone before her heart leapt. It was Kjeld Svane. Bersi and Trym followed her out into a hallway as she answered.

"Já...umhm..." Bersi and Trym both looked on confused as they tried to judge Rósalind's mood by her expression.

"That's wonderful!" she exclaimed!
"He's going to do it!"

"Holy crap!" Trym gasped before hugging a laughing Bersi.

"Já they're here with me..." Rósalind said into the phone.
"We were doing the tour. No...no don't apologize! We...we'll be over. I don't know...soon! We gotta....já...ok. We'll be there. Thank you, Herra Svane, thank you."

She hung up and looked at her friends.
"We're going to have a leader."



*drullusokkuri- toilet plungers, used as an insult to mean "bastard"
*Ríkiskort- Realm Map
 
Last edited:
Maríanna ið Álfur, Sigurvegari frá Eyjaepla

25 June 2021
4:37 pm
On a Friday
Haraldvígi
Býkonsviði
, Prydania

Patrik Huseklepp entered the caucus chamber. He was no Free Democrat, but he was a Peer, knighted by the King after the War to help fill in the Alþingi's requisite Peer seats in light of so many of the old nobility perishing in the Civil War.
And the current government was a Free Democratic one. They had a two-seat majority among the elected seats, and so had the Peers' support in forming a government.

But who knew if that would continue to be the case after today? The Thane of Jórvík, the Peer caucus leader, knew the Peers' days were numbered. At most they would continue to exist in the Alþingi until the present term expired in late 2023. Then a new Alþingi would be elected- one in line with the new constitution that would be entirely democratic in nature. And the Thane was therefore not concerned about the longevity of his caucus. 2021 or 2023, what did it matter? They were all on borrowed time anyway once the King signed that constitution into law. If this Free Democratic/Peer caucus went sideways then Thane Mathies could just sink the whole thing.
And Patrik was hoping the Thane lived up to that belief if they worst outcome occurred today.

He took his seat and leaned over to another post-War knighted peer, Luta Fredheim.
"You notice something about all of this?"

"Já," Luta answered.
"It's Friday."

"Já, if someone's planned something big here they're likely ready to go come Monday. And everyone else will be scrambling with their pants down over the weekend."

"Do you think someone could think they could get away with something like that with a Peer caucus mostly made up of soldiers?" Luta asked with a coy smile.

"I don't know why we're dancing around this 'someone' when....oh look at that. There she is."

Maríanna Toft entered the caucus chamber with Varin Melby in tow.

"Maríanna ið Álfur*," Luta remarked. Patrik stifled a chuckle. It was a Prydanian play on the name "Marceline le Fay," Maríanna Toft's forged identity she lived under in Cerdagne during the Civil War and Syndicalist Era. FRE veterans in the Alþingi, regardless of party affiliation, referred to her by the name with a bit of mockery.

Patrik stifled his chuckle but sighed.
"We'll see if anyone's laughing soon," he said to Luta.

Reynir Aaker, the leader of the Free Democratic Party and Prime Minister since Magnus Brandt's retirement, entered followed by Asger Dam and a few other cabinet members.

Patrik sat back as Reynir addressed the combined Free Democratic and Peer caucus. First addressing the defeat in Keris-Bygde.

"This isn't the result I wanted," the Prime Minister said referring to the shock victory of a People's Party candidate in the former seat of Magnus Brandt.
"And it's not the result you wanted, but I will not let one bump in the road derail this government's work on behalf of the people who elected it three years ago."

Patrik was no politician. He wasn't sure what he was, honestly. He was a the son of a hardware store owner from Lundr in the Vesturmarch, and a priest's nephew. He was a victim of Syndicalist tyranny, he was a soldier. He was a war hero. He'd met his King in the midst of fighting. And since the end of the fighting he was a knight of the realm, and a Peer. The title would remain but sooner rather than later he would no longer be a Peer in the Alþingi. He had no idea what his future held. Perhaps he'd return home and help his pabbi with his business. Maybe he'd take a trip and visit his extended family in Saintonge?
A lot was possible in the future, but there were still things to tend to in the present. He liked Reynir, but he had a way of going on, and losing the point he was trying to make. Patrik was no politician, that was true, but he knew that speeches weren't the Prime Minister's strong suit.

Still, he continued. Outlining his commitment to the program set out by Magnus Brandt in 2018. And promising that the government would go into elections in 2023 with a proven track record and a strong path towards re-election. Patrik thought about that, and how quickly things shift. Tenna Nygaard had taken the alliance between Conservatives and Agrarians down with her and with Magnus Brandt seen as the man who successfully negotiated the new and popular constitution well...well Patrik assumed the Free Democrats would govern the country for years and years to come. And now, after just one lost by-election, Reynir Aaker had to assure a caucus of on-edge Free Democratic Þingmenn that they weren't on the verge of electoral collapse.

Finally, Reynir finished. Patrik would have cut a few pages from his prepared remarks if he had been asked to look over it, but it was what it was.

Asger Dam, chairman of the caucus, nodded.
"Thank you, Prime Minister. The chair will open the floor."

Patrik watched for Maríanna, but was surprised when it was her lackey Varin Melby who rose to speak.

"Herra Prime Minister," he began.
"Since you have taken office we've not only lost the seat of your predecessor but the government saw the leak of ÖSU records from the Civil War. This lead to a diplomatic incident with Saintonge, one of our most important partners in the post-War recovery."

"Já, we cleared that up did we not?" Reynir shot back. He may not have been one for speeches but he wasn't a pushover.

"You didn't, Herra Prime Minister," Varin replied.
"Our Minister of Foreign Affairs did. Maríanna Toft cleaned up your mess with the Santonians. And in light of this party's sinking electoral prospects under your leadership I am left to wonder if she is not better suited to lead this caucus than you are."

His comments resulted in a lot of chatter from the Free Democratic Þingmenn as Reynir looked on angrily. Patrik looked over at the Thane of Jórvík, but Mathies just looked on stone faced. Patrik shifted in his seat. He was sure the Thane was considering his options but...Patrik didn't do well staying still when someone needed doing. He'd jumped into action at the Skógarhlið during the War because people needed saving. He'd saved them. Thankfully no one's life was on the line in this room, but he felt the need to say something.
"Fokk það*," he muttered and stood.

"Maríanna Toft," he said clearly. Asger Dam banged a gavel.

"Order! Please!"

"Herra Chairman," Patrik insisted as he stood, "this needs to be said," he insisted before turning to Maríanna and Varin.

"Maríanna Toft spent the Syndicalist Era and the War safely on Eyjaepla*," he said.
"Reynir Aaker fought for this country. As did I. And so did many other people in this room. Show some respect."
Patrik grabbed the lapels of his sports jacket and pulled them just a bit to straighten it before he took his seat again.

"This isn't a Peer matter," Varin replied sharply. "This is a Free Democratic Party matter."

And that's when Mathies Jórvík stood, giving a nod to Asger.

"The chair recognizes Thane Mathies of Jórvík, leader of the Peer caucus."

"Thank you Herra Chairman," he began before turning to Varin.
"I would like to remind Herra Melby that the Peers are the reason the Free Democratic Party is able to form a government. And this will remain the case until such time as an election is called. It would behoove any member of the Free Democratic Party to consider the opinions of anyone in my caucus so long as this government remains in place."

Mathies sat down, and Patrik watched him carefully. He never looked his way though, and Patrik wasn't sure how he felt about that.

Varin didn't reply, giving the Thane a brief glance before looking away.

"If I may speak on my own behalf?" Maríanna eventually said over the chatter that filled the chamber. Asger nodded.

"I mean no disrespect to Herra Huseklepp or any other FRE veteran here. Much less the Prime Minister himself. And yes, I was safe on Eyjaepla. I was sixteen when the Syndicalists seized this country and killed my father."

Patrik looked at her but said nothing. What he wanted to say was that not all sixteen year olds were so lucky. And that there were plenty sixteen year olds who had to pick up a gun and fight. Some of them were here right now. Still, he said nothing. As much as he disliked her, he'd let her say her piece.

"So no. I didn't fight in the War," Maríanna added.
"But I have committed myself to this party and government. I carried Erkiengill for us in a close election. I discovered the Cogorian intentions when they went on full alert, and allowed us to help calm the situation. And I did lead the charge to clean up the diplomatic fallout from the ÖSU leaks." She looked around at the assembled Free Democratic and Peer caucuses before looking at Reynir.
"Herra Prime Minister, we need to consider post-Civil War leadership. And post Civil War leaders. I've been a loyal member of this government, but after Keris it is clear, it isn't working. And I alone have the experience in critical areas to get it working again. I call for a vote of no confidence in Reynir Aaker's leadership."

"Seconded," Varin added.

Asger Dam managed to restore order as what just happened caused those in attendance to start whispering, talking, even arguing with each other. Patrik could only think of two things though. The first was that he finally understood why Thane Eiderwig and Thane Krummedike, two Generals in the Royal Army, never took up their seats as Peers they were entitled to. This was a mess. The second thing he noticed was how defeated Reynir Aaker looked as he sank back in his chair.



25 June 2021
5:02 pm
On a Friday
Absalonhöll
Býkonsviði
, Prydania

"Thaunell was a great and powerful god," Tobias mused.
"He was the lone guardian of an empty universe. It was darker than then the darkest night. And then, from his blood sprung soil, trees, and the animals. He was so amazed by the power of his blood that he allowed his wounds to drip and drip, as the world grew from it all. He bled so much that the sea of blood pooled into the realm of Radija. Eventually Thaunell tore his limbs from himself to make the gods, and the branches and roots of the cosmic tree. The gods that he created were his children. They loved their father but couldn't bare to see him suffering as he tore himself apart to make more of the universe. So they burnt him as he slept. And scattered his ashes across the cosmos, where they became the stars in the sky."

Baldr and Hael both excitedly laughed as Tobias told them one of the old Thaunic stories. It was a graphic one, but they were too young to be bothered with it.

"Promise me you won't let me start tearing off my own limbs, ok?" he asked with a grin. The two nine month old boys just laughed.

"I'll take that as an agreement then," Tobias chuckled. He took a moment to realize his sons were only three months away from being a year old. They'd be talking soon...and Tobias still felt immensely incredible that he was a father.
"Soon you too will be too big to hug together," he chuckled.

His time with his children was interrupted, however, by a knock. Tobias turned around to see Elo Daugaard, steward of the Royal household, by the door.
"Elo," Tobias said as he stood.
"Is everything alright?" He tended to ask that of people who came to tell him things. It was a force of habit from the War.

"Your Majesty, Reynir Aaker has just lost a vote of confidence within his own caucus."

Tobias' eyes went wide for a moment.
"The government has lost confidence in itself?"

"Maríanna Toft instigated a vote of no confidence among the Free Democrats and Peers in Herra Aaker's leadership. It seems the lose of Magnus Brandt's old seat in the by-election has convinced enough of them a change is needed."

"How many?" Tobias asked,

"Aaker lost seventy-seven to forty-four. He hung onto the Peers and the Free Democratic cabinet, with a few loyalists. But he won't be able to carry a majority in the Alþingi."

Tobias nodded nervously. The ins and outs of parliamentary democracy were new to him. The passage of the constitution had helped him greatly with that, but this sounded messy.

"What happens?"

"The Prime Minister is going to ask you to dissolve the Alþingi and call for new elections. Maríanna Toft will ask you to ask her to form a new government instead."

"She only has seventy-seven people supporting her," Tobias replied. He knew that was far short of enough to govern in the Alþingi.

"Presumably she believes with some time she can bring the Peers and the fourteen Free Democratic Þingmenn who voted in Herrra Aaker's favour over to her side."

Tobias looked down at his sons and then up at Elo and nodded.
"Ok...I need to meet with them. Now."

"There is someone you should meet with first, Your Majesty."

"Who?" Tobias asked curiously.

"Max Hveiti of the ÖSU is here. He insists things are urgent and he must speak with you before you meet with either the Prime Minister or Fröken Toft."

Tobias closed his eyes and felt his insides seemingly turn to a swirling, chaotic mess.
"Ok," he said.
"Go get Slavěna, will you?" he asked, regarding his boys' nanny.

"Of course Your Majesty," Elo said, heading off. Tobias took a seat next to their cribs and sunk back into it.

"Pabbi's got a spoon wedged in the ceiling, boys. You be good for Slavěna, ok?" They looked at him with wide eyes and he grinned, before sighing at what was to come.



25 June 2021
5:14 pm
On a Friday
Absalonhöll
Býkonsviði
, Prydania

Max Hveiti looked at the tapestry before him. It showed St. Kaldor kneeling before a stag with the cross of Kristur* between its antlers. It was a "newer" tapestry, one that dated from the late 19th century.
It had just been returned from Saintonge, after the King himself had asked for it back. It was part of Absalonhöll's next wave of repairs. Finally, the royal palace would be fixed up beyond the few bits that had been restored for the King's use. The sound of construction echoed in the halls as Max took in the tapestry hanging in the freshly renovated chamber that fed into the King's office.

He looked up as the door opened, and Elo Daugaard emerged.
"Chief Hveiti, looking as bright as always."

"It's summer," Max shrugged as he approached the steward.
"Might as well embrace it."

Elo looked at the navy blue Skandan style shirt the ÖSU chief was wearing, with bright green and orange flowers dotted across it.

"Já, so the fashion magazines say. Regardless, His Majesty will see you now."

"Excellent," Max said. He tried to walk past Elo, who just held out a hand.

"Protocol," Elo said. He said it stone faced, but Max was sure he was grinning under it all.

"Alright, do the thing," Max sighed. Elo nodded and turned, leading Max to the King's office.

"Your Majesty," Elo announced as he entered. Tobias stood.
"Herra Max Hveiti, Chief of the ÖSU, has arrived with urgent information."

Tobias nodded.
"Já, um, send him in."

Elo stepped aside, and Max entered, giving the King a bow. Elo took his leave, closing the door behind him.

"I'm told," Tobias began, "that you insist I need to hear what you have to say before I meet with Prime Minister Aaker or Maríanna Toft."

"Já," Max said with a nod as he entered the office. Tobias took a seat, and Max followed suit across the old oaken desk.
"Your Majesty, I won't mince words. I'm here to advise you not to give Maríanna Toft a mandate to try and form a government."

Tobias let himself sink into his chair.
"I know people don't like her, but if she's able to gather enough support..."

"If I may, Your Majesty," Max continued. He seemed a bit...frantic? Tobias couldn't really pin it down, but Max seemed on edge.
"Never mind who her father was..."

Tobias insisted on speaking when he heard that.
"I don't pay mind to who her father was. I know what it's like to be judged because of flawed family."

Max's jaw clenched for a moment. It made sense that Tobias might empathize with Maríanna Toft to a degree. Tobias had worked hard to escape his uncle's shadow. Maríanna had spent the last four years getting away from her father's.

"Your Majesty," Max insisted.
"I have reason to believe that Maríanna Toft not only engaged in political chicanery in the Keris by-election to weaken the Prime Minister's position, but she was also behind the ÖSU Saintonge leaks."

Tobias sat in silence for a moment. He wasn't angry. Max didn't see any anger. He didn't see anything across the young King's face. Deep down though, Tobias felt something. And he finally spoke.

"Why would she have leaked those documents?"

"She got make Reynir Aaker look incompetent, and then got to swoop in and make things better as Minister of Foreign Affairs."

"You say you have reason to believe these things."

"Já, Your Majesty."

"Because of proof?"

"Já."

"Did you show this proof to the Free Democratic Party's leadership?"

"No."

Tobias wrinkled his nose a bit.
"Why not? You could have stopped this alleged plan if you had."

"The ÖSU," Max replied, "protects Prydania for all enemies, foreign and domestic, Your Majesty. We are not charged with protecting political parties from themselves or interfering in the political process. Not even the one in government."

"So why come to me?" Tobias asked.
"I'm part of the political process."

"I have handed all I have on this to the Ríkislögreglu*, Your Majesty. They will conduct an investigation. Until then I come to you because you are the highest constitutional authority in this country. And I am here to tell you, and show you." He pulled a thumb drive from his pocket and put it on his desk.

"Until the Ríkislögreglu can complete their investigation of the evidence I have given them- that evidence- I have to implore you. Do not give Maríanna Toft a chance to form a government."

"If I call an election..." Tobias remarked, "the Free Democrats and Peace not Blood would have choose leaders during a campaign period.

"That's not outside the realm of democratic norms, Your Majesty. But this..." he tapped the thumb drive, "isn't."

Tobias looked to his side for a moment and then back at Max.
"You helped uncover the Prydania Today and Skanda-Syndicalist connection."

"I did, Your Majesty."

Tobias nodded.
"Thank you for your advice. I'll look at this," he said as he held up the thumb drive.

Max nodded. He was uneasy. It wasn't the definitive answer he was looking for. And seeing as he couldn't read the King's mind, well....
"Thank you for hearing me out, Your Majesty. And thank you for the constitution."

"Pardon?" Tobias asked, raising an eyebrow.

"The constitution you and Magnus worked on. I know it codified a lot of things, but it still left you with extraordinary powers. Please, Your Majesty, use them to preserve the sprit of what you and Magnus Brandt built."

Max was seemed very cold, all of a sudden. Closed off. The truth was he felt awkward. And it was melodramatic to a degree but...he said what he said for a reason.

Tobias nodded.
"Thank you for seeing me. And for bringing me this," Tobias said as he held the thumb drive.

Max stood, and Tobias followed suit.

"I hope the rest of your evening goes well, Your Majesty," Max said, feeling anxious. And very unsure. He hoped that what he had would convince Tobias that whatever he empathized with Maríanna Toft over...she was still dangerous. And that uncertainty, even a tiny one, was enough to put him on edge.

"You too, Chief Hveiti," Tobias replied with a grin.

The Chief took another slight bow and left. Max was eager to get to ÖSU HQ again. He hoped that...well...perhaps he'd find some clarity there. If only to give everything some time to pass to see what the King would do.

Tobias sat as Max left his office and plugged the thumb drive in, having to flip the blasted thing twice before it fit.
He began to go through the files he was given. Some were a bit beyond him. The reports though, those were suitable summaries of the data that had been collected.
Tobias leaned forward as he clicked through everything. And the feeling he had when Max had first raised the issue of what Maríanna had done returned. It wasn't anger. It was disappointment. Disappointment that Maríanna couldn't escape her father.



*Maríanna ið Álfur- Maríanna the Fairy or Elf
*Þingmenn- MPs
*Fokk það- fuck it
*Eyjaepla- Island of Apples, the Prydanian name for the sub-continent of Collandris
*Kristur- Christ
*Ríkislögreglu- Realm Police, the national police force of the Kingdom of Prydania
 
Last edited:
25 June 2021
9:52 pm
On a Friday

just outside of Kiojaleit, Prydania

"We're going to need to hire more people," Rúrik remarked as he took his cap off. God it felt good...he ran his hand through his hair to fix the hat head a day of wearing a cap against his sweaty head had done to his hair.

"Well," Víf remarked, "we can talk about that later. Dinner's almost done though. Come on in and join me. I miss my hubby."

"You don't want that," Rúrik insisted, "I stink. Let me shower first. And give Týr some kisses before dinner."

"He's asleep," Rúrik's mother, Júlíetta, said as she emerged from the kitchen as Rúrik set his boots aside by the door, giving her son a kiss.

"I stink Mamma," Rúrik laughed but she wouldn't have it. Rúrik got his boots off, hung his hat up, and sat down on the couch to switch on the tv.

"You said you stink and so you're going to stink up the whole couch?" Víf asked from the kitchen.

"I just wanna see the news. I had too much going on today. I haven't seen my phone yet."

"Oh, well..." Víf replied, wondering what her husband would think of the news.

Rúrik sat as tv came on. RÚV was the default channel.

Víf took the chicken from the oven and took in the smell. The herbs and lemon really added to the dish. She had barely set the bird down on the counter when her husband's voice boomed from the living room.

"There's an election?!"

Víf chuckled.
"You'd have known that hours ago if you'd turn on your phone while working!"
Then she heard her mother in law.

"Don't be too loud, you'll wake up Týr," Júlíetta insisted.

Rúrik watched. The Free Democratic and Peer caucuses had split over an internal confidence measure. The King had opted to call for fresh elections rather than let someone else attempt to form a new government with the existing seats. Things were too fractured, the news indicated. His Majesty had dissolved the Alþingi, and called for new elections, to be held in September.

"October?" Rúrik asked.
"That's four months away."
Indeed. Democracy was a new thing he didn't have much experience with, but he knew that campaigns were usually a month.

"It's to give the Free Democrats and Peace not Blood a chance to choose leadership," Júlíetta remarked.

"Peace not Blood..." Rúrik muttered before digging his phone out of one of the many pockets his overalls afforded him. He DID have a lot of unread news notifications. He swiped them aside and pulled up his browser.
"Peace not Blood Alþingi leader nominates Kjeld Svane as party leader..." he muttered as he swiped past and found what he was looking for. Polling data for his constituency.
"Kiojaleit...Peace not Blood...ha. They're leading. Good job, Ísgeir," he smiled. Ísgeir Aðaldal was the local representative in the Alþingi and the first Þingmaður* to break away from the Agrarians under Nygaard and adopt Peace not Blood as his party.

"Yes, good job," Júlíetta said with a smile.
"But you need to go shower. You really do stink."

Rúrik laughed, standing as he gave his mother a kiss and headed upstairs. He may stink, but dinner smelt good.



*Þingmaður- MP
 
Last edited:
kbSe1DZ.png


Free Democrats and Peace Not Blood Secure Leadership as Election is Called
by Týra Murer

Býkonsviði- When His Majesty dissolved the Alþingi he did it at a precarious time. With Reynir Aaker's caucus split the Free Democrats effectively had no leader. It's rumoured that Maríanna Toft's pitch to His Majesty was that such instability could be avoided if she were given a chance to form the government- essentially secure Free Democratic leadership with the Peers' blessing.

It ultimately didn't amount to anything. The King had sent the governing party to the polls without a leader, but had given them a generous campaign window to do so.

And after two weeks the poll-leading Free Democrats have their leader, and it's Maríanna Toft. A Toft once again leads a Prydanian party into an election. The first time since 1984 when Stefan Toft was ushered in as the Social Commoneralth Prime Minster.

Fröken Toft obviously worked hard to downplay her family connection. Not just because of the general animosity towards her father and his regime. The Free Democrats were often the Social Commonwealth's premier punching bag. Now Stefan's daughter leads them.

Instead Fröken Toft focused on her tenure as Minister of Foreign Affairs. How she navigated the Prydanian Today crisis and secured Skandan cooperation in arresting Syndicalist and Prydania Today financed Kurt Ventur. She emphasized her role in helping understand Cogorian actions during the Grey Winter crisis. And how she was able to mend the ÖSU leaks in Saintonge. She coupled all of this with her own familiarity with Magnus Brandt's cabinet, emphasizing that her's will be a government that continues the strides made in rebuilding the economy and infrastructure of the country post-War.

Free Democratic Unease

Maríanna Toft was the presumptive front runner, having garnered enough support among the party's Alþingi caucus to knock Aaker from his perch.

It was rumoured that Reynir Aaker was considering a challenge to Toft to try and wrest control of the party back, but his defeat in the closed caucus meetings made that a difficult sell on the convention floor. Instead Reynir Aaker through his support behind Ísak Mattanel.

Ísak Mattanel served as head of the Media and Culture committee under both Magnus Brandt and Reynir Aaker. He was most notable for leading the Alþingi hearings into Prydania Today. That assignment made him the target of Tenna Nygaard. Herra Mattanel, who is Shaddaist, was told by the then-Bandalag leader to "go back to Adonai-Jireh" in a Twitch that was removed due to violating Twitcher's community guidelines.

Herra Mattanel, whose family has been Prydanian for generations, elected to run against Fröken Toft because of what he deemed "a need for choice for our party."

Herra Mattanel came up short, but the 35% of assembled delegates garnered was considered a strong showing for a candidate whose candidacy was only announced once the convention was underway.

Herra Mattanel did attract criticism though, for what was seen as a failure to support the party leader once the votes had been tallied. When asked about Fröken Toft's victory he remarked "the only party in Prydania to ever have a Shaddaist leader is now lead by the daughter of Stefan Toft. Let that sink in," in reference to Free Democratic Party leader Gætir Ravn, who lead the party during the Social Commonwealth government of Stefan Toft.

"Regardless of what one thinks of Fröken Toft's family history, she should be afforded the chance to lead our party," Minister of Culture Adrian Steytler replied. Steytler, who voted to uphold Reynir Aaker's status as party leader, non the less emphasized the importance of moving forward.

"We have processes. Maríanna Toft was elected our party's leader. Her body of work as Minister of Foreign Affairs is one that I think the people of Prydania will understand makes her capable of governing. She's not her father, and we need to put this "blaming the child for the sins of the parents" nonsense to rest.

Peace not Blood Convention Offers Less Intrigue

Peace not Blood also took advantage of the long campaign window to choose a leader. Alþingi caucus leader for the group, Bersi Langseth, chose not to lead the party into the fall election.

"I'm only twenty-seven," he said when announcing he would not be leading the party into their first election.
"It's been my honour to lead Peace not Blood's first Alþingi caucus, but we're all still rookies. We need to show the country we're serious as a party, and committed to what we say we're committed to."

It was to that end that Herra Langseth nominated Kjeld Svane to lead the party. Herra Svane accepted the nomination and was elected on an unopposed ticket.

"You're all making me feel young again," Herra Svane announced to a crowd of Peace not Blood faithful in Keris.
"But it isn't lost on me that the first time I've joined a party it's a party of kids and twenty-somethings while I'm here in my 40s. It's because this is a party worth being in. It's ideals are worth believing in."

Herra Svane will run for a seat in his home town of Stormurholmr, long a Conservative stronghold. When asked why he wouldn't opt to run in a safer Peace not Blood jurisdiction he replied "because I'm not scared."

New Peace not Blood Leader

Who is Kjeld Svane? The new leader of Prydania's newest party spent the Civil War first as a FRE soldier and then as a diplomat.

"I was recruited into Magnus Brandt's FRE diplomatic outfit because they found out I had been studying international affairs and political science in school, before the Syndicalist coup. I was told 'you'll be more useful here,'" he said in a 2019 interview.

He joined the new government's Foreign Affairs Ministry after the War, both under William Aubyn and Magnus Brandt. He was selected, in 2019, as Prydania's candidate for the Pan-Gotic Union Chancellorship. He was elected to two terms as PGU Chancellor.

He was credited with showing the world that Prydania was ready and able to take a role on the world stage again after the Civil War, and steered the PGU through two crisis.
The first concerned the Oclusian Crisis, where as PGU Chancellor he combated anti-Courantist sentiments among some member nations and organized PGU responses to aid and protect Yalkan and provide relief to Courantist refugees fleeing persecution in Oclusia.

Herra Svane also used the PGU to force a settlement to the Ajovulka Dispute. The small island nation to the north of Gothis had been claimed by Andrenne and Goyanes dating back to Nordika's dissolution in 1819. Not even Andrenne's decisive defeat in the Fascist War resolved the issue.
It was in his second term as PGU Chancellor that Herra Svane forced a mutually agreeable settlement, whereby Ajovulka was granted independence as well as sovereignty-association with both Goyanes and Andrenne.

"I think Herra Svane has proven he knows what it takes to lead and find common ground with everyone. And it shows we're serious. We're putting forward someone who has been PGU Chancellor and who could be Prime Minister," Ísgeir Aðaldal, Kiojaleit's ÞM and the first Peace not Blood ÞM, said after Svane's election.

Shots Taken at Toft

The Free Democratic and Peace not Blood conventions overlapped, and Maríanna Toft was elected leader of her party one day before Kjeld Svane was elected the leader of his. This gave Herra Svane the opportunity to take a shot at one of his rivals in the upcoming election. For those who saw him hit back whenever Vallia's Stadtholder Markus Hellstrand went after him in the PGU this is nothing new.

"Maríanna Toft says that she's the only choice if the people of this country want to continue to see the progress that's been made in rebuilding since the end of the War. Does Fröken Toft think I- or anyone else- will simply cancel every program, every promise, every project, and just wallow in self pity? No!" he said in his acceptance speech.
"Of course I want to see Prydania get better! I want to see the rebuilding continue. Everyone does! The choice the country faces isn't whether rebuilding will continue, it will regardless. The choice is who does it want in charge of the rebuild? Does it want someone who is committed to peace, good governance, and who will stand up for Prydania abroad? Or does it want an opportunist? Does it want someone who hangs our country's future out there like a subtle threat?"

Herra Svane even included a pitch to potential Free Democratic voters, as that party currently enjoys a comfortable lead in the polls.

"Maríanna Toft is not Magnus Brandt, and is not Reynir Aaker. If Prydanians want a party committed to seeing our country through to a better future I ask them all to look critically at Fröken Toft. And then see that this party, Peace not Blood, is the option to choose if you want that better future."

Polling

The Free Democrats presently enjoy a strong lead in national polls.

FLFP 34%
ÍF 14%
FeB 12%
AF 10%
LF 4%
Undecided 26%

The Free Democratic Party's twelve percentage point lead is a reflection of general support shown towards Magnus Brandt for his government's steady hand and stewardship of the country's post-War rebuild. The Free Democratic Party's poll numbers didn't drop by more than a point when Reynir Aaker took over from Herra Brandt.
That 29% was sitting at 32% nationally prior to Fröken Toft taking down Aaker though. Whether that loss of support can be steamed remains to be seen, but regardless not many Free Democratic Party leaders will be too worried about polls that show them twelve points ahead of the nearest opposition.

posted on 9 July 2021 at 12:00 pm
 
Last edited:
18 July 2021
4:06 pm
On a Sunday

Býkonsviði, Prydania

Annie Gram sat, with her foot tapping the floor nervously. The People's Party went to great lengths to distance itself from the Syndicalist Party but by God did they inherit the proud left wing tradition of bureaucratic nonsense.

Peter Sjöstedt, the People’s Party National Executive Committee Chairman, dutifully went over the notes from the last meeting. Annie wanted to just say “get on with it,” because what she had to say was very important, but she knew it wouldn't go over well with this crowd. This crowd loved their procedure.

“With that out of the way,” Peter said, “the party leader in the Alþingi has an issue she would like to address. Fröken Gram, the floor is yours.”

“Thank you Peter,” Annie said, with a smile. As much as the NEC loved procedure she couldn't be too mad. The People’s Party was her’s. She’d led it into its first election in 2018. And despite winning just two seats she was kept on. Not because she forced them to- she’d have left if they wanted- but because they believed in her. Going back to the Civil War...they believed in her.

She looked at the assembled NEC members. Some were older than her by decades, but they believed in her...because Mattias Hagelin believed in her. It actually made her sentimental in the moment to think about it.

Mattias Hagelin was the first Press Minister of the Syndicalist Republic of Prydania. He was also the highest ranking Syndicalist who saw that Thomas Nielsen and Jannik Lieftur were killing the country. He'd struggled with it- with his allegiance to the movement and party he'd called home for most of his life- but ultimately decided that allegiance to his country and its people was more important. He'd recruited Annie- a young and disaffected official in the Fisheries Ministry- and plenty of others. Others who, unlike most of the Syndicalist Presidium, chose country over Party. And that was how everyone in this room got here. They owed it all to Mattias Hagelin.

Goddamnit...it should be him. Annie was sure about that. It should be him. He found them all. He showed them that they didn't have to be in lockstep to Lieftur and Nielsen’s madness, that they could act on the doubts and anger they had to hide as cogs in the Syndicalist regime. He deserved to be leading this party now, to see the fruits of his labour in a free Prydania.

But Mattias Hagelin deserved more than that. He deserved to be alive. And yet he wasn't. He was betrayed by someone who he trusted and handed over to Lieftur’s secret police. When that happened, Annie did what she could to keep the network together. They went underground, they reached out to the FRE. They fought the Syndicalists. And Annie kept them together, kept them focused and dedicated, until the end of the War. The People’s Party was her’s because of that, and that's why as much as the procedure and bureaucracy could irritate her, she loved and trusted everyone in this room. And trusted them to handle what she was about to say seriously.

“Herra Sjöstedt, assembled National Executive Committee members, the People’s Party election manifesto needs to be updated. In what way, well, it's what I hope we can decide efficiently here today.”

“Annie,” Peter said softly, “the manifesto was arrived at by consulting with delegates from all of our local branches. I’m not sure what needs to be changed?”

Annie nodded. She was going to say it. The word that had haunted the party as they drafted that manifesto…

“Abortion,” she said clearly, trying to hide her nerves. Indeed, a look of exhaustion seemed to pass over the crowd.

“We discussed this,” Sven Flyg remarked.
“There's no consensus. We leave it out and we…”

“Don't bring it up. I know,” Annie said, nodding.
“But we’ve all seen the poll results. We’re going to win more than two seats,” she said somewhat excitedly. She had no delusions that the People’s Party would win a majority, but the party was seeing real growth.
“And if that fiskidós* Toft continues to bleed support no one will win a majority. We could, could, play a role in forming the next government.”

The room was quiet, but the air was heavy with an optimistic uncertainty. It was true. The Free Democrats were losing support. If no one won a majority then any number of coalition combinations became possible.

“But people,” Annie continued, “know that. That's why our volunteers keep getting asked what we’re going to do, about abortion, if we help form a government.”

“The official party position is we have no stance on the issue of abortion,” Sven replied.

“And having no position is letting some of our more...forward...candidates speak their mind.”

“What's wrong with that?” Peter asked, getting a look from Annie that said “don't be stupid” without having to say a word. Eventually, though, she did. If only to break the silence.

“Prydania’s abortion laws aren't just strict, they're popular because of what the Syndicalists did in those camps,” she said matter of factly.
“I don't care if some sheltered lost generation* do-gooder wants to run their mouth. They. Will. Cost. Us. Votes.”

“People believe…” Sven said, only for Annie to point to the window.

“Go outside. Talk to people, like I have and my volunteers have. Most people in this country have a mother or a sister or a daughter who had a baby ripped from them in those camps because the Syndicalists thought it was easy.”

The quiet room was heavy again...this time with awkwardness. It was Sven who finally broke the silence.

“We need to bring the lost generation people, the miners, the workers together.”

“I’d love that too,” Annie replied sharply, “and I’ll get right on that with my duct tape made of magic, hope, and dreams but right now I’m trying to win as many seats in an election as possible.”

“What would you like, then?” Peter asked.
“I’m being sincere, Annie. If you could do it yourself, what would you do?”

“We need,” Annie answered, “to say we have no desire to press the abortion issue and that we are committed to the status quo on the matter. There are more pressing causes we will be focusing on championing.”

“The lost generation sorts won't like that,” Sven replied.

“I don't particularly give a damn. They can talk to a camp survivor, if they have the stomach for it.”

“It's not about that…” Sven said, sounding tired. Sven was the closest the NEC had to someone from that lost generation crowd.
“Abortion- safe, regulated, and and consensual is worlds away from what the Syndicalists did in those camps. We should all be mature enough to recognize that distinction and have that conversation.”

Annie grumbled to herself. The problem was...well...she was arguing against herself. On her own she found herself agreeing with Sven. She couldn't just rely on her own beliefs though. She was the leader of a political party with national aspirations. And one that had Syndicalist baggage to shake off, fairly or not. Her job wasn't to share her personal convictions. Her job was to win seats. And that meant accepting that her view- and Sven’s view- was a distinct minority in Prydania.

“That's not how most people see it. Right or wrong. Call it emotion overriding reason if you like, call it whatever...but I talk to people every day. I talk to women and families still dealing with what happened under the Syndicalists. I am telling you, we need to assure everyone we won't press this issue if we are invited to help form a government.”

“If we do that,” Sven said back, “we’ll alienate and push away one third of our candidates.”

Annie looked over at Peter.
“The same thing you asked me. What would you do?”

Peter sighed and leaned back in his chair, crossed his arms over his chest, and looked down for a moment as if in deep thought before looking up.

“I’m a pragmatist,” he said. Annie nodded.

“So you agree with me.”

“No,” Peter replied.
“Sven is right. Look. So are you. We are seeing real, positive growth. I don't know what's going to happen after the election but we’re going to have, at the very least, a good foundation. I’m not keen on destabilizing that foundation by causing an unnecessary rift in the party over this by issuing any sort of definitive position. I think we should just keep saying we have no stance as a party and trust our candidates know their local constituencies.”

Annie closed her eyes for a moment as she pulled her glasses down her nose. Factionalism. Another part of left wing politics she loved to hate.
Peter was right in his own way and Annie was ready to relent. There was no point in trying to drag this out if the NEC wasn't going to do anything. She did, however, draw a giant red X over the central farmlands and Austurland though. They might as well write those seats off entirely.



*fiskidós- “fish can,” a slang term for an unpleasant person.

*lost generation- a term for people who were in their teens or early 20s when the Syndicalist coup occurred in 2002 and who were primarily sheltered from the outside world within Syndicalist-controlled areas. Most have disavowed the Syndicalist regime since its crimes have come to light. Usually urban, progressive.
 
29 September 2021
9:02 pm
On a Wednesday
Alaterva
, Prydania

"The next question," the moderator began, "concerns trust. Fröken Toft, polls indicate that you suffer from a lack of trust among the voters. How do you respond to this, and what would you say to the voters who distrust you?"

"All I can say is...sorry, not sorry," Maríanna Toft said, smiling confidently at her podium.
"I cannot, and I will not, spend the rest of my life apologizing for my father. He's been dead for nineteen years. Since the end of our Civil War I've rejected his politics and served in a government that has spearheaded the rebuilding of this country. Schools, power plants, roads, hospitals...and in my post I was at the forefront of solving the Cogorian Grey Winter crisis, the Santonian ÖSU leaks, and..."

"...the war in Andrenne?" Kjell Svan asked, interrupting her.
"Where our soldiers were sent to fight in a war where our allied shelled a city full of civilians for nine hours?"

Maríanna rolled her eyes.
"My role in that was minimal. That was Magnus Brandt and Reynir Aaker."

"Too bad," Annie Gram said, "he's not here to defend that himself. Since you took him out."

"The fact is that you are untrustworthy," Sören Högh insisted, before Maríanna could reply. There was an energy here. Despite falling poll numbers Toft's Free Democrats were still leading, though only by a few points. There was an upside in the others all taking their shot at her before they went after each other.
"You couped your own party to force this election..."

"A coup? Please, don't be so melodramatic, Sören," Maríanna shot back. She wouldn't allow herself to be cornered like this.
"It seems like I can't go anywhere or do anything without being accused of something undemocratic. A coup? Is that how we're going to describe a party deciding it wanted a new leader? This whole campaign has been about crucifying me for the sins of my father because not you Sören, or anyone else on this podium, can effectively make a case against my party or our record in government."

"This whole thing is fundamentally flawed," Tenna Nygaard interjected.
"It's politics in free-fall. But we can, and I insist on this, we can, and we will have proactively harmonious government should the Agrarian Party carry the vote. No Andrennian wars, no wasting time on Aurorian communists. This country needs to look inside, to ourselves."

"We can't afford to be isolationist," Sören shot back.
"The world's too interconnected. When William Aubyn, a Conservative, was Prime Minister following the Civil War he understood our future lay in the international community. Not just for foreign aid. It was more than that. It was about the future, that the Prydania that grew out of the ashes of the Civil War would be a country engaging and contributing to a peaceful international community."

"He did that," Annie Gram insisted, "by joining us to a military alliance centred in Bergum. This is hardly peace in our time."

"The Bergum Pact had kept the peace," Sören insisted.
"Northern Craviter, and our Arrandali friends in the south, are secure to pursue our own development, knowing that no foreign power can prey on us militarily. That's why I find myself so perplexed by this Peace not Blood pacifism," he said, turning to Svane. Peace not Blood was growing, gaining ground in areas that should have been safe Conservative seats.
"You'd leave us neutered."

Kjell smiled softly.
"Peace not Blood is not pacifist. We believe in the shift towards a defensive military footing and the national conscription plan with Santonian advicement the last government agreed to." He saw Toft going to speak, and he bulldozed forward to cut her off before she could start.
"And we have no issue with the BP. In fact its defensive nature is a plus. We believe that it fits with our values. We believe Prydania should take up arms and fight- if Prydania is attacked. Where we disagree with our Free Democratic friends is our belief that Prydanians never should have been sent to fight Andrenne's offensive wars."

"Foreign advisors, defence pacts, the Vallish were right," Nygaard insisted. "You'd turn Prydania over to internationalists on day one if you were elected."

"The world is always growing more interconnected," Kjell shot back.
"And unlike you, Fröken, I won't see this country get left behind, quivering over imaginary shadowy conspirators."

Tenna was about to reply when the moderator attempted to regain control of the debate.
"The international community...that brings up another point," he began, as Maríanna grumbled. She never got to really push her point to try and salvage her own trustibility issues with voters.

"The Prydanian diaspora is a post-Civil War fact of life. How would each of your parties engage with the diaspora if your party were to lead the next government? Herra Svane, you first."

Kjell grinned softly again. He was prepared for this question.
"The diaspora is something I think that a lot of us think a lot about. Everyone has family or a friend somewhere else. How we engage with this diverse community is something we as a country need to do as a means of growing and healing. A Peace not Blood government can promise the following regarding the diaspora...We will continue to fund the compensation program to return stolen property during the Syndicalist era, regardless of if the recipient is in Prydania, and regardless of if they have plans to return to Prydania or not. We will extend this to the victims of the Social Commonwealth regime of 1984-2002. We will engage with Prydanian communities abroad with cultural initiatives. And finally Peace not Blood promises that, should we lead the next government, then we WILL establish absentee voting in Prydanian elections moving forward."

The other party leaders looked on shocked. Sören felt a sinking feeling in his gut. This had been discussed. And ultimately it was decided to focus the Conservative Party message on more immediate issues, but as Kjell spoke...that last point. He'd just been outflanked on something that he should have been pushing.

"That's absurd," Annie Gram replied.
"People outside of Prydania voting on Prydanian elections..."

"I have to agree with Fröken Gram," Maríanna said.
"You'd turn our elections over to foreign influence."

"Yes. More foreign influence," Nygaard insisted.
"As I said."

Kjell smiled. Tenna he could write off. Annie and Maríanna though...he turned to Annie.
"Fröken Gram," he said, before looking at Maríanna. "Fröken Toft, what are you two afraid of?"
He knew full well. Yes, Prydanians had fled abroad during the Social Commonwealth regime. Yes, they leaned left. The Syndicalists though...their brutality had resulted in four million Prydanians fleeing. Four million. Most of them right leaning. For a centre-left party like the Free Democrats and the left wing People's Party it was metaphorical minefield. How to deny Prydanian citizens abroad the right to vote without admitting it was purely partisan hackery?

"What I said. Foreign influence!" Maríanna shot back.
"You can't allow citizens of another country to vote in our elections."

"I'm not," Kjell replied.
"I'm proposing that Prydanian citizens abroad have the right to vote in our elections. 'Citizens' is the operative word. Já, some countries have duel citizenship, but others don't. Goyanes and Saintonge, the countries with the second largest and largest Prydanian diaspora populations, for example, have laws that forbid duel citizenship. Most Prydanians in those countries are either Goyanean and Santonian citizens. I'm not suggesting they would get a vote," he said as he looked around at his fellow candidates.
"But there are still a significant number of Prydanians in both- and elsewhere- who have retained Prydanian citizenship. They cannot vote in their new lands, and they cannot vote here. They are without a political voice. A Peace not Blood government will give them that voice, in the halls of the Alþingi of the Prydanian People."
Kjell looked into the camera to talk to the people watching at home.

"Some of you have sons and daughters elsewhere. Some of you have brothers and sisters, or cousins. Or mammas and pabbis. Or friends. All of you knows someone beyond our borders. And some of them, some of them are still citizens of their homeland. Peace not Blood won't allow them to be voiceless any longer."

"You are threatening us with political instability," Maríanna shot back, before continuing on, but Kjell didn't even look at her. He looked into the camera for a moment longer before he returned his attention to the moderator. He'd said what he had to say. It was time to let the others scramble.
 
Last edited:
kbSe1DZ.png


A Pink Wave: Peace not Blood and the Changing Culture of Politics
by Týra Murer

Býkonsviði- Kjell Svan occupies a unique place in Prydanian political history as Peace not Blood rises in the polls, surpassing not just the Conservatives but eeking out a small lead over the Free Democrats. It represents something of a cultural turning point in Prydanian political history.

Party Systems and System Parties
The end of the Fascist War saw the ascent of King Robert VII who dismantled his father's fascist government, committed to peaceful settlements with the Allies, and promoted a return to multi-party democracy. This ushered in the political party system most are familiar with. The Bandalag alliance of Conservatives and Agrarians had existed since the 19th century, the Syndicalists had as well. The end of the first fascist era was the final step though, as the Liberals, Centre Party, and Reform Party all merged into the Free Democrats. The Syndicalist-Free Democrat-Bandalag triumvirate was complete and would dominate Prydanian politics until 1984 when Anders III ushered fascists back into power, and the following Syndicalist coup and dictatorship.

The Bandalag and Free Democrats- all parties that existed in some form as part of the anti-Syndicalist FRE- re-emerged after the Civil War. The People's Party took up the old pre-Nielsen Syndicalist position as the democratic left option. It seemed as if, with the War over and democracy once again restored, the system that was completed after the Fascist War had returned.

But the mistake was assuming that we as a society could suffer such radical transformations over thirty-three years and come out of it with voting patterns forever stuck in 1983.

The fact is that Peace not Blood was inevitable. It's an agent of change. The change we went through as a country. It is, in a way, a mirror. And it's being driven by young people.

A Legacy of Not So Wonderful Mass Movements

Social Commonwealth agitation began in 1982, with open neo-fascists getting bolder in their willingness to openly march and combat what they saw as the problems inherent in Prydanian society at the time.
This led to Anders III installing them in power in 1984 following his father's assassination. While this is looked back on critically as a cynical power grab the fact is that to many at the time weary of growing Syndicalist radicalization Anders' actions were seen as populist.

The result from the left were nearly two decades of protests, marches, and mass movements of their own. This culminated with the Syndicalist coup in 2002 and the start of a new dictatorship.

So to many a mass movement of mobilized and dedicated young people might be cause for concern. The differences, however, are written in the banners.

The Youth and Political Hope

The young people of this country in this moment are an extraordinary lot. Let's consider that the mass movement of fascists in the early 80s espoused the same xenophobic and bigoted nonsense that their predecessors in the 1930s had.
The Syndicalists, despite wrapping themselves in the utopian vision the radical left claims to aspire to, openly attacked segments of society for what they were, not what they did. The Syndicalist Republic's persecutions of the wealthy and the landed farmer, and even the religious, are not shocking if you actually paid attention to Thomas Nielsen for the twenty years prior to his coup.

Both movements, that is to say, took to the streets to demand some segment of society they didn't like be punished for merely existing. They dehumanized their fellow countrymen, and did it under the guise of making the country great again.

Peace not Blood though, takes to the streets to plead for Prydanian soldiers- their family and friends- to not be sent to die in foreign wars. They ask for their countrymen- all of them- to join in making Prydania better. In the legacy of mass movements in this country one that calls for peace and cooperation is a far cry from the movements that effectively proclaimed their tyranny before getting the reigns of power.

It's About Culture, Not Compasses

The attempt to fit Peace not Blood into a left/right dynamic, or even a left/right/authoritarian/libertarian compass, and the fits it causes people is interesting. PnB is making gains in seats that, historically, would have swung for Agarians, Conservatives, and Free Democrats. The only thing we can say about them, if we insist on using classic definitions, is that they aren't left wing. Mostly.

But let's not restrict ourselves to classic definitions.

At its heart is a conservative movement, but it's the qualifiers that make it complicated. It's conservative but advocates for government assistance to farmers. Not too much of a stretch given its strengths in traditionally Agrarian areas.
It's also rather internationalist. In an age where emerging right wing movements are becoming isolationist- see the Federalists in Vallia or the Radicals in Saintonge- Peace not Blood marries its conservatism with a desire to connect to the world and engage actively in international bodies Prydania is a part of.

The aspect of Peace not Blood that confounds foreigners, and some Prydanians, is that it's a conservative movement with a young, compassionate base.

"What some international observers find fascinating in that Peace not Blood is youn, right wing, and compassionately inclusive," Dr. Fred Reinertsen, a professor of political science at the University of Býkonsviði, says.
"For these people a movement can be two of these three things, but not all three. But they have to understand that most politically passionate young people in stable democracies see a system they want to change, and the egalitarian rhetoric of the left appeals to those instincts," he explains.

"In Prydania people who are teenagers and young adults spent their formative years under the boot of an authoritarian leftist regime. To a youth in, say, Yalkan the left is the way to change and reform society for the better. For young people in Prydania the left is what took their mammas and pabbis, brothers and sisters and friends away. So of course politically motivated youth of this country would skew right, now that they have the freedom to do so."

Further complicating classification is the PnB platform. It calls for continued investments into infrastructure, housing, nuclear energy, expanding the compensation program to include those dispossessed by the Social Commonwealth regime of 1984-2002...that's a commitment to government spending and public investment that would baffle some looking at PnB as a purely conservative movement.

"Some of it is practical," Dr. Reinertsen says.
"The country is still recovering from thirty three years of dictatorship and fifteen years of civil war. You need to commit to public spending and rebuilding even if you're fiscally conservative. The country can't afford to be stingy with public money right now and voters know that."

There is more to it, though.
"It's cultural. Peace not Blood is culturally a conservative movement, but it's also a young and compassionate one. It wants to use the reigns of power to help people."

Not Left or Right, but the Proper Culture

"A good example of the cultural aspect to Peace not Blood," Dr. Reinertsen says, "is how the young view the world."

"During the Syndicalist marches of the 1980s you'd have young people who would say Goyanes is an imperialistic power. It was seen as a boogeyman in their world view. Now if you go to a PnB rally most young people will consider Goyanes in a good light. It's home to the second largest Prydania community aboard, having taken in millions of Prydanians fleeing Syndicalism. It's a stable, conservative nation with cultural ties to us. It's a very positive outlook. If your average PnB-supporting young adult has an international boogeyman it's likely some place like Rayvostoka, or even Esthursia. Places that are seen as perpetuating damaging leftist ideals abroad."

And that is how the game is changing. It was always going to change. The Syndicalist regime and the War were not going to preserve the old party system. There would be a shakeup, and that shakeup is Peace not Blood, leading in national polls. This movement of young people, culturally conservative but empathetic and wanting to embrace peace after their lives were defined by dictatorship and war, is what will upend the older parties.

I said before that Peace not Blood is a mirror of sorts, because it reflects the changes our country is going through now that the shackles of dictatorship are off.

While Peace not Blood's cultural conservatism may not be for everyone, its dedication to peace, international cooperation, and compassion for its fellow man tell me a very powerful and positive story about the changes our country is going through in the post-Syndicalist political awakening.

Polling
FeB 30.2%
FLFP 29.6%%
ÍF 24.7%
AF 13%
LF 1.5%
Undecided 1%
posted on 1 September 2021 at 12:00 pm
 
Last edited:
11 October 2021
9:58 pm
On a Monday
Býkonsviði, Prydania


Styrbjörn Granseth was very eager to show his grandparents his toy car he'd made out of Spilvel bricks. It was very simple, but it had a working axle. Of course his father Þorfinnur had installed that part...it was a bit too complex for the two year old. But he was happy to show it off anyway.

"Look, look!" he said to his grandfather and grandmother Sigfreður and Elina.
"Look, look, I made a car! Like Pabbi!"

Sigfreður and Elina both chuckled and Sigfreður leaned down to look at the car.
"Why look at that," he said to his grandson- soon to be eldest grandson. His daughter-in-law Valfríður was pregnant with another boy.
"You're a natural, just like you're Pabbi," he said, looking over at Þorfinnur. Þorfinnur smiled back. His father...they had come a long way to mending their relationship. Styrbjörn had helped. Having a son- and Sigfreður having a grandson- helped each of them with their perspectives.

"I don't know," Þorfinnur chuckled.
"I don't wish this on him at all!" he said with a smile.

"You're doing so well," Valfríður said, leaning into him as they all sat in the living room. Þorfinnur smiled. He had an internship with Freya Motors through his engineering program at the University of Býkonsviði. If it went well, there could be a job for him doing what he wanted to do- building cars. It was hard work though...and Þorfinnur just wanted his son to enjoy being a kid for now.

"Thank you, love," Þorfinnur said as he cradled his wife's head on his shoulder. He signed as he turned to the tv. RÚV's election coverage was going to kick into high gear soon. The polls closed at ten. And then...then the returns would slowly start coming in.

"You think Sören can pull this out?" Sigfreður asked Þorfinnur, referring to the Conservative Party leader Sören Högh. This was his second election voting for a Conservative. It felt strange. He'd been a Syndicalist Party man back then....but...but now, well...now things were different. In a vacuum it might even be worth a chuckle, to consider what his younger self would say knowing that he'd be voting Conservative but...his younger self wouldn't believe he'd lose a son either, to the Syndicalist Party he so loyally fought for.

"I don't know," Þorfinnur shrugged.
"But I hope he can. Polls are close. And Toft's not getting that majority. Serves her fokkin' right too."

"Not in front of Styrbjörn!" Valfríður nudged his side.

"Sorry," Þorfinnur replied, chuckling. He'd spent nearly five years as a soldier. Some habits were hard to break.

"What did pabbi say?" the two year old Styrbjörn asked, looking at his mother and father.

"Nothing sweetie," Valfríður replied, gingerly getting up to lean forward and kiss his head before giving a glare back at her husband.

"But I mean it," Þorfinnur continued.
"The whole way that Toft took over the Free Democrats didn't sit right."

"You would have voted for them otherwise?" Elina asked her son. Þorfinnur smiled and shook his head.

"No mamma, but I don't think I'd be as happy to see them go down."

"They could still win the most seats," Valfríður said, but Styrbjörn interrupted.

"That's grandmamma!" the energetic two year old said, pointing to Elina.
"Not mamma," he said, pointing at Valfríður. The four chuckled as Þorfinnur slipped off the couch and got onto floor with his son. He smiled. His son. He'd make sure he never had to live through what he had. He ruffled his hair.

"Grandmamma is my mamma," he said as his two year old son looked around at his mother and father and grandparents, a bit confused. His confusion didn't last long though, as he was picked up by his grandfather.

"Come here, Styr," Sigfreður said as he picked up Styrbjörn and held him close. It made Þorfinnur smile. "Styr" was what his father had called his brother, years and years ago. He picked himself up and sat back beside his wife, warmly embracing them as the RÚV began to report on returns. It was late for their son, yes, but the two year old had wanted to be up with everyone. And it was fine. He'd get bored by the election stuff and fall asleep in his grandfather's arms....

11 October 2021
8:12 pm Saintes time/10:12 pm Býkonsviði time
On a Monday
Coire, Saintonge


Matthea was sitting on Tjörvi's couch hunched over as the tv was on STV Prydansk, covering the Prydanian elections. She was antsy because she cared quite a bit, but had no real say in any of it. Tjörvi came in from the kitchen, with chicken and potatoes on two plates.

"I'm going to insist that you eat," Tjörvi said with a smile to his girlfriend.
"You're all nerves."

"This is important," she said looking up as she took her plate.

"Já, I know," Tjörvi replied as he tossed himself back into the couch next to her. She smiled and play beat on his arm as he chuckled.
"But each. And talk to me, get your mind off of this."

Deep down Tjörvi was nervous too. They actually both supported the same party, Peace not Blood. They were like them. Young, damaged by the War. And they wanted to change things for the better. And both of them were Prydanian citizens still. But Prydania had no absentee voting. But if Peace not Blood won well...their leader Kjell Svane promised that they'd institute it.

"I've never...." Matthea began, before going quiet and looking down. Tjörvi smiled. He was a lot like her. They both experienced the same sorts of things. The same traumas...but Matthea didn't get the chance he had to pour his heart into something like football to help cope. So he had to be strong for her. He held her close.
"I love you..." he said softly.

"I love you too," Matthea replied with a meek smile.

"You can tell me anything..." he added. She smiled wider, because she knew she was like him. She knew that as self conscious as she got he'd understand.

"I never had any say in my world around me. Syndicalists just came and..." she began to tear up and Tjörvi held her close.
"I never had any say. I still don't...but...I want to. And I want the right people to win..."

Tjörvi nodded.
"I never had a say either," he said softly.
"But look..." he pointed to the screen as STV Prydansk's anchors commented on returns so far.
"It's really cool, right?"

"Já," Matthea said as she watched the returns come in. The democratic returns, in her country.

11 October 2021
11:04
pm
On a Monday

just outside of Kiojaleit, Prydania

Rúrik had voted in the 2018 election, but he was just getting his life back together back then. He'd voted Agrarian then. It's what his mamma and pabbi and aunt and uncle had always voted, and besides. They were the rightful party of the people here. Not the jackbooted SoComms or the Syndicalists who took his father away, took their land away...no. He'd just gotten his farm back, he'd just started a family, and he'd proudly voted Agrarian. The party that stood for people like him, having a say once again.

A lot had changed in three years. That a shy kid he'd gone to school with as a ten year old-turned Santonian National Assembly member would have been the catalyst was one of life's strange, unpredictable turns. Now...now he couldn't wait to cheer as Peace not Blood knocked down another formerly Agrarian seat. Ísgeir Aðaldal, the Peace not Blood Þingmaður* from their Þingsviði* of Kopanes og Bæjum, had won reelection easily. But now RÚV chimed in with a report.

"They've got news about Nygaard's þingsviði," he said as Júlíetta and Víf came back from checking on Týr, who was fast asleep upstairs.

"Has she admitted she lost yet?" Júlíetta scoffed as she and Víf sat back down.

"Let's see," Rúrik said as he leaned forward a bit, watching RÚV intently.

Ladies and gentlemen, we reported a half an hour ago that Peace not Blood candidate Ljot Effersöe had scored a victory over Tenna Nygaard in Barosvik - Landerne Valley. Fröken Nygaard officially filed a motion with the local Elections Prydania commission to review the results. We are now getting word from the local election chief that the original tallies are correct. RÚV projects Ljot Effersöe of Peace not Blood to win Barosvik - Landerne Valley with 40.37% of the vote. This confirms earlier counts and is one more victory for Peace not Blood in their impressive showing..."

"Alirght!" Rúrik said with a grin. Most of central Prydania's countryside- once an Agrarian stronghold way back before 1984 and again briefly in 2018- was all Peace not Blood pink. The only holdouts were some Conservative seats on the western edge of the central region and Maríanna Toft barely holding onto her seat in Erkiengill by 0.02%. The other Erkiengill seat, however, had gone Peace not Blood. Which was wild to Rúrik. He'd wanted to see them displace the Agrarians, and they had. But he was seeing them win in some cities too...

"Oh," Rúrik commented, feeling his phone buzz. It was Addý, one of his cousins in Saintonge.

Code:
Addý: Nygaard went down!
Rúrik: Já! Who loses by 22% and demands a recount?
Addý: We have a few like that here too, but it's good to see the ones over there get kicked out. How are you feeling?
Rúrik: This is surreal. I voted for the Agrarians in 2018 because it seemed like it was the right thing to do. 
But this is special. I've never...done anything like this before.
Addý: Been part of a movement?
Rúrik: Já!
Addý: You picked a good one, bro! It looks good. Thorbjörn says hi and congradulations vv*!
Rúrik: Thanks to you and him! :D

"Who's that?" Víf asked her husband.

"It's Addý. She's watching the election," Rúrik said with a grin.
"She's happy Peace not Blood is doing well."

"Tell her that Aunt Júlíetta says hello," Júlíetta said with a warm grin.

"Me too," Víf added as she turned down the tv volume.

Code:
Addý: Nygaard went down!
Rúrik: Já! Who loses by 22% and demands a recount?
Addý: We have a few like that here too, but it's good to see the ones over there get kicked out. How are you feeling?
Rúrik: This is surreal. I voted for the Agrarians in 2018 because it seemed like it was the right thing to do. 
But this is special. I've never...done anything like this before.
Addý: Been part of a movement?
Rúrik: Já!
Addý: You picked a good one, bro! It looks good. Thorbjörn says hi and congradulations vv*!
Rúrik: Thanks to you and him! :D
Rúrik: Víf and Mamma say hi!
Addý: Hi Víf, hi Auntie Júlíetta!

"She says hi," Rúrik said as he slipped his phone into his pocket.

"I still don't know. The central coast and southern Miðland are still going for the Free Democrats..." Rúrik added.

"Já, but look at what they lost! Toft was supposed to cruise to victory. She's barely hanging on with her diehards," Víf remarked.

"We got rid of one snake tonight," he said, referring to Nygaard. "I dont' want another one worming into power," he said as he listened to RÚV.

RÚV is committing to projecting a hung Alþingi. The People's Party will win between twenty-two and twenty-five seats, the Free Democratic Party will win between fifty-three and fifty-five seats, the Conservatives will win between forty-eight and fifty, and Peace not Blood will win between fifty-three and fifty-five seats. Given the closeness of the race, nothing will be declared definitive until the tallies in close Þingsviði are completed....

"I can't..." Rúrik put his hands up to his face in shock before lowering them to reveal a smile.
"We could tie! We could win!"

"Regardless of what happens," Víf said, "there will have to be a coalition of some kind. No one got to ninety-one."

"How does that work again?" Rúrik asked. Parliamentary democracy was an alien concept to him until his 20s, and even then the referendum-approved constitution had changed some things up.

"The King will invite the leader with the party that has the most seats to try and form a coaltion," Júlíetta replied. "If they can't then the King will ask the next most popular party."

"So Toft could still become Prime Minister," Rúrik scowled.

"Only if any of the other parties agree to it, and I don't think anyone else likes her," Víf said with a grin. She was excited too, just not as overt about it as her husband.
"But look at that. Look at all of that pink," she said, pointing to the electoral map of Prydania's Þingsviði.
"Love, I don't know what to say but...I think...I think it went really, really well."

Rúrik looked at his wife. She had tears in his eyes, and he did too. He smiled. Everyone said the 2018 election was monumental. In a way it was...but it didn't feel like this. Rúrik felt, for the first time, like he'd had a real say in his own fate.

11 October 2021
11:04
pm
On a Monday

Stormurholmr, Prydania


Kjell Svane hugged his wife and teenage daughter on the Peace not Blood stage in his home Þingsviði of Stormurholmr City North. He'd secured it, wrestling it away from the Free Democratic Party. He wasn't just here celebrating his own victory though. Or even what he considered the best possible outcome until just a few weeks ago, a junior role in a coaltion. The numbers were still not final, but it looked like Peace not Blood was going to win the popular vote! And they might even win the final seat numbers...he'd already served as the PGU Chancellor, but he was a diplomat. That was just work but...but...he could very well end up as Prime Minister. Of his country. The country he went to foreign governments as a FRE ambassador to plead for aid and help during the Civil War...he could be the Prime Minister! He couldn't help but cry a bit as he hugged his wife and daughter before waving to a cherring crowd waving pink banners and signs. He took off his glasses to wipe tears away and waved again before he began to speak.

"Friends! Look at what we did!"

The youthful crowd erupted into cheers.

"So many things are possible right now, but no matter what, remember what you were a part of. We proved that the people of this country want compassion, they want optimism! Not opertunism!"

There were more cheers, and Kjell waved to some people in the crowd, before continuing.
"We have heard enough about 'uncertain times,' because time is no longer uncertain. We are not in the throws of Syndicalist tyranny, we as a country vanquished that. We do not bow to the theocracy of Messianic League demands, because we stood firm and said 'no' to that! This country stands tall saying 'we want to be an open society. A free society!' That's what our victory tonight is, friends. Proof of that spirit! And don't let anyone tell you anything else...tonight is a victory!"

The cheers erupted again and Kjell grabbed both sides of the podium and lowered his head for a moment to collect himself before looking up again.

"I can't tell you what deals the coming weeks will bring, but I will tell you this. We have earned the right to lead this country, and we will!"

The crowd erupted, singing the song Peace not Blood that had given their movement its name. Kjell smiled and swayed along to the song for a while before patiently waiting for it to die down.

"We will continue to rebuild our homeland!" Kjell continued, "and we will do it with an eye towards peace. A military that protects and does not attack. A country that will continue to build schools and hospitals, that will continue to support the men and women who have always beem this country's backbone!"

The crowd cheered again.

"Maríanna Toft..." the name illicited boose and Kjell did what he could to settle the crowd.
"Maríanna Toft swung by the Auburn Coast on her campaign, and called us Fish not Blood. As if that were a bad thing! I tell you all friends, as a native of Stormurholmr there is no more noble profession than fisherman!"

The crowd cheered again, this time starting a "Fish not blood!" chant as Kjell began to chuckle, finally continuing when the crowd offered him a moment.

"Be it the fishermen of the coasts, or the farmers of the countryside, this is a party that will now and forever stand for the people who feed us. And help feed the world! We will be the party of the adult student who wants to complete an education the War took from them. And we are the party of the small business owners who are the backbone of our recovery. Most important, we are the party of their children. Of mine, of yours. And of our children's children! We are the party that will leave them a country better than what we had, because that...that is the spirit of us! We can sing our song, it's a good song friends! But our country has a saying- however weary we follow the road. We are the party that follows the road. We do it, so we are no longer weary!"

Kjell felt his heart settling as he found a sort of groove as he spoke.

"We will engage with our neighbours, with our friends. And the rest of the world. And we will show them a Prydania led by compassion. Willing to try peace before blood, every time. Let us use our painful wounds from war a way to show the world there is always a better way than to draw blood. Let us show the world what a commitment to peace looks like! Friends, I say to you all again! Look at what we've done!"

Kjell left the stage after a few more waves. He was shaking a bit, but smiling wide. He needed to watch the final returns come in. Whoever ended up with more seats and votes at the end of it all would get the first crack at forming a government. Maybe it would be Peace not Blood, maybe it would be the Free Democrats. Who knew how the final few tallies would go, but either way...he had a hell of a lot of leverage. He had the seats to provide a viable alternative to Toft. And that was enough.



*Þingmaður- MP
*Þingsviði- riding, constituency
*vv- btw- við vegur- by the way
 
kbSe1DZ.png


Free Democrats, Peace not Blood Top Election Results, Political Shakeup Inevitable
by Týra Murer

Results

AF 25 (12.72%) FLFP 55 (27.59%) FeB 54 (30.32%) ÍF 48 (26.08%) LF 0 (3.29%)

Býkonsviði- It has been a year of polls. From the referendum in February that brought the current constitution into force to today, amidst the celebrations of the harvest. Indeed, today's importance cannot be over-emphasized. With the King's dissolution of the Alþingi over the summer, the last session to seat unelected Peers of the Realm was dissolved. Beyond which parties won what, we celebrate the first fully democratically elected Alþingi in our country's history. It was a claim the Syndicalist Republic so desperately wanted to claim for itself, but a single party state masquerading as a democracy is not, in fact, a true democracy. Through the many changes our country has experienced in the last few decades, this is perhaps the most important. A fully democratically elected Alþingi, in a peaceful and secure election.

The results are not just in, but have been certified by Elections Prydania and given the Pan-Gotic Union's stamp of approval, with the organization sending representatives to oversee the electoral process.

Beyond the feel-good nature of the act though, what does this historic vote say about our country? And who will lead it as its next Prime Minister?

rshOmI1.png

Þingsviði Map

FtBwwAb.png

Provincial % Map

The Shakeup

Perhaps this was inevitable, but the old ways are gone. The Agrarian Party, once a force in the Prydanian countryside, across the villages, farms, and lítiðþorpum*, has all but been wiped out. It failed to clear 4% in all but two provinces. It managed 9.51% of the vote in Erkiengill and Landerene, two of its historically strongest regions. Yet that is small comfort to a party that did not win a single seat. Tenna Nygaard, the party's controversial leader who was responsible with the party breaking the Bandalag electoral alliance with the Conservatives, lost her own Þingsviði of Barosvik - Landerne Valley to Peace not Blood candidate Ljot Effersöe. Fröken Nygaard, desperate to stave off defeat, filed a protest with the local electoral board following the announcement of the results. The recount confirmed Fröken Effersöe's victory. And Nygaard's impotent protest was the last gasp of a dying party.

The bigger, and more consequential news, came from the party many pegged as the party to supplant the Agrarians. Peace not Blood's Alþingi caucus came into being when around half of Fröken Nygaard's Agrarian Þingmenn, all representing the youth wing of the party, broke away and joined the Peace not Blood social movement in protest of Nygaard's turn to the national populist hard right. Not only did all former Agrarian rebels retain their seats as Peace not Blood Þingmenn, but the party swept across the country in impressive fashion.
Peace not Blood's caucus was led by Bersi Langseth, a young Þingmaður from Landerne. He voluntarily stepped down though, endorsing Kjell Svane as a candidate for the Party's leadership.

Who is Kjell Svane?

Peace not Blood had a degree of momentum. The defections from Nygaard's Agrarians pushed them over the more established party in most polls in rural Þingsviði. The question remained though- could a party of young adults, supported by young adults and teenagers, an activist party running on idealism- be counted on to govern the country? Herra Langseth's abdication for Herra Svane fundamentally changed that discussion and put forward the notion that já. Já it could.

Kjell Svane was a junior member of the diplomatic corps when the Syndicalist coup overtook the country in 2002, fresh off of earning a Masters in International Relations at the University of Haland. He ended up falling in with the FRE, becoming one of many FRE diplomats under Magnus Brandt to make a case for the anti-Syndicalist movement abroad. His work in the Kingdom of Andrenne earned him high marks in the FRE hierarchy and he became a key diplomat for the Kingdom of Prydania following the end of the Civil War.
His biggest career milestone came, however, when Prydania put him forward as a PGU Chancellor candidate. Svane won, a shocking development that saw a Prydanian rise to such an international position of prominence so shortly after the end of the Civil War. During his tenure as PGU Chancellor Herra Svane oversaw the PGU response to the Oklusia crisis, organizing PGU aid to Yalkan for refugees. His tenure also saw him successfully negotiate an end to the Ajovulka territorial dispute between Ajovulkan nationalists, Andrenne, and Goyanes.

Svane's two terms as PGU Chancellor, and the high profile cases he oversaw, made him a known quantity in Prydania. His agreement to take the reigns of Peace not Blood and lead them into the 2021 election gave the party instant credibility that its roster of young, idealistic candidates lacked.

The Peace(ful) not Blood(y) Revolution

Peace not Blood didn't just supplant the Agrarians in the rural Þingsviði. They dominated university student-heavy areas in cities. They cut into some traditionally Conservative strongholds. And supplanted the Free Democrats. Alaterva, long a Free Democratic Party stronghold, was won by Peace not Blood by 1.56%. The Free Democrats only took three of the province's six Þingsviði. Peace not Blood also ate away at traditionally Conservative seats in Vesturmarch, Landerne, and the Austurlands.

The long campaign- insisted upon by His Majesty to give the Free Democrats and Peace not Blood time to complete leadership races- saw Peace not Blood solidify itself in the rural areas of the country. Svane then waged an aggressive campaign to convince voters that his party was capable of forming a government, of being a viable electoral choice.

Such a gambit had no guarantee of success. Maríanna Toft's unlikability could have easily seen voters turn to the Conservative Party's Sören Högh. Instead Svane painted himself both as experienced enough to be a potential Prime Minister and as someone who would champion new, idealistic politics into the halls of the Alþingi. Whether it was Svane's track record as PGU Chancellor or the infectious nature of Peace not Blood idealistic rhetoric that convinced voters is besides the point. It worked. Peace not Blood not only supplanted the Agrarians, they overtook the Conservatives.

There are many ways to read it. Peace not Blood was perhaps the defiant roar of the rural Þingsviði, pushing idealistic young men and women into the halls of power to represent their interests after fifteen years of dispossession, debasement, and marginalization at the hands of Syndicalists. Perhaps it was the voice of the young people of the towns and cities who were tired of authoritarian leftist mandates and who finally decided to take their country's future into their own hands. Maybe it was all of it. Peace not Blood isn't just rural, it isn't just urban. Only the Social Commonwealth fascists and the Free Democrats before them managed to bridge that rural-urban divide.

The Free Democrats though, have not been vanquished.

Free Democrats, Toft Hang On

Maríanna Toft's attempt to wrestle the Free Democratic Party away from Reynir Aaker is what sent Prydania to the polls early. The success of her gambit depends on how you look at it. From a pure numerical perspective Toft's Free Democrats won the most seats of any party by one. Her Free Democrats won fifty-five seats to Kjell Svane's Peace not Blood's tally of fifty-four.
Toft's Free Democrats lost the popular vote though. They only secured 27.59% of the national vote to Peace not Blood's 30.32%. And furthermore the 55 seats won represents a drop from the 2018 total under Magnus Brandt of 92. In fact had Toft simply managed to return all Free Democratic Þingmenn those 92 seats would have won her a majority. By the slimmest of margins, but a majority none the less.

Instead Toft's Free Democrats lost thirty-seven seats. The party had been performing well in the polls on the back of Magnus Brandt's likeability and tenure as Prime Minister. Aaker lacked his predecessor's charm but seemed to viewed by the voting public as a capable administrator. Toft's gambit to seize the party both reminded too many people of her father's seizure of power in the halls of the Alþingi in 1984, on top of the general feelings of opportunism. Toft's Free Democrats bleed support from the start of the campaign until election day, losing it primarily to Peace not Blood. What once seemed like a foregone conclusion, a Free Democratic waltz to victory, turned into an election where no one party reached a majority, and Toft was the captain of a ship thirty-seven seats lighter than when she started.

The People's Party Makes Gains

The People's Party, a vehicle for moderate Syndicalists who resisted the regime's excesses, won two seats in 2018. They had high hopes for 2021, having spent years establishing themselves in the traditionally working class areas of the country. The party also put forward a massive PR campaign to tie them to the reofrmist legacy of Rune Leth and other moderate Syndicalists, in an attempt to inheriet that electoral goodwill.

The party's success will depend on what your expectations were. If they were that they'd unite the small farmers, miners, and factory workers like Leth did in the 1920s the party fell well short. If your expectations were that they would build on 2018, return a larger caucus, and establish themselves in their base's heartlands then 2021 was very much a success.

The party won big in Krummedike. They and Peace not Blood in Erkiengill were the only parties to return over 40% of the vote in a province. They were also well represented in urban Þingsviði, winning in working class neighbourhoods in Hadden, Keris, and Býkonsviði. The party managed to win back a number of left wing voters who went with the Free Democrats in 2018. Either because they saw a strengthening People's Party as more representative of their views or because Toft's leadership alienated many a left-wing voter.

Demographics

The Compact religious communities of Laurenists, Courantists, and Thauniccs all voted Conservative in line with their historic patterns. Revenists, still grappeling with the fallout of the Messianic League uprising, opted for Peace not Blood. The small Orthodox communities did as well, accounting for many Peace not Blood votes in People's Party-friendly Krummedike.
Shaddaists, long a solid Free Democratic Party voting bloc, bucked historic trends. This almost universally seems to be due to Maríanna Toft's leadership. Despite her attempts to insist that she was not her father, the Shaddaist communities of Prydania seemed to gravitate towards Peace not Blood rather than trust their support to the daughter of Prydania's last fascist Prime Minister.

Working class voters tended to support the People's Party, most strongly in Keris, Hadden, Býkonsviði, and the province of Krummedike. The trend did not carry into Erkiengill and the Austurlands though. The People's Party only scored 0.34% in Norður-Austurland, 1.10% in Suður-Austurland, and 0.08% in Erkiengill. The areas most profoundly affected by the legacy of Syndicalist collectivization and disposession were clearly not ready to embrace the left wing again, even in the moderate form presented by the People's Party. The farmhands and fishermen of the country clearly preferred to cast their lot in with either the Conservatives or Peace not Blood.

University students, in line with most young voters, went for Peace not Blood by wide margins.

Forming a Government

Now comes the process of forming a government. No party got to 92, the number needed for a majority in the Alþingi. Coalition talks will be incoming but how will that shake up?

By convention His Majesty would grant Fröken Toft the first shot at forming a government, curtesy of her fifty-five seats. The question is who will she partner with? The People's Party will likely not be willing to work with her, and even if they did the People's Party and Free Democratic seat totals only get Toft to eighty, twelve short of a majority. A left wing coalition simply doesn't have the votes to happen.
Fröken Toft could attempt to partner with either Peace not Blood or the Conservatives, but both Herra Högh and Herra Svane have made it clear they will only consider working with the Free Democrats if Toft is not the party's leader. And Toft has defiantly refused to step down, using her razor slim fifty-five seats as proof that she shouldn't need to.

The conversation has, of course, turned to a possible Peace not Blood and Conservative coalition. The talk is in part fuelled by speculation of a successor to the eighty-nine year old Bandalag, but this would be a very different animal.
For one, the Conservatives would be the junior partners. Whether they would be willing to accept that loss in status or not remains to be seen. Secondly, the Conservative/Agrarian electoral pact was split along rural and urban lines. Things are messier here. Peace not Blood made unexpected inroads in urban Conservative seats. Any partnership between the two would have to redefine just where each party's domain begins and ends.

In the end though, Herra Svane spoke like a victor as results were being counted. Já, he fell one seat short of Toft, but with the road to a government for Toft looking very slim Herra Svane will be able to make a case to His Majesty that he deserves a chance to form a government. And he very likely will, if he can pitch himself and his party effectively to either the Conservatives or Free Democrats looking to out Toft. He is a negotiator after all.

Regardless, the next few weeks will shape this country's government- and the first truly fully democratic Alþingi- for the next five years.

posted on 12 October 2021 at 12:00 pm



*lítiðþorpum- hamlets
 
Last edited:
19 October 2021
12:03 pm
On a Tuesday
Býkonsviði, Prydania


Tobias tapped his foot. It wouldn't be unfair to call it frantic. Thankfully the desk in his office hid it from view. But he couldn't help it. Maríanna Toft made him feel nervous. Especially since Max Hvieti had informed him of her less than above board dealings over the summer.
Still, he felt bad about it, how he let himself feel that way about her.

"You have another week," he said with a smile.

Maríanna chuckled. She didn't feel old. She was only thirty-five... but the King struck her as very young, despite being only nine years younger. He had a certain idealistic earnestness about him. On some level she found it endearing. On another she found it frustrating. Because despite the temptation to use that to her advantage she just didn't have a path forward.

"I appreciate the reminder, Your Majesty," she said with a smile and nod.
"But after one week I think I can say that I have no prospect of forming a government."

"I've followed the news," Tobias replied.
"Everyone is demanding you step down as a condition of coalition."

Maríanna grumbled just a bit but kept smiling and nodded.
"I suppose I could," she said said before getting a bit dower.
"But I'm not caving into people who think I'm my father."

Tobias nodded briefly.
"I know I've told you this before but I understand. Not wanting to be tied to the sins of your elders."

"Your uncle and my pabbi," Maríanna said as she chuckled.
"I'm sorry Your Majesty..." she continued as she shook her head.

"Don't be," Tobias replied.
"They were...well..." he was at a loss for words.

"People," Maríanna replied.
"That's what's so hard for people to understand. My pabbi did terrible things but..."

"He was still your pabbi?" Tobias asked.

"Já," Maríanna nodded.
"You acknowledge the bad things that happened but if you try to just provide nuance...just say that my father was more than just a fascist, and people only want to say that you're making excuses...." she said, her voice sounding more exhausted.

"My uncle," Tobias said, sounding a bit dower himself, "was a monster. So was your pabbi. I...I have my memories. My good memories of him, but that doesn't make him...not what he was."

"How did you do it, Your Manesty?" Maríanna asked.

"How did I do what?" Tobias asked curiously.

"Get beyond the need to try to defend them."

Tobias looked over Maríanna. Part of him didn't know if the wounded look on her face was genuine or not...but another part of him wanted to reach out.

"I met people, people my uncle and your pabbi hurt. I didn't run from it. It made me want to be better."

"Well," Maríanna replied, "I'm not sure those people want to have anything to do with me."

"If the people hurt by the Social Commonwealth," Tobias replied, "can accept the nephew of King Anders then they can accept the daughter of Stefen Toft."

Maríanna smiled faintly. The King really did have an idealistic streak to him.
"I guess hiding in Cerdagne robbed me of that...chance."

"No it didn't. There's always tomorrow," Tobias replied with a smile.

Maríanna couldn't help but laugh.
"Oh I'm so sorry Your Majesty," she began.
"That was just so..."

"Cheesy?" Tobias replied.
He chuckled and opened a drawer on his desk, pulling out a book.
"I picked this up in Saintonge. It makes me chuckle every time find myself saying something like that."

Maríanna looked at the book as Tobias set it on the desk. It was titled Le Livre du Fromage.

"Well either way, Your Majesty, I'm content to take the Free Democrats into opposition."

"You're sure?"

"Já, I'm not convincing anyone of anything in a week."

"I'll call on Herra Svane," Tobias said with a nod as he stood. Maríanna stood with him, and shook his hand when he offered it.

"Take care, Fröken Toft," he said with a smile.

"You too, Your Majesty," she said, bowing her head a bit before taking her leave.

She had no choice but to concede as she did. And she was sure the Conservatives and Peace not Blood would find themselves together. It made sense. Svane would become Prime Minister.
And she would be waiting in opposition. Ready to capitalize in five years.
 
22 October 2021
11:30 pm
On a Friday
Býkonsviði, Prydania


The Prydanian national flag that usually fluttered atop the Haraldvígi was replaced by the Royal Standard. Ceremony had dominated the day up to that point, as Knights of the Storm lined the route from Absalonhöll to the Haraldvígi, the seat of the Alþingi. Þingmenn, some returning but many new and young faces, filed the seats of the Alþingi chamber. Everyone, even the new Prime Minister, sat eagerly waiting for what would happen. They'd have five years to debate, argue, and run the country. Right now though, it was time for ceremony.

A knock echoed on the door to the Alþingi chamber. The Alþingi's new speaker Ketilbiorn Lundström rose, and the door opened, revealing the Lord General of the Knights of the Storm, Laurids Hummel, in full dress uniform. He entered the chamber, approaching the Speaker.

"Speaker of the Alþingi, assembled Þingmenn. His Majesty Tobias III Loðbrók, by the Grace of God, King of Prydania, Lord Protector of Austurland, Marshal of Býkonsviði, Lord Uniter, and Defender of the Faith, hereby enters the Realm's Alþingi to inaugurate this session."

It was an old tradition, one that dated back some time. The Alþingi governed in the King's name, and so the King had to open it following every election.

"We, the assembled Members of the Alþingi of the Prydanian Realm, eagerly await His Majesty," Ketilbiorn replied with a bow of his head. The Lord General nodded and turned. He had to go attend to the protection of Queen Alycia, Baldr, and Hael up in the balcony overlooking the ceremony. Not that he was needed down here anymore. Knights of the Storm escorted Tobias to the Alþingi chamber.

Tobias was wearing his full regalia. He hadn't worn it since he did this in 2018. The red military tunic, with embroidered golden prancing stags on the collar, the antler crown that had a tendency to get lost admits his blond hair, the old sword Jægerblað hanging from his belt, and a traditional viking style cloak clasped with a golden pennant of a stag's head in a sun...it all still felt weird for him to wear. Of course the nature of such an outfit meant he had only worn it briefly, for a few very important occasions, but Tobias assumed that even then, he'd feel comfortable wearing it by now. But he didn't. He felt a tingling in his hands, and his chest. Nerves. He still didn't feel right with all of this pomp. But thankfully he did know how to hide it and make it seem like he was comfortable with it.

He looked around as he made his way into the chamber. He smiled seeing his wife and children in the balcony. Had he been here before as a child, before the Syndicalist coup? Probably not...instead his first clear memory of this place came about an hour after the Civil War had ended. He had been brought here, the building in a state of ransack having recently been surrendered. He remembered this chamber. The giant Syndicalist flag that had hung where a mural of Vortgyn I now resided, behind the Speaker's chair.

Tobias walked up to the lower podium under the Speaker and his aids, and smiled as he looked around at the assembled members of the Alþingi.

"Hello," he began. If he still felt unsure about the regalia he had grown comfortable giving speeches.
"When I decided to use my prerogative as King to give the people of this country a choice on the constitution that Herra Brandt's government and I had agreed to I did it because I believe in the people of this country to have a say in how they are governed." He paused for a moment. Just a moment.
"To some others that sounds trite or obvious, but it's not to me. It's not to us, because we know, don't we? We know how valuable that right is. We've learnt to cherish it, and not take it for granted. It's why I put that constitution to the people. And it's why, during the drafting of it, that I agreed to remove the Peers from this chamber. It finally became time, time to trust the people and the people alone, with the business of electing the Alþingi. And here I am. Here you are. The first fully elected Alþingi." He smiled a bit and looked down, before looking up again and continuing.

"I didn't think I would be here. All of us talked about what things would be like if we won the fight for our country. 'Go back to things before Anders' was popular. But I'm so happy we did more than that. My life, not even thirty years old, has already been defined by constant change. It's made me appreciate it. An Alþingi that is only made up of elected Þingmenn, new political groups based on wanting to make things better, and new faces ready to lead this country. I won't stay in your way much longer, I promise. I only wish to say that you're going to be the first of many, and I ask you all to cherish that for a moment before you get down to the business of the people who sent you all here."

There was quiet in the chamber for a brief moment before Tobias nodded.
"I declare the Alþingi open."
Tobias remained smiling as the assembled Þingmenn applauded, and he made his way down from the podium. He left the chamber, leaving the government to get down to their business.

He felt a relief in his stomach though, as if a bundle of nerves there had relaxed considerably. It was over. He'd be with his wife and children, and he could get back to Absalonhöll to change out of this ceremonial outfit.

He didn't hate this sort of thing, but they always made him tense. Still, he did it happily. He'd watched people die for most of his life to make him King, and for democracy. And he was not about to let his own insecurities or hangups disrespect what they had died for. So he walked briskly, smiling, waving to the occasional camera. It was a small price to pay for a free country.



OOC Note: A big thanks to @Kyle who helped me figure out the nitty gritty election stuff, and for making me the wonderful maps you see here! I couldn't have done it without his help!
 
Last edited:
Status
Not open for further replies.
Back
Top