Local News Topic

QBShUy0.png

Princess Liùsaidh gives up royal title to marry commoner, leaving royal family

Written by Slàine MacSeumas | 09 March 2026

3flTyiI.png

Princess Liùsaidh of Cairness waves to the public for the last time at the Palace of Hainelet - Image credits: Sìneag MacFhairste, Crown Reporting Office


LEOTHAN, COUNTY STÒRNAGH | Princess Liùsaidh of Cairness, the youngest daughter of Queen Helena II and Prince Emanuel, formally departed the Royal House of Connacht today following her final public appearance in Leothan at the Palace of Hainelet. Born on 18 May 1989, the Princess had stood sixth in the line of succession as the youngest member of the royal family. She oversaw four charitable organisations and held the titles Princess of Cairness, Duchess of Machanan, and Baroness of Swandon.

Her departure follows her decision to relinquish all royal titles and privileges in order to marry the businessman and former lawyer Frangais MacComte, a commoner. The marriage had previously been opposed by the Queen. As part of the arrangement, Princess Liùsaidh surrendered her place in the line of succession, her entitlement to royal immunity, and her right to reside in royal estates. The decision was finalised following a private meeting with Queen Helena II at the Palace of Hainelet. With her withdrawal from royal duties, the line of succession adjusts accordingly, placing her younger brother, Prince Guillaime, sixth in line to the throne. Her charitable patronages will be transferred to her elder sister, Princess Màiri of Gaileann, and to her aunt, Duchess Floireans Maudall of Àdin. Liùsaidh will reside with her husband at Tudfair House in Leothan, a privately owned property belonging to the royal family. Widely regarded as a popular public figure, the Princess’s farewell address was broadcast earlier today by RTF and reportedly drew more than 80 million viewers worldwide.

“It has been an honour to serve the Fiannach public as a member of the royal family for the past several years. However, it is with deep sorrow that I must declare that, from today, I will no longer be part of the reigning Royal House of Connacht as a princess. I have always prioritised charitable work and my contributions to the Church of Fianna, yet certain misalliances in personal matters have led me to take this decision.” she stated, “I intend to continue working on public projects as a private citizen, albeit without title or tiara. I thank the public for deeming me worthy of my duties over the past decade, and I hope to continue serving society in the years ahead.”

Her departure has prompted renewed public discussion regarding long-standing royal traditions, including the requirement that the reigning monarch approve royal marriages and the limited avenues through which commoners may enter the royal household by marriage. As of this writing, Her Majesty the Queen has not issued a public statement. However, a number of Fiann commentators online have expressed dissatisfaction, with some describing the situation as a “mistreatment” of the widely admired princess. Princess Liùsaidh is the first member of the royal family to voluntarily relinquish her titles since King Tàmhas III in 1962.
 
CBC NEWS

Voldemar G. Tamm announces resignation as Prime Minister and leader of the Union Party

bc54ac20-cfcb-4540-bd3a-c216be1f7089.jpg


Meridia, CT
-- In a shock to the political sphere and to the nation at large, Prime Minister Voldemar G. Tamm has announced his intention to resign as leader of the Union Party and Prime Minister after nine years in office in an emotional press conference.

Announcement
"Thank you all for coming! A little while ago I notified the Union Party Chief Whip, and asked him to convene a meeting of the Union Party party room before the end of the week, because I intend to resign as the leader of the Union Party. I've got to a juncture where I believe it is now time. I believe it is time to transition to a new leader. Having been in this office for nine years, there has been no greater honour in my life. To serve the people of Scalvia and the people of my electorate of Maarjamäe has been the greatest honour of my life. But I am buggered. I'm buggered and I've had enough. To lead this great party would be the wrong thing for me to do. I love the Union Party, I grew up in it. I'll bleed red and blue 'til the day I die, I love it. It would be wrong for me, however, to say that I am the right person to continue to lead. That's tough for me to say. I think someone can do it better, because I don't have the energy. I'm out on my feet and I'm done. But I'm proud of what I've done as leader and as Prime Minister. I'm proud of us recapturing our identity, for what we are and what we stand for. For the forgotten Scalvian who represents the backbone of our great country, who doesn't get a voice in here unless someone's got the guts to do it. I did as Prime Minister. The government I led delivered three budget surpluses and four balanced budgets. We delivered record breaking homebuilding, and we made massive investments into infrastructure. We modernised nineteen regional airports, built another ten. We strengthened the backbone of our interstate highway network, conducting, together with the states, key repairs and expansions. We saw crime reduced to historic lows, and educational results reach historic heights. We reduced unemployment from 6.3% to 3.8%. So I could not be prouder of our record in government, but I'm tired. I don't intend to retire from Parliament, I love the people of Maarjamäe, and if they'll have me back I will stay on as their MP. While it wouldn't be right for me to stay on as the leader of the Union Party because I don't have the energy, it would also be wrong to stay on because I don't have the energy to represent them properly as the leader of the Union Party. I take this job incredibly seriously, which is why I must also recognise that the time has come, and that it is time to hand over the baton. I've been very fortunate, and I've loved every moment of it, but you've got to be honest with yourself when you can't keep going, and so I am prepared to do that for the greater good. But I am not giving up Maarjamäe. I love Maarjamäe and the people of Kariste, and I'll serve my great party any way they want me to, but this is my time over as the leader. I've done all I can do, and all I want to do. It's time for me to feel normal again. It's been a pretty rough road at times, but I know that I have done everything I could for this great party, and I leave us well placed to fight and win the 2027 General Election to continue delivering for the people of Scalvia. On a personal level I want to be able to come back to Parliament as I did when I first got into Parliament; with a pep in my step, and the excitement of coming here. I haven't had that for a while. If I can't do that, I'm not gonna be at my best, so Kariste misses out. I'd like to thank my staff, and I don't want to go too much here because I've already had a few tears with them earlier... loyal people. Really loyal people. So look, thank you. I'm proud of all I've done, I'm proud of all I've achieved, but it's time for the baton to be passed on. The legacy I leave is one that someone can take on and build from. That's leadership, and I want to be judged on not just what I've achieved, but how I lead as a member of the Union Party as a team member. That's what it means to be a Unionist. To believe in your cause, to believe in your people, and no matter your position you're gonna be there for them. So my position's changing, but my passion isn't. I will stick around as Prime Minister and leader of the party until a new leader's been chosen later this week. Thank you."

Shock
The announcement of Tamm's resignation has been met with wide surprise and shock. According to CBC's Chief Political Editor Anthony Green, the resignation was unprompted: "I've asked around, and by all indications Tamm wasn't losing the numbers, he wasn't losing control of the party, so nobody forced him into the decision to resign, it seems entirely his own."
President Simon Karalius spoke briefly to the media: “Tamm is a good friend of mine and has been a fantastic servant for Scalvia. I am sad to see him go, but I wish him and his family nothing but success as he returns to the backbenches.”
The Leader of the Official Opposition Roderick Petrauskas thanked Tamm for his service: “I have disagreed with Tamm on numerous occasions, but nobody can debate his patriotism and his passion for public service. I wish him nothing but the best in his endeavours in the future.”

Who next?
The Union Party party room is set to convene later this week, and there are a number of frontrunners for the Union Party leadership:
Status Quo: Adrianna Hume. Adrianna Hume is the current Foreign Secretary and considered a leading member of the Union Party’s Centre-Right faction, currently led by the outgoing Prime Minister. Hume is generally considered politically similar to Tamm, though it is noted that she generally lies on the left of the faction. It is generally understood that Hume would govern much like Tamm has. Notably she would become the first female Prime Minister of Scalvia if elected.

The Moderate: Vera Kalnina. Kalnina presently serves as Tamm’s Treasurer and Deputy Prime Minister, serving in the position since 2024. She has generally been seen as an effective cabinet minister, and has broadly been popular due to her sound budgets. She lies to the left of Tamm and is broadly considered the leading figure of the Union Party’s Moderate faction. The Moderates are generally more socially liberal than the other factions, and MPs of the faction have also historically been more open to deeper public spending. It is expected that Kalnina would govern as a Moderate, with Kalnina expected to be more tolerant of social reform. Kalnina would also become the first female Prime Minister if elected.

The Conservative: Tan Kok Soon. Tan, currently the Secretary of Defence and also a Deputy Prime Minister represents the Hard Right faction of the Union Party. Tan is a noted social conservative, and is generally considered to be more open to rolling back reforms initiated by the previous FLS-CCF government, including the Gender Identification Act 2007. Fiscally the Hard Right is considered a middle ground between the Centre-Right and the Moderates, with Tan noted to be more open to deeper public spending, though not quite to the same degree as Kalnina and the Moderates. Tan would become the first Sinnitic Prime Minister of Scalvia

The Rising Star: Johannes Jaanovits. Johannes Jaanovits presently serves as Secretary of Culture, and is somewhat famous outside of Scalvia for penning an article as a backbencher critiquing the current place of conservatism. Tamm brought him into cabinet last year where he has generally been considered effective. Although generally considered a member of the Centre-Right faction, Jaanovits is often seen as a firebrand who can’t quite be categorised in any of the factions. He will likely push the Union Party in a new fourth direction if elected. Jaanovits, at 36, would become the youngest Prime Minister of Scalvia in over 200 years if the party room chooses him.

Although there are other notable candidates, these are the four frontrunners who are the most likely to win over the party room.

Tamm’s legacy
Voldemar Georg Tamm is without doubt one of the more consequential Prime Ministers in Scalvian history. After nine years in office off the back of four years of Union Party governance, he was able to win a nearly unprecedented supermajority in the Chamber of Representatives in the Union Party’s fourth election in power. The last time a long term government won a supermajority was under Leonard Karl Juur nearly a century ago.
Tamm’s governance record is more divisive. Broadly a conservative, Tamm maintained Scalvia’s public finances at a very healthy level, and gave considerable support to Scalvia’s small and medium enterprises, and cut taxes on the middle class. Additionally, he oversaw the considerable expansion of Scalvia’s military and intelligence community in a time of increasing global uncertainty. His foreign policy was sound, if very unrevolutionary. Traditional ties with South Ethia, Goyanes, Andrenne, and Hexastalia were strengthened, but other partnerships were strengthened too, such as with Prydania and Lyvenntia. In what may be his biggest foreign policy failure, he was unable to complete a thaw between Meridia and Eamont, a consistent sore spot for both. Nevertheless, his record on foreign policy is broadly a positive one. He also, however, governed during what many have termed the “Healthcare crisis”. Healthcare unaffordability remains a persistent issue that his government struggled to tackle, with an estimated 3.7 million Scalvians owing more than $250 due to medical costs. A heavy stain on the record of one of Scalvia’s more extraordinary Prime Ministers.
 
Last edited:
CBC NEWS

The Union Party has chosen a new leader

ads-edwintong-180622.jpg


Meridia, CT -- After a four hour party room meeting, the Union Party has chosen its new leader and the new Prime Minister of Scalvia, Dr. Tan Kok Soon, on the second ballot.

Statement by Dr. Tan
"Thank you everyone. I have accepted the President's invitation to form a government. The work shall begin immediately. I joined the Union Party as a twelve year old boy handing out leaflets to help my father's friend as he attempted to get elected as the member for Pleasant Valley. This is the proudest moment of my professional career to lead the party that represents the everyday Scalvian. I have a deep pride in being the first party leader of sinnitic origin. But, more importantly, the country faces great challenges. Scalvia faces, today, a profound economic crisis, a crisis caused by illegal and unforgivable Sainaamese action. Supply chains have been destabilised across the region. We must work to defend Scalvian families and Scalvian companies from the inevitable effects this will have.
I want to pay tribute to my predecessor, Voldemar Tamm. I inherit very healthy public finances, an economy that is primed for growth, and the lowest unemployment in many years. Using this tremendous inheritance, my first priority as Prime Minister will be to ensure economic stability and confidence, and to protect families and enterprises from the difficulties ahead. This will mean taking tough decisions ahead. But I put will compassion for Scalvian families at the heart of our agenda.
Another important point I wish to touch on is protecting Scalvia's messianist values. We in this party are rightly proud of Scalvia's values, but we must do more to defend them. In a world where the values we hold are under attack across the world, we must be vigilant, and hold onto our values even more strongly. We will publish a plan to defend Scalvian values as one of the top priorities of this government.
Foreign policy must be another priority of this government. We must constantly stand on guard against hostile actors not just here in the Aurorias, but also further afield. We must support our allies, and we must deepen our commitment to them. We will have to face the challenges of foreign enablers of aggression against Scalvia, and we have to confront them, in the open and without fear. But further, we must expand and deepen our trade ties not just with our traditional partners, but with partners further afield in rising markets like Craviter, Meterra and elsewhere. Scalvia has enormous potential on the world stage, and the government I lead will unlock that potential.
Scalvians, fellow citizens. I will work day and night to earn your trust and I will take nothing for granted as we forge ahead to build a More Perfect Commonwealth. Thank you."


Reactions
The Election of Dr. Tan Kok Soon as Scalvia's new Prime Minister has been met with relatively muted reactions across Scalvia, though the President, Leader of the Opposition, Tan's predecessor Voldemar Tamm, and others have congratulated Dr. Tan. The markets responded to Tan's election and statement with a rally, as the Franklin went up by nearly 700 points, reversing some losses earlier in the week.

What Now?
Dr. Tan's election almost certainly marks a move further to the right for the Union Party, with social conservatism to come much more to the fore. While Dr. Tan's first statement was relatively vague, it is clear that his government will seek to play a more active role socially, and there are certainly multiple possibilities where the new government may take action. Dr. Tan's new cabinet is set to be fully announced by tomorrow, as he is expected to carry out a considerable reshuffle.
 
Last edited:
  • Like
Reactions: Arc
Castillian Arms Program Announced

Following recent security concerns, Defense Minister Fernando Rojas announced last Monday at a party summit the development of the new Castillian Arms Program. The minister stated that "Mutually assured destruction is the only guarantee to our security in these trying times...". In a follow-up bulletin by Labor and Economy minister Triana Sánchez, it was announced that the program's allocated budget is of 4.3 billion pesetas, about 30% of the total defense budget. It is estimated that the program will employ about 8,000 new workers, distrubuted between 4 new plants in the outskirts of New Madrid.

Plus Ultra!

Castillian Information Bureau
 
ebKbLG9.png


SotoPay: How the banking in the U.S. evolved with innovation
Written by Ren Tanaka | 29 March 2026 | Analysis Piece
Upon arrival in Kyowara, visitors are routinely advised that currency exchange is largely unnecessary. Among younger and middle-aged populations, the Kyonese Wan is seldom used in physical form. Indeed, some retailers maintain such limited cash reserves that providing change can be impracticable. While this may suggest a conventional transition towards card-based payments, the reality diverges significantly. The use of physical bank cards has, over the past decade, become an indicator of foreign status, as domestic consumers have largely abandoned them. This development reflects a broader evolution in Kyowara’s payment ecosystem: a trajectory in which credit cards displaced cash in the late twentieth century, only to be superseded by a more integrated digital alternative dominated by a single corporate entity, Soto.

The introduction of credit and debit cards to Kyowara in the 1970s, following their growing prominence in the Union State, was initially perceived as a novel innovation. The concept of consolidating monetary value into a compact, technologically enabled card appealed to a society characterised by its receptiveness to technological advancement, albeit with a degree of caution. This cautious adoption was accelerated by the onset of the so-called Frozen Decades in the late 1970s, a period marked by economic stagnation and recurrent monetary instability. During this time, credit cards were increasingly regarded as a more secure and reliable alternative to physical cash.

In response to these conditions, two of Kyowara’s leading financial institutions, AICB and Takoyama (subsequently incorporated into Mageuchi), formed a strategic partnership to establish Passport. Launched on 17 May 1980, Passport represented Kyowara’s first nationwide payment network and would go on to become its most influential. By centralising transaction processing and standardising card issuance, Passport eliminated the fragmentation previously associated with bank-specific card systems, thereby facilitating widespread adoption among both merchants and consumers. The impact of Passport was immediate and substantial. Card usage increased by approximately 500 per cent throughout the 1980s, and by the early 2000s, cash transactions had already begun to decline markedly among the majority of the population. This trend was further reinforced by technological advancements, most notably the introduction of contactless “tap-to-pay” functionality developed through collaboration between Passport and Yome Technologies. By 2010, most credit cards in circulation were equipped with the requisite chips and antennas, establishing contactless, PIN-based transactions as the prevailing standard.

As credit and debit cards became firmly established as the dominant method of transaction, the principal financial institutions of the Union State of Kyowara increasingly sought to consolidate their influence within an evolving economic landscape. On 9 February 2010, five major banking entities — Passport Incorporated, Baishō Bank, Mageuchi, AICB, and Nihei-Aizawa — formed the Innovative Banking Political Action Committee (PAC). This coalition pursued bipartisan political support, engaging both Liberal and Reform parties, with the objective of entrenching a digital-first financial system in which cash would persist only as a secondary medium. Their strategy aimed to ensure that the future architecture of everyday commerce remained anchored within the institutional control of established banks and the Passport network. Despite the apparent consolidation of power within the financial sector, this equilibrium proved to be short-lived. A single technological intervention would initiate the gradual erosion of a system that had taken over three decades to construct.

On 17 May 2011, Masao Sotō, Chief Executive Officer of Soto, introduced Soto Wallet at the annual Sotoplex Convention in Matsumoto, Aichi. The system, initially modest in scope, represented a fundamental reconfiguration of payment infrastructure. Through the Soto Wallet application, users could securely store banking credentials via encryption and execute transactions through QR code scanning at point-of-sale terminals, thereby eliminating the need for a physical card. Sotō’s launch statement, asserting that the mobile telephone would supplant the traditional wallet, captured both the ambition and direction of the platform. Adoption was immediate, notwithstanding the system’s relative technical simplicity in its early stages. Users were able to integrate up to eight bank accounts or credit cards into their AirCloud account, enabling frictionless mobile payments and facilitating online transactions through a virtualised card interface. The implications for the existing financial order were considerable. The Innovative Banking PAC found itself constrained not by regulatory limitations, but by the competitive force of a dominant private-sector actor. Soto, whose institutional influence had been entrenched since the Fascist Wars, operated beyond the effective reach of conventional political leverage.

The decisive inflection point occurred in 2012 with the integration of near-field communication (NFC) capabilities into all AirPhone 4 devices and subsequent models. This advancement enabled instantaneous, contactless payments through a single tap, further reducing transactional friction. AirPhone devices consequently evolved into multifunctional financial instruments, simultaneously operating as digital wallets, payment cards, and, in certain contexts, point-of-sale terminals. This technological convergence established a direct transactional interface between consumers and vendors, effectively bypassing traditional card infrastructure. As Soto Wallet matured into the more comprehensive SotoPay ecosystem, the decline of physical card usage accelerated markedly. This trajectory was reinforced by Soto’s strategic acquisition of Nihei-Aizawa in 2013, which enabled the company to extend its operations into micro-banking services. In doing so, Soto positioned itself not merely as a technology provider, but as an integral financial intermediary. Consequently, traditional banking institutions were compelled to integrate with Soto’s platform in order to maintain relevance within the domain of everyday consumer transactions.

Through sustained and strategically targeted advertising campaigns, coupled with financial incentives for merchants adopting its platform, Soto transitioned from a disruptive market entrant to the principal architect of Kyowara’s payment ecosystem. By the mid-2010s, it no longer functioned as a competitor within an established framework, but rather as the entity defining its parameters. A pivotal development occurred in 2014, when Soto entered into a partnership with Odeon, a major provider of employee meal vouchers. This integration enabled users receiving meal allowances through Odeon to seamlessly access and utilise those funds via SotoPay. In effect, Soto extended its reach into corporate compensation structures, incorporating an additional layer of everyday financial activity into its ecosystem—an area in which conventional card-based systems had demonstrated limited adaptability.

At present, SotoPay remains the predominant method of payment across both physical retail and online commerce within the Union State of Kyowara. Its financial operations are underpinned by Nihei-Aizawa, now operating as Soto’s dedicated banking subsidiary. Within this framework, the possession of a physical bank card has become largely redundant, while the use of cash is increasingly perceived as anachronistic—often associated with older societal norms rather than contemporary economic practice. In broader analytical terms, Soto’s trajectory reflects a recurring pattern within emerging technology sectors: the capacity of a vertically integrated platform to redefine industry standards and consolidate market control. In the case of Kyowara, this transformation has been particularly pronounced. Soto has not merely established itself as a dominant participant, but has effectively assumed the role of default infrastructure for financial transactions, both domestically and, increasingly, in external markets.
 
THE KARISTE TIMES

New cabinet announced


MERIDIA, CT -- Following the resignation of Voldemar G. Tamm and the election of Dr. Tan Kok Soon as Prime Minister on the second ballot, a new cabinet has been announced and was sworn in today.

Major changes

The new cabinet does not include a single Secretary of State representing a seat from one of Kariste, Dogaži, or Kuldiga, the first time this has occurred in some forty years. Multiple changes to notable positions have also been made. While Vera Kalnina keeps her job as Treasurer and Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary Adrianna Hume is gone, after reportedly having refused a demotion. Jeremy Campbell has been promoted to Secretary of State for Justice and DPM, an award for loyalty, as Campbell was an early supporter of Tan. Peter Malinauskas, considered a figure on the Centre-Right of the party has also been promoted. Marcis Liepins, formerly the Minister of State for the Navy replaces Tan as Defence Secretary. Charles Taylor Pine, longtime Government House Leader, survives another change in leadership. The Energy portfolio has been elevated to the level of a full cabinet posting, held by Andrew Thomas Horvath, a Tan ally. Miskwaadesi Edward Smith has also received a promotion as the Chief Government Whip in the Senate, while Peter Bernotas similarly has become the Manager of Government Business.
This new cabinet represents one of the most regional cabinets ever, with a large majority of its Secretaries of State coming from regional or outer metropolitan seats. It is also a lurch to the right, with six Secretaries of State considered members of Tan's National Right Wing of the Union Party, compared to five from the Moderate Faction and six from the Centre-Right. The National Right held just three cabinet postings in Tamm's cabinet. Tan's cabinet breaks tradition, as one of his Deputy Prime Ministers is from his own faction; generally this has not been done, with the Deputy Prime Ministers being from the other two factions of the party.


New Government
PositionSecretarySeat
Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Intergovernmental AffairsTan Kok SoonGolden Fields-Didsbury-Three Hills (VA)
Secretary of State for Justice and Attorney General of Scalvia and Deputy Prime MinisterJeremy CampbellGreat Plains (SA)
Treasurer of Scalvia and Deputy Prime MinisterVera KalninaHeritage-Medicine Hat (KA)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Leader of the Government in the SenatePeter Brandon MalinauskasSenator for Kamika
Secretary of State for DefenceMarcis LiepinsStones River (SE)
Secretary of State for Industry and BusinessRichard ButkusMidaville Commonwealth (TA)
Secretary of State for Public WorksMichael Jonathan FoxDon Valley (TA)
Secretary of State for Education and ResearchHelen KangurBergenville Riverside (DN)
Secretary of State for the Interior and Manager of Government Business in the SenatePeter BernotasSenator for Selia
Secretary of State for ManpowerAndrea VolfsŠeduva (DN)
Secretary of State for CultureJohannes JaanovitsLong Range Mountains (MA)
Secretary of State for AgricultureDaniel AndrewsCape Spear (LŠ)
Secretary of State for Public ServicesKarl BalsysMackwa West (AB)
Secretary of State for Indigenous Affairs and Chief Government Whip in the SenateMiskwaadesi Edward SmithSenator for Kamika
Secretary of State for EnergyAndrew Thomas HorvathPeace River (NA)
Chief Government Whip in the Chamber of RepresentativesFrancis RistimetsPrinceton South (VA)
Government House LeaderCharles Taylor PineTower Hill (VA)

The Centre-Right faction holds the majority of the Minister of State postings, though there is likely to be a realignment in the party as the wind blows towards the National Right faction, and thus the factional alignments are somewhat in flux.
 
SeaPower Daily


A Tale of Two Navies
By RADM Stewart Maisaar (Ret'd)

DDG-173-Kongou-005.jpg

Scalvian Naval Force underway

Scalvia and Sutherland are two different countries with two very different, but also in many ways, very similar navies. The way the two approach defence spending and procurement, is however, different.

The Commonwealth Fleet, background and today

1920px-HMS_Sutherland_%28F81%29_MoD.jpg

MSS Godfreysson

The Commonwealth Fleet, Sutherland’s Navy, is one of the world’s largest navies with a commissioned fleet of over 150 vessels. Its surface warfare force, this article’s primary focus, today consists of 38 units; 16 destroyers (of which four are sometimes classified as cruisers due to their size and capability,) and 22 frigates.
The fleet is on the whole relatively modern, with the oldest ships being the four units of the Godfreysson-class, aging and tired anti-submarine warfare frigates that once served as the Commonwealth Fleet’s backbone. The Godfreyssons’ day is approaching, however, as plans will see the last one get her well-deserved retirement by 2031.
While on the surface the fleet looks large and capable, it has long been plagued by government dithering and penny-pinching. The story of the modern surface fleet begins in the 1980s. Malcolm Lamont’s Liberal-VDA coalition had approved the order of 16 Godfreysson-class frigates, excellent ships for their role, to replace the myriad of light frigate classes in service previously. Beginning construction in 1985, the Godfreyssons were relatively cheap, but capable vessels for their role, and began entering service from 1987.

1280px-Chevalier_Paul_%28D_621%29.jpg

MSS Dalston

The Lamont government had also started the ball rolling on the Sutheran Frigate Replacement 90 (SFR90) programme upon entering office in 1983. This would prove to be an excruciatingly painful process to create a single-role air defence vessel to replace the previous Sutheran air defence destroyers. Exploiting advancements in technology, these would be the first air defence vessels in Sutherland to take advantage of the emerging vertical launch system (VLS) technology. Initial plans were for a 5,000 tonne vessel with 48 VLS cells, but objections from naval brass over the short range and lack of magazine depth of such vessels, and the treasury’s counter-objections over the cost of making the design larger stalled development. Indeed, by the time of the financial crisis that hit Sutherland in the late 1980s, little progress had been made. The hit to public finances left SFR90 on ice, and threatened the Godfreysson-class procurement, but the incoming Labour government of Eldredsson, despite facing pushback from the left bloc on whom he was reliant to maintain government, protected that procurement.
Finally, however, in 1996, the prime contractor for what would come to be the Dalston-class destroyer was agreed, and the detailed design process began. In 1997, the government was presented with five options, the original planned 5,500 tonne frigate with 48 VLS cells, a larger 7,400 tonne destroyer with greater range and endurance, but the same limited armament, an 8,000 tonne destroyer with the same VLS depth but increased self-defence weapons like the addition of two CIWS systems and the integration of strike length VLS, an 8,700 tonne destroyer with increased ASW capabilities and a VLS magazine depth of 64 cells, or finally a 9,000 or so tonne destroyer with 80 VLS cells. The government, now led by Catriona Hennessey, wanting to avoid the embarrassment of choosing the smallest option, but feeling the financial pinch, picked the second-smallest option, though with the caveat that they wanted additional capabilities to be fitted for but not with (FFBNW). An order for four vessels was made while the government committed to a total of 16. Hennesey’s Government also initiated the excruciating Future Anti-Submarine Frigate project (FASF), which would later become the Franklin-class. Hennessey’s government saw the first hull of the Dalston-class, the future MSS Dalston be laid down, but was voted out in 2001 following the dotcom crash. The new VDA-Liberal government led by Almeida made the decision to cut the plan from twelve to six, but confirmed the order of the final two vessels of what would become known as the Batch I Dalston-class. Almeida’s short lived government also got the ball rolling on the Regnwood-class frigate, which was essentially meant to be a somewhat larger “option A” Dalston that was proposed to the previous government, with a more multipurpose character. These were to provide the fleet mass and start replacing the Godfreysson-class frigates. On cost grounds, however, the vessels would be stripped of most of their VLS cells, leaving them with 16. Puzzlingly, they would have largely the same sensor fit, with the addition of a very capable towed variable depth sonar. In a further questionable decision, FASF was never cancelled, but was to continue going forward, though with less funding.
Almeida’s government was defeated in 2004, and MSS Dalston was successfully launched later that same year under the new Hawkins Labour government, but underwent a long fitting out process, before finally commissioning in 2006, her sisters had much less protracted construction and fitting out sagas. Hawkins, much like his predecessor, was galled by the price of the Dalstons and made the decision to continue with what would become the Regnwood-class. The government confirmed an order for an initial two vessels in 2005, making a commitment to buy a total of at least fourteen. A second order for two was made in 2007, just before the Sutheran economy once again went into stormy waters. Hawkins’ government narrowly lost at the ballot box in 2009, just as the first Regnwood-class frigate was launched.


1280px-Nave_Bergamini_3.JPG

MSS Regnwood

Hawkins’ government, though, under pressure from the military and the public over the anemic order of Dalston-class vessels made the decision to start the Next-Generation Destroyer Programme in 2005, ostensibly to create a class of large “destroyer-leaders” that could fulfill the fleet’s needs for a more air defence escorts with more capable escorts on fewer hulls.
Yemm’s government, who “swept” into power in 2009, had a few major impacts on the CF’s surface force, despite their very brief spate in power. They ordered the first of what would become the Kemsing-class destroyers. These ships, displacing 11,500 tonnes and boasting 116 VLS cells, were to be some of the most capable surface vessels afloat anywhere in the world. The problem was the eyewatering cost, nearly two billion shillings per ship. In order to compensate, the Regnwood-class frigate project was to be cancelled, with the four ships under construction to be finished and no further orders to be made. To offset the loss of the Regnwoods, the FASF regained support. All in all, Yemm’s short-lived government would have a drastic impact on the CF’s force.

PLANS_Nanchang_%28DDG-101%29_20211021.jpg

MSS Kemsing

The arrival of the new Bráz Labour government in 2011 brought some stability. The decision to go ahead with the FASF project was confirmed in the 2011 Defence Whitepaper “Secure Eutavia, Secure Sutherland”, and a second Kemsing-class was ordered. Puzzlingly, however, the decision was made to prolong work on the latter pair of Regnwood-class frigates, before they were offered for sale to Lyvenntia, who refused. This meant that the latter pair of Regnwoods would not be commissioned into Sutheran service until nearly a decade after the first pair. In the author’s opinion this may have been to preserve jobs at the politically important shipyards building the Regnwoods.
The Bráz government also made the decision in the 2011 Whitepaper to order a second batch of six Dalston-class destroyers; importantly they were to be of the somewhat larger “Option C” design requiring some retooling and reworking. In the 2015 Defence Whitepaper “Global Sutherland” the decision was made to cut the planned order of twelve FASF ships to eight, and to replace the lost ships with yet another class of frigate built to a completely different standard. Ostensibly this was because the FASF was rapidly ballooning in size, and a large order was unaffordable, and so what would come to be known as the Aukatic-class frigate was born. The Aukatic-class was to be a much less capable second-tier escort to free up the more capable vessels from tasks for which they were unnecessary. In addition, the government saw it as a requirement to develop a new class of capable “Defence Frigates” to provide for more effective defence of Overseas Sutherland. Instead of utilising the Aukatic-class ships for this role, yet another class of frigates was deemed necessary, these would become known as the Ibissian-class. That same year, the first of the Franklin-class (FASF) ships were ordered, and all five began construction simultaneously due to the increasingly pressing need to replace the now rapidly aging Godfreysson-class ships, which would have consequences later. In 2019, the embattled Chancellor Vaughan, despite facing an economic crisis, made the decision to confirm the order of the sixth Franklin-class frigate.
The 2010s Labour government’s record on surface fleet procurement is thus mixed. The acquisition of new hulls, most notably the second batch of Dalston-class ships was a most welcome addition, but the scattergun approach to procurement that would lead to a noticeable lack of uniformity and standardisation in the surface fleet would come to have serious consequences. Indeed, there have been claims that this approach was in part precipitated by bribery from the defence sector, something that John Blake Sagan’s Government has promised to investigate, but we’re getting ahead of ourselves.
In 2019 Labour lost the election, in large part due to a rough recession. Ramsay’s new Liberal-VDA government’s 2019 Defence Whitepaper “Frontline First” promised to strengthen the fighting forces of the Sutheran Military, most notably the CF, at the expense of Redery of Warding bureaucrats and staff. Further Franklin-class orders were confirmed, despite the first batch of five vessels then either fitting out, or undergoing sea trials, having undergone a very painful construction process with numerous setbacks and issues, along with problems during sea trials. Ramsay’s government had little option as there was an increasingly desperate need to replace the existing Godfreysson-class frigates, which were now beginning to develop serious issues after decades of use. “Frontline First” also made the controversial decision to proceed with all of the frigate projects of the previous government, so the Aukatic and Ibissian-classes would also continue to go ahead. In a refreshing respite, no new projects were announced for some time, until in 2021, the government announced that the Batch I Dalstons would be refitted to Batch II standard, paying for a decision made over two decades previously.


1280px-HMS_Glasgow_%2852567292390%29.jpg

MSS Franklin

Under the 2022 Defence Whitepaper “Defence and Security in a Competitive Age” the new unwieldy Liberal-VDA-FRP-CDP government confirmed an order for two of each the Aukatic and Ibissian-classes, and two new Kemsing-class destroyers would also be ordered. A commitment for a total of twenty combined Aukatic and Ibissian-classes was made, and the Aukatic-class was to be focussed on providing security for… the Aukatic, while the Ibissian-class would continue to be focussed on its previous role of defending Overseas Sutherland. Ten ships of each class was the commitment, though just four would initially be ordered. In addition the retirement timeline for the final Godfreyssons was confirmed: they were going in 2031. As the Franklin-class continued to be troublesome, however, the Ramsay government made the unbelievable decision in 2023 to revive the Regnwood-class programme, and the next year a new order for two Regnwood-class frigates was made, with two more in 2025. By the end of the Ramsay government, there were 11 Franklin-class vessels commissioned, one fitting out, and two more under construction. The Aukatic-Ibissian classes had only received their two original orders each and the Aukatics were commissioned and the Ibissians were fitting out, with the order books of the shipyards that had built them empty, meaning a restart would take time. The destroyer force was more or less settled though, as the Dalston Batch Is were continuing to undergo refits one by one, and the three in service Kemsings were doing well, with a fourth one fitting out. The most baffling decision made by the Ramsay government by far was, however, the resurrection of the Regnwood-class which was done too early for his successor to really do anything about it; steel had already been cut and hulls had been laid down.


Uk-Royal-Navy-type-31-frigate-1536x936.jpg

FDI_Ronach_02.jpg
Left: Aukatic-class frigates, rendering Right: MSS Ibissian.

Speaking of Sagan, we’ve finally arrived at the current sitting government which has been left with a nightmare to untangle in the frigate force. The Regnwoods are here to stay, unless his government is willing to part with the relatively new ships by selling them to a willing ally. The Aukatic and Ibissian-classes, while not bad ideas in themselves as cheaper, smaller escorts, cause big issues because they share little in common. The decision should have been made to acquire one or the other, but not both. Similarly, the Regnwoods and Franklins basically share the same niche as upper-tier, more capable frigates. Once again, the decision should have been made to acquire one or the other but not both. In themselves these are all good, capable ships, teething issues aside for the Franklins, but there are severe issues caused by the lack of commonality in propulsion systems and sensors that has massively hampered the creation of economies of scale, and has made Sutheran ships more expensive, along with hampering training across the fleet. We don’t know where Sagan is going yet, as his government is yet to release a Defence Whitepaper, but that is expected by the summer. Whatever he decides, there are going to have to be difficult decisions made, if the Sutheran surface force is to gain uniformity and efficiency.

The Commonwealth of Scalvia Navy, the past and present
The Commonwealth of Scalvia Navy is a force in the second tier of the world’s navies. A force with around 120 total vessels, the CSN compares quite favourably in many areas with the Commonwealth Fleet, a much larger nation’s navy. The surface escort force consists of 30 vessels of which eight are air defence destroyers, 18 are general purpose destroyers, and four are frigates. Similar to the Sutheran surface force, the Scalvian surface force is fairly modern and capable, though the ships are somewhat older on average.

1280px-DDG-171_02l.jpg

CSS Albert Danys

The story of the modern Scalvian surface fleet begins in the late 1970s, when the Union Party Government of Stephen Olberkis initiated the Guided Missile Destroyer Replacement project.
An aside is needed here. In the CSN’s parlance, a guided missile destroyer (DDG) is equivalent to a Sutheran destroyer — a large air defence focussed warship, though especially the later Scalvian DDGs are considerably more multipurpose than the Sutheran destroyers. The CSN’s general purpose destroyers (DD) are roughly equivalent to Sutheran frigates, with a stronger focus on anti-submarine warfare, though notably the DDs are still very much general purpose vessels. Frigates are a fairly new concept in the modern CSN, introduced by the FFH, or fast frigate helicopter. With that now established, back to the 70s.
Stephen Olberkis’ government wanted to acquire a group of new capable escorts for the upcoming replacement for CSS Abishkasippi, the fleet carrier CSS Kamika. The existing vessels were capable, however advances in technology were rendering them obsolete at an alarming pace. The Danys-class, as it became known, was for its time a very capable surface escort. Its time as a genuinely worldbeating vessel was, however, very limited due to its single arm launcher for missiles. Nevertheless, by the mid-1980s, the Danys-class destroyers were in service, and they were effectively obsolete when they were commissioned due to the emergence of VLS. Nevertheless, they still provided some utility, but a next generation guided missile destroyer was immediately planned. The Danys-class vessels are all expected to be decommissioned shortly, with them being withdrawn from service in January.
The year after the last of the three Danys-class vessels entered service, the procurement process to acquire the next generation general-purpose destroyer, later known as 91DD or Achilles-class, began.
The Achilles-class would be designed around the revolutionary technology of VLS, along with the major advances made in sensor technology. Displacing considerably more than their predecessors, or indeed their rough Sutheran equivalents, the Godfreyssons, the Achilles-class ships were a true step change in the general purpose destroyer line of development. Armed with 32 VLS cells, this first foray into VLS armed vessels was not an impotent one. In terms of magazine depth, they were very similar to, though a bit behind the much later Dalston-class. The CSN placed an order for eight vessels in 1991, and they began to enter service beginning in 1994, when three were commissioned at once. These first three vessels had notable teething issues, but they would more-or-less be sorted out by the 2000s.

1280px-JS_Harusame_at_the_Sagami_Bay.jpg

CSS Castor, Achilles-class destroyer

The CSN financed the next-generation guided missile destroyer in 1990, with design and engineering support from Goyanes, the DDG90, or Bareikis-class, is in most ways a more capable thoroughbred air defence destroyer than the Dalston-class. The 9,500 tonne destroyer, however, lacks a hangar and uses an older passive electronically scanned array (PESA) radar, compared to the Dalston’s newer active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar. The Bareikis-class, however, was built with far deeper magazines; 90 VLS cells compared to the Dalston’s mere 48. The Bareikis’ cells were also strike length from the beginning to accommodate larger surface to air missiles. Four ships were ordered and they entered service from 1995 to 2000 and they remain in service to this day.

1280px-JS_Kirishima_in_the_Pacific%2C_-22_Feb._2008_a.jpg

CSS James Stuglis, Bareikis-class

In 1995, as the 91DD and 90DDG were entering service, Scalvia began the process of developing the next generation GP destroyer, what would become the Leander-class. The 99DD, financed in 1999 was an iterative development of the 91DD, with modernised sensors and combat systems, a unified VLS battery, and a larger gun. Displacement grew from 6,200 tonnes to 6,300 tonnes. The financing occurred under a new government, Lukas Paukste’s FLS-CCF government elected in 1997. Economic difficulties meant that plans to acquire 12 Leander-class destroyers in two batches were scotched, instead five ships were acquired, entering service from 2002 to 2006.

1280px-JDS_Makinami_%28DD_112%29.jpg

CSS Achilles

A Leander successor began to be worked on in 2000, as technological developments, including a new capable AESA radar, became available. This led to the 06DD, financed in 2006, which would become the Mishibijiw-class, doubtless one of the modern backbones of the CSN. Four ships were initially ordered, these ships were more focussed on the low end of air defence in support of the Bareikises, being the first GP destroyers built without a towed array sonar, partially in order to save on cost. The FLS-CCF government also began the Mishibijiw Batch II development in 2011, leading to an order in 2013, under the new Union Party government of Andres Keres. The Batch II Mishibijiw-class was designed with a changed propulsion system, and a towed array sonar, allowing it to act as both a capable air defence asset and top tier anti-submarine escort. Four ships were ordered, entering service from 2016 to 2021.

1280px-DD-115_Akizuki_in_Wakayama.jpg

CSS Mishibijiw

In 2010 the FLS-CCF government also initiated the next generation GP destroyer project, which under the UP government was transformed into the DE(X) project, or Future Destroyer Escort project in 2015. This was done in recognition of a lack of lower-tier, long range escorts. In 2017, the CSN ordered eight vessels, and in 2018 the 17DE was redesignated as the 17FFH or fast frigate helicopter. The Aurora-class began entering service from 2019. The Aurora-class is a considerable outlier in terms of Scalvian escort design, being a sleek, highly automated design with a core crew of just 100. Well armed, the 5,500 tonne ship has 16 VLS cells, and somewhat importantly also has a minelaying capability. The Aurora-class is perhaps most closely comparable to the Ibissian-class of the Commonwealth Fleet, being very similar in terms of core design features and armament, but the Aurora-class is faster, larger, and longer ranged. A ninth vessel was ordered in 2020, and a further nine vessels to a modified, larger design are planned to be ordered in 2026.

JS_Yubetsu%EF%BC%88FFM-8%EF%BC%89_02.jpg

CSS Aurora

The long-delayed next generation guided missile destroyer program was started under Keres’ UP government in 2013 and was financed in 2019 as the 19DDG under new PM Tamm, later to be known as the Juur-class. The Juur-class is a fairly straightforward development of the Bareikis-class; larger, more capable and more modern. The Bareikis-class is a truly multirole asset incorporating a towed array sonar, a helicopter hangar for two helicopters, and 96 VLS cells. In addition, the Juur-class has a modern AESA radar system. The Juur-class is the closest comparison in service to the Sutheran Kemsing-class, displacing 10,500 tonnes. Four ships were initially ordered, with a further two planned. One Juur is in service, one is set to enter service this year, and two others will follow in 2027 and 2028 respectively. A contract for the last two is set to be signed this summer.
In 2018 the Tamm government initiated the future guided missile cruiser project in cooperation with the Hexastalian government. This class, now known as the Weskermere-class, was financed in 2024 as the 24CG. This will represent one of the largest surface combatants anywhere in the world, displacing 14,000 tonnes, and being armed with 128 VLS cells. It is broadly similar to the preceding Juur-class in terms of architecture, just considerably larger. It integrates unmanned assets, and is also built with ballistic missile defence in mind. Although the DDGs already have this capability, the Weskermere-class ships are built with BMD as one of its core tasks. Two ships are under construction with steel cut in 2025 and hulls laid down in 2026. Scalvia plans to support the Hexastalian Navy in the acquisition of a third vessel, the contract for which is expected to be signed this year. They are expected to act as a unified BMD and large surface escort force, to provide for the effective ballistic missile defence of Ethia.

1280px-DDG_Maya.jpg

ASEV-Rendering.jpg
Left: CSS Leonard Karl Juur. Right: Weskermere-class cruiser, rendering.

In 2024, the Tamm government initiated plans to acquire a third batch of Mishibijiw-class GP destroyers, which are to essentially be a repeat order of the Batch II. A contract is expected to be signed in 2026.
The Tangerine Sea crisis in early 2026 has been a rude wakeup call for the CSN, and a slew of acquisitions are expected this year under a massive package of funding passed by Parliament.
The CSN’s procurement, on the whole, has been far more straightforward and to a certain degree far less affected by politics. The CSN fleet is more unified, with fleet largely utilising a common pool of systems; the two older generations of GP destroyer are broadly similar, the Mishibijiw and Aurora-classes share most of their key systems, and the Juur and Bareikis-classes are broadly similar to each other with broadly the same systems, just newer in the case of the Juur. This is a much higher degree of standardisation across the CSN fleet than in the CF. The CSN is thus able to handle maintenance, training and broad service much more cost-effectively, with greater economies of scale.

The fleets compared
On the surface, the CSN and CF fleets look fairly similarly sized. 30 CSN ships and 38 CF ships. The Commonwealth Fleet’s directionless mess of procurement has left them with a more expensive fleet with less uniform capabilities however, with the CSN’s consistent and importantly much more apolitical procurement leaving them with a more uniformly capable fleet. This is not to say that politics have played no role in Scalvian procurement, but their effect has been by far less pronounced.
Let’s compare the fleets in some more detail, however.
The total displacement of the Sutheran surface force is 296,500 tonnes, whereas the total displacement of the Scalvian surface force is 205,700 tonnes, though both forces are set to add tonnage this year, despite the forthcoming retirement of the Danys-class. The average displacement of a Sutheran surface combatant is thus 7,813 tonnes, largely due to the noticeable number of Kemsing-class ships dragging that number up. The average displacement of a Scalvian major surface combatant is 6,856 tonnes, roughly the displacement of a Mishibijiw-class ship, which is not a coincidence, as it is the single most numerous class of CSN major surface combatant, though this number is set to go up, as more Juurs join the force.
VLS capacity is another important area worth mentioning. The Sutheran force has a total of 1,584 VLS cells, of which 752, or about half are strike length. Notable here is that the Godfreyssons’ VLS system is not counted here due to its lack of utility; it is a single missile system. The average Sutheran surface combatant has ~42 VLS cells.
The CSN’s surface force has a total of 1,120 VLS cells, of which 480 are strike length, all on the five DDGs. The average Scalvian surface combatant has 37 VLS cells.
In terms of maximum speed, all Scalvian ships are unified at a minimum of 30 knots, this is a major area where Sutherland struggles. Maximum speeds vary from 27 to 30+ knots, leaving any Sutheran task group essentially limited in speed by its slowest ship.
In terms of sensors, the Scalvians use three broad families: the previous generation GP destroyers use the same family of radars, the current generation of GP destroyers and FFHs use the same family of radars, and the DDGs use the same family of radars. Sutherland, on the other hand… the Kemsing-class ships have an entirely bespoke radar system built just for them, whereas the Dalstons and Regnwoods share a radar family. The Ibissians also have their own radars, and the Aukatics and Franklins share radars. The differences between these systems cannot be understated, and are far, far larger than those between the Scalvian systems, which have broadly followed a common development path, while the Sutheran systems have been jealously guarded by their respective companies, causing issues with creating synergy and commonality. That all of these very different systems have been procured has created a logistical nightmare for the CF that the CSN simply does not share.
Propulsion is another area where Scalvia enjoys economies of scale where Sutherland struggles. All Scalvian ships have a gas turbine, which is the case on only a part of the Sutheran fleet, where some ships, especially the newest Aukatic and Ibissian-classes, are entirely diesel powered. The CSN fleet all share a single family of gas turbines as well, whereas the Sutheran fleet has three different gas turbine providers. Diesel generators are somewhat more uniform, but the issue is still serious.
The CF, shockingly, also operates two separate VLS systems (a third one is a single-purpose air defence system, which is not necessarily a massive issue, but should be consolidated too.) This is a logistical nightmare that should be fixed immediately where possible in order to standardise the VLS across the fleet. That there are two very different systems in use to begin with is a baffling procurement failure.

Diverging futures?
The CSN’s new National Shipbuilding Strategy has introduced a number of planned orders and projects. The DDX/DDR GP destroyer project, with work happening since 2024, has gained a firm plan in terms of numbers; 12 ships. They are to be broadly similar in displacement and armament to the Mishibijiws, though with more advanced sensors and more importantly the inclusion of lasers from first construction and railguns from Batch II onwards. They are expected to be ordered in 2028/29, with the first one expected in service by 2034. The Bareikis replacement Next Generation DDG, of which as many as six are planned, are to be broadly similar to the Juurs, with more streamlining, and laser CIWS built in from the beginning. They have also been developed since 2023, with an order expected in 2028. The Upgraded Aurora FFH is of course expected to be ordered this year, with as many as nine planned. The Upgraded Aurora increases displacement to 6,100 tonnes and doubles VLS cells to 32, making them essentially somewhat smaller GP destroyers. All of these very expensive procurements, along with the arrival of ships already under construction, are expected to bring the CSN surface force from 30 ships today to 56 ships by the 2040s. This is an enormous investment. It represents a doubling of surface force displacement to 424,000 tonnes and a massive expansion in VLS cell capacity to 2,608 and an enormous increase in strike length VLS numbers to 1,408.
The future of the Commonwealth Fleet is much more murky, with the directionless procurement leaving the CF in a difficult position. Little is known about medium term plans, which are expected to be covered in the Defence Whitepaper expected to be released this summer. Current plans involve the addition of 26 ships, with a net gain of 22 with the retirement of the Godfreyssons. This means a total of 60 ships upon the completion of current plans, but this will bring about a hodge-podge fleet with a drastic lack of uniformity in terms of capabilities. It will represent a considerable increase in displacement to 447,500 tonnes, but will see Sutherland fall behind Scalvia in terms of VLS numbers, with a total of 2,392. This is a severe symptom of the rudderless procurement carried out by the various Sutheran governments, which will saddle them with increased costs for potentially decades to come in the frigate fleet.

Options for change
The Sutheran government must make the painful decision this year to streamline procurement and begin procuring with a purpose. Primary legislation should be passed to ensure that any future governments would have to actively work to repeal a law in order to reverse procurement decisions made by this government. The myriad of systems in service needs to be streamlined too. There is little to be done with the existing ships, but the next generation of large destroyer and fleet destroyer should be developed together, with the same systems in mind. Frigate procurement must also be streamlined, with a future procurement focussed around two classes, an upper-tier, more capable frigate, and a lower-tier, less capable frigate. These decisions will necessitate the government tackling the jealous and uncooperative defence industrial sector, and forcing them to work together, with more cooperation across SEAL also something the government should pursue. There is a lot of work to do to ensure that the Commonwealth Fleet can continue to execute its important tasks in the defence of Sutherland’s national interests.
It is interesting to note that these severe issues plaguing the Sutheran surface escort force are somewhat unique to it, with the submarines, for instance, not facing the issues that the frigates and destroyers face.

A word on carriers
While a lengthy discussion on carriers would necessitate a separate article, this article would be incomplete without a brief note on the vessels these escorts are meant to protect. Needless to say that neither Sutherland nor Scalvia have exactly covered themselves in glory in terms of carrier procurement, most strikingly visible with the constant delays in procuring the CSS Kamika’s successor, and the recent scandal over the MSS Adelaide, a carrier without fighters. Nevertheless, both navies operate capable ships in the carrier role, with the Armstrong-class, despite the procurement nightmare they were, being a pair of capable if somewhat small vessels. The CSS Kamika, despite her age, is also a very capable ship, which should just be able to hold the CSN over until the future pair of nuclear powered fleet carriers enters service.

About the Author
Stewart Maisaar is a retired Rear Admiral who served in the Scalvian Navy and finished his military career as Commander of the Carrier Strike Group. He then served in the Department of Defence as a civil servant focused on procurement. Today he serves as the Naval Policy Chief at the International Centre for Defence and Security Policy.



OOC: Approved by @Alsatian Island
 
Last edited:
ebKbLG9.png


Soto Technologies to officially end support for Soto Intelligence by New Years' Eve
Written by Shinichi Kagamine | 11 April 2026 | Technology Piece

Amid the ongoing artificial intelligence crisis in Kyowara and international markets, CEO Hanako Sotō of Soto Technologies has announced that the company will terminate all support for Soto Intelligence by the end of 2026, on New Years' Eve. The decision follows a series of prior measures, including the February 2026 removal of Soto Intelligence features from the AirOS 18.2 update for AirPhone and AirPad devices, as well as a joint resolution in May 2026 between Soto and Nirvana to discontinue generative AI capabilities for image and video production. The future of Soto Technologies’ six principal data centres dedicated to Soto Intelligence remains uncertain. Proposals under consideration include their conversion into cloud infrastructure hubs, disaster recovery facilities, or retrofitting for deployment in green energy initiatives. These discussions reflect a broader strategic reassessment of high-cost artificial intelligence infrastructure in a period of declining commercial viability. The abrupt withdrawal from one of its most prominent and capital-intensive divisions has further unsettled investor sentiment. Market participants are increasingly sceptical of the sector’s long-term prospects, particularly as firms that continue to prioritise artificial intelligence development report persistent net losses and operational inefficiencies.

Technology analyst and corporate journalist Satoshi Kono has described the decision to discontinue Soto Intelligence as a "major red flag" for the wider industry. His assessment draws parallels with the underperformance of Nirvana and aligns with insider accounts suggesting a concealed crisis within Findr. Soto Intelligence, launched in 2020 as Kyowara’s first major large language model to reach the market, had established a reputation for high-quality generative capabilities and iterative updates designed to maintain operational stability and reduce susceptibility to hallucinations. Its position as a flagship product within Soto Technologies made it a central pillar of the company’s artificial intelligence strategy. In Kono’s view, the decision to withdraw support from such a core division signals a pre-emptive strategic retreat. He characterised the move as "jumping board before the ship collides with the iceberg", reflecting a growing perception among analysts that Soto’s actions may indicate deeper, systemic instability within the artificial intelligence sector that has yet to fully surface which is also known as the "AI bubble" theory.

Following Soto Technologies’ strategic pivot away from artificial intelligence towards consumer goods, software, and services under its consumer technology division, market conditions on SHINEXT have deteriorated further for key sector players. Nirvana and Expert, both heavily exposed to AI operations, recorded additional declines of -18.6% and -12.3% respectively, underscoring sustained downward pressure across the sector. Findr, by contrast, posted marginal movement at +0.95, reflecting relative stagnation rather than recovery. Insider reporting indicates that Findr is preparing a workforce reduction of approximately 700 employees within its AI assistant division, Pisces, as part of wider cost-containment measures. Concurrently, Nirvana has already implemented layoffs totalling 1,210 staff and is now pursuing legal recourse through the Fair Trade Commission of the Union State, seeking restructuring under Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, referred to in Kyonese corporate law as "concordato". This development follows the resignation of Chief Executive Officer Kotaro Yagami, marking a further destabilising shift in the company’s leadership structure. The cumulative effect of these developments suggests an accelerating contraction within Kyowara’s artificial intelligence sector. Analysts increasingly expect the domestic downturn to transmit internationally, as shifts in investor sentiment, regulatory posture, and public perception converge into a broader re-evaluation of AI-driven enterprise models across global technology markets.
 
Last edited:
Back
Top