On Democracy and Socialism: A Picardist Perspective on the Prydanian Situation
A Position Paper by Jérémy Lambert, Chairman of the Beaune Chapter of the Workers Party of Callise
When news first reached the Central Committee of the decision by the People's Party of Prydania to not join the IWA, not many of us were surprised. It was only 5 years ago that the people of Prydania, in their desperation to throw off the tyranny of the bureaucratic collectivist Syndicalist Party, had made common cause with the Old Regime to re-establish some semblance of democracy in their country. Yet in spite of the inevitability of their decision, we were taken aback by the vitriol with which our comrades in Prydania condemned the largest organization of workers parties and labor unions in Eras. The memory of the tragedies of the Syndicalist regime no doubt burns bright in their mind, but to turn their pain and hatred on their fellow workers abroad, especially when those of us in the Workers Party had repeatedly condemned the bureaucratic regime once its character was revealed, is puzzling. Nonetheless, the Prydanian People's Party is certainly not alone in its position. Other left wing parties and trade unions, such as COGENT in Saintonge, have also taken to rebuking the IWA as an extremist group, unfit to lead the workers of Eras. For this reason, the Central Committee of the Beaune Chapter of the Workers Party of Callise believes it to be prudent to survey the accusations levied against the IWA at the 2022 People's Party Convention, to clarify the finer points of Picardist political strategy, and to offer a way forward for likeminded socialist groups.
On Democracy and the Political Struggle
In the wake of the tragedies committed in the name of Picardism, it is often all too easy to forget the words of Picard himself. After all, it was in the First Program of the Association of Workers, the international organization from which those of us in the IWA draw descent, that Picard was revealed to be the most ardent proponent of Democratic Republicanism. To quote the introduction to the political demands, Picard argued that:
"Democracy is as essential for socialism as air is to the body. To call for socialism without democracy is impossible. Likewise, to call for democracy without socialism is an absurdity. For it is through democracy that the laboring classes, who make up the overwhelming majority of society, express their direct or indirect control over society. And it is precisely this radically democratic order which constitutes the Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
To Picard, and to those of us who call ourselves Picardists, the essence of our political struggle is to establish the most democratic form of government possible. But what characteristics would constitute such a form of government? To reveal this, we need only look at the political demands that followed the above quote:
In order to establish a Democratic Republic, the only possible form of government which can allow for the laboring classes to take hold of their destiny, the Association of Workers proposes the following:
- The abolition of the monarchy and any vestiges of feudal government, in favor of a government democratically elected by the people.
- Universal and direct suffrage by secret ballot of all citizens, without distinction of class, race, or sex.
- The guarantee of all citizens to freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom of assembly, and most importantly, freedom of dissent.
- Two year legislative periods, at which representatives are to be up for re-election.
- Instant recallability for all elected officials, such that it established a horizontal mandate that keeps them accountable to their constituents at all times.
- The combination of legislative and executive authority into a unicameral, elected, working body representing all citizens.
- The restriction of the wage of elected officials to no more than that of a skilled worker.
- The election of all court justices and officials, as well as all executive officers in law enforcement.
- The election of all officers in the military by the men under their command.
- Abolition of all otherwise undemocratic institutions which distort the popular will expressed in the body outlined in demand 5.
It is through this program, and these demands, that we learn the historic role occupied by the Picardists: the party of radical democracy. And this foundation of Revolutionary Democratic Republicanism is reflected throughout the history of Picardism. It was present in the Beaune Commune, where workers heroically enacted the political demands outlined above. It was present in the original PSD party program, which called for the Democratic Republic, and it was present in the program of the PTS when Duval established the Workers Republic of Callise. Everywhere, and at all times, those who have held true to Picard's doctrine of statecraft have been carrying forward the banner of Democratic Republicanism.
That is not to say that all who claim the legacy of Picard have been without error. In particular, the question of democracy has been one that those workers movements which called themselves Picardists have not always been principled in adhering to. We speak, of course, of the Syndicalist Party of Prydania. Quite early on in the regime it became clear that what at first appeared to be an earnest socialist group that had been instrumental in anti-fascist action, was in truth a reactionary bureaucratic apparatus dominated by trade union functionaries and unelected party bureaucrats. A group which not only did not advance the Democratic Republican demands in their entirety, but which sought to restrict public participation in government by limiting the speech and political activity of those they disagreed with because it threatened their privileged position as the newly dominant social class. It is for this reason that the PTC was a loud voice on the socialist left decrying the atrocities of the Syndicalist regime, a position which caused much controversy at the time but which was slowly vindicated as other socialist parties began to see what we saw. But to confuse those atrocities with the Picardist position of Revolutionary Democratic Republicanism, a position which the IWA consistently advocates for, is a grievous error.
It is from this position that we now consider the situation of the People's Party of Prydania. Having so recently emerged from the quagmire of civil war and bureaucratic collectivist tyranny, it was always unlikely that the People's Party of Prydania would join our ranks. We knew we have genuinely revolutionary comrades in the ranks of the party, but for many, the memory of the Syndicalist regime is still too fresh. However, in light of the 2022 convention, we worry that what could originally have been attributed to trauma is more likely attributable to the genuinely reactionary and opportunistic positions of certain party leaders.
Let us take, for example, the position of Sigewulf Reiten, who has become something of a spokesperson for many who opposed the People's Party's decision to not join the IWA. In an attempt to rally those Left Opportunist contingents abroad which support his position, he attempts to position himself, and those like him as the "good" socialists, the ones deemed acceptable by the capitalist class and their new government in Prydania. He states:
But we're not alone. All over the world there are parties and movements that believe in progressive politics, but reject the tyranny adherent in the types of policies the IWA puts forward. We're stuck in an impossible position. Do we stay isolated? Or do we abandon our deeply held commitments to peace and an open, democratic society in the name of IWA membership?
One could almost forgive Sigewulf Reiten for his vapid pretension if he lived in a country other than Prydania, but to preach about the value of a democratic society while calling those of us Picardists who participate in the IWA tyrants is laughable. Lets perform a comparison of our native Callise with Prydania. Both of these countries are profoundly undemocratic, we must admit, but it should enlighten us as to the hypocrisy espoused by the Left Opportunists in the People's Party.
First, on the issue of freedom of dissent. Like it or not, one of the main tenets of Socialism is being a party of opposition. We are inherently in opposition to the State inasmuch as the State is not a Democratic Republic. This does not imply that we ought not work within the State to achieve reforms, in fact the PTC has been instrumental in cooperating with the PSD and USC in winning democratic and progressive reforms. But we recognize the limit that such reforms have within the current structure. For that reason, the PTC advocates the end of the Third Republic and the creation of a Fourth Republic predicated on the principles of Democratic Republicanism. Callise, for all its faults, allows this. Prydania, by contrast, has erected the radically anti-democratic Office for the Protection of the Constitution. A bureaucratic party which surveys the political positions of Prydanian parties and restrains those it deems to be anti-constitutional. I pray that I don't have to explain to Comrade Reiten how radically anti-democratic such an institution is. Much moreso than the IWA, which through Condition 8 actively requires its member parties to protect freedom of dissent within the party. So if his criticism of the IWA, and by extension the PTC, is that we restrict speech I would encourage him to turn his critical gaze towards his own government.
Of course that's not to say that the people of Prydania currently want to overthrow the current constitution, it is wildly popular. But a key principle of democracy is to at the very least allow for freedom of dissent, so that if and when the people of Prydania do want to re-examine their political order they are granted the full legal right to campaign on a program of replacing the current constitution.
Second, on the issue of equal representation. In our current Capitalist system, the power wielded by capital does inherently distort electoral results through political campaigning and the propaganda it can buy. Yet, in Callise at least, our government allows for workers to fight back their own way: through their trade union. Those of us in the PTC have had the privilege of enjoying a special relationship with the TIC, the largest industrial union in Callise, and by far the most democratic institution in Callise. Each year at convention, the rank and file of the TIC have the choice to fund PTC (and non-PTC) candidates of their choosing to advance their interests in national politics. It doesn't come close to rivaling the power marshalled by finance capital in Callise, but it at least allows for workers to even the playing field. Yet in Prydania, trade unions are barred from this most basic political right which is nonetheless extended to corporate entities! One would expect Comrade Reiten to at the very least recognize the serious handicap this offers to his democratically governed political party, and yet he spends his time attacking the IWA rather than seeking to implement full democracy in his own country.
Finally, on the issue of the monarchy. It is the opinion of the Central Committee that this is the most important point of comparison. Callise, undemocratic though it may be, lacks a monarch. So although our electoral system is not directly representative, and although many undemocratic institutions plague our state, we have the ability to at the very least choose our own leaders. This means that when we are confronted with an incompetent President or State Director, as we were with Leopold Dupont, we have processes by which they can be removed. This is not a luxury that Prydania affords its citizens. It is quite baffling for those of us who remember the Civil War to consider the absurdity with how events have played out, considering it was precisely the incompetence and the abuses of the monarchy which led the rise of bureaucratic Syndicalist regime. It was Anders III, fascist tyrant that he is, who used the privileged position of the monarchy to establish the Social Commonwealth, by far one of the most undemocratic regimes in recent Craviterian memory. And yet, having seen how an unelected head of state can use their power to do fundamental damage to democracy, the Left Opportunists welcome a resurgent House Lothbrok with open arms!
We may attribute this to the extraordinary competence of Tobias Lothbrok in leading the resistance to the Syndicalist regime, and at this task we must admit the skill of the current reigning monarch of Prydania. But Picardists operate on a principle informed by historical reality. Tobias may be a benevolent monarch, but how long until another Anders comes along and plunges Prydania into tyranny? If such a situation were to arise, the people of Prydania would have no recourse whatsoever.
We sympathize with the struggle of Prydania for democracy, it has always been at the heart of our political program. And we sympathize with the People's Party's attempts to safeguard democracy in Prydania. But to attack the democratic struggles of other workers movements the world over is profoundly unprincipled and hypocritical considering the People's Party's lockstep support for the undemocratic state in Prydania.
On Oppositional Politics
Another objection levelled by the Left Opportunists, and one which we find far more legitimate, is that of coalition governments. Solbjörg Farnes, a comrade representing the region of Hadden. There, Socialists have taken to forming a coalition government with the Free Democratic Party. Condition 6 of the IWA, which forbids coalition with non workers parties, would disrupt that coalition. For that reason, Comrade Farnes has objected to joining the IWA.
To answer this particular concern, we first need to understand the history of Picardist Socialism and why we insist on oppositional politics. As we have previously stated, oppositional politics are essential for Socialist movements the world over. By our very nature, we are opposed to the present political and economic order and favor a radically democratic alternative, one of truly democratic governance and truly democratic economic planning. To this end, we must be opposed to the constitutional order and campaign on its replacement. If we were to join the executive government in administrating business as usual, we would betray our principles in the eyes of the workers and administrate the very system which is the cause of their immiseration. Consider a PTC government ruling as a minor partner with the Civic-Republicans or Liberals. When time comes to vote for a budget, we would be expected to vote for it as part of our electoral agreement. But by the very nature, the current existing state will be administering things which no socialist can conscience. A repressive prison state, a police force which represses workers, and a state bureaucracy which holds aloft the corporations which run Eras. No Socialist can vote on these things, or be expected to follow the class leadership of a party which expects socialists support on these things. This is why the IWA has opposed coalition with bourgeois parties, and why the PTC has likewise vowed not to form either a minority government or vote for any appropriations bills. This is a tradition which extends back to the early PSD.
But what do the oppositional politics of the IWA mean in practice? First, it does not forbid forming a government (even with bourgeois parties) in which socialists and workers are the senior partner. So if the People's Party wishes to form a government with the Free Democrats with itself as the leader? The IWA has no qualms against it, because in principle the workers will be leading. Second, it does not forbid forming a government in which socialists are a minority, but in which another workers party is the senior partner. While those of us in the PTC are reticent to enter into such an agreement, it would also be allowed for the PTC to form a minority government with the PSD, because the PSD and the PTC are at least of one mind on immediate economic and progressive reforms which need to take place, and will not be governing the State in such a way that it targets workers. Third, oppositional politics does not mean "bullets over ballots" as some in the People's Party claim. The PTC is committed to the peaceful transfer of governance from the Third Republic to a Fourth Republic, via a democratically elected constituent assembly representing all citizens, not just those we agree with. The Left Opportunists call us idealists, and say that makes us future tyrants. Not so! We have a principled program, yes, and one which we do not expect to be realized all at once. But do not confuse our passionate defense of the entirety of our program for a willingness to impose it undemocratically. We will defend our party platform vigorously, but will never seek to implement it without a clear democratic mandate. This is what is meant by revolution, not insurrection but the removal of one constitutional order for another. For this reason, we applaud Comrade Arne for his acceptance of the democratic decision of his party, but encourage him and those like him to continue defending consistent revolutionary values and seeking to change the minds of our comrades in the People's Party.
Likewise, we oppose the juxtaposition of revolution and reform which the Left Opportunists have insisted upon. What is revolution but the full realization of those reforms in our party platform? If one can fundamentally change the constitutional order through the current constitution, without the convocation of a constituent assembly, we encourage them to pursue such a path. This is why the IWA explicitly does not reject members on the basis of their conviction in revolution or reform. Yet nonetheless, it is essential that our parties (regardless of the route they choose) remain committed to oppositional politics.
On the Prospect of a Social Democracy International
In an article published by Sölvi Buhl around convention time, the possibility was raised of a Social Democratic International. While our belief as Picardists is that all workers parties and unions should be under one umbrella, we recognize that there are natural fissures in the workers movement that will result in different organizations representing different strands of Socialism. As such, we find it prudent to articulate a Picardist orientation to a Social Democratic International, and the the Left Opportunist parties internationally.
As Picard makes clear in the First Program of the Association of Workers, Socialists are always a part of the working class-none stand apart from it. It is for this reason that we, in the PTC, encourage our genuinely socialist comrades in the People's Party to continue their work within the party. So long as you are allowed to express your beliefs, put socialist principles to a vote, and the democratic will of the party is respected, it is worth working within such an organization. The question is when does the organization turn from a Left Opportunist workers party, into an openly pro-scab party; will it respect the democratic decision making of its membership and make common cause with workers the world over, or will it ignore democratic decisions it does not like and scab for the workers movement globally? This is a question which we in the PTC believe to be open, in the case of both the People's Party and a potential Social Democratic International. As of right now, we firmly believe in the potential of the People's Party to be converted into a democratic organ of class struggle. But should the party no longer respect internal democracy and freedom to dissent, or should the international they consider forming scab for those socialist movements they deem "too radical" for the movement, then we can no longer work alongside them.
It is on this note that we leave an open question to our comrades in Prydania, whose struggle we deeply sympathized with and who we embrace with open arms as we do all workers across Eras. Would you work alongside us, to help make a better world for the working class? Or would you scab against us merely to spite those socialists you deem unfit for the name? If the former? Then we welcome the Social Democratic International with open arms and look to cooperate where we find common ground. If the latter? Then we rebuke the Scab International and will rally all true socialists and workers against the patsies of the capitalist class. Ultimately, the choice lies with you.
In Solidarity,
Jérémy Lambert, writing for the Central Committee of the Beaune Chapter of the Workers Party of Callise
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