Actually, hold on. The term "election cycle" is currently defined and used only in the Legal Code, not in the Constitution. It is also a non-trivial term, in that we cannot assume a unique implicit definition that can be used when interpreting the Constitution (as the Constitution is superior to the Legal Code, it is interpreted on its own and not in the context of the Legal Code). We should not use it.
Also, even in the Legal Code, the term "election cycle" is not well-defined as far as I can tell. There is Clause 4.2.7:
7. "Election Cycle" is defined as the period of time that begins on the first day on which nominations, or a declaration, of candidacy are made and concludes with the final declaration of results for an election. The dates for the Election Cycle will be designated at least 30 days in advance by the Delegate .
and then there is Clause 4.4.13
13. The election cycle for the terms of the Delegate and Vice Delegate, and of the Speaker, will begin on the first day of the months of January, May, and September.
(and there is also an analogous clause for the Judiciary).
If we go by 4.2.7, then special elections arguably also qualify as "election cycles". But if we go by 4.4.13, "election cycles" are only general elections. (Note, by the way, that if we consider "election cycles" to be only general elections, then the last sentence in 4.2.7 is either non-applicable, or contradicts 4.4.13.)
A quick fix for the constitutional amendment part would be to use the following:
9. The Delegate and Vice Delegate will be elected by the Regional Assembly by a majority vote every four months. No person shall be elected Delegate to a full or partial term in three consecutive elections.
Note though that the effect of this would be a little different from what we assumed to be the effect of Punk's wording: as with Punk's, mcmasterdonia would have been prevented from running in May; however, unlike Punk's, Eluvatar would have been allowed to run in the currently ongoing special election.