Esthursian Worldbuilding Fairway

[Alsatian Island]

An Ledewald of Great Esþursia
The Republic of Great Esthursia​

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Fairness, our Rights and Truth
Fegerleik, Reght ond Suðeleik

National anthem: Freedom and Unity​

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Esthursia (/ˈesθɜːsiə, ez-/ (listen) es-THUR-see-ə; Standard Atlish: Esþursia [esθɚ:siæ, esθə:æ]), officially the Union of Esthursia (Atlish: Þedewald ofþ Esþursia, abbr.: ET), is a country in west-central Ethia, on the Aurorias. It is bordered by Alveris to the north, the Weskermere to the east, Sorovia to the south-east, Scalvia to the south, and the Consence Ocean to the west. Esthursia is heavily forested, relatively mountainous, covers 687,244 square kilometres (265,346 sq mi), and has a population of 131.7 million (131,718,405 people as of 2019). Osynstrians, often colloquially referred to as the Atlish, constitute over 75% of the country's population, with Asthonic people making up another half of the remainder, and native Cumbric cultural groups the lion's share of the rest. Atlish, a West Gotic-derived language heavily influenced by Mercanti, is the official language. Esthursia is predominantly oceanic temperate in climate, although its northernmost regions - and mountain ranges like the South Downs or the Barrows - have subpolar or glacial climates. A mediterranean climate reaches to the southerly corners; Ezhonyth and the Isle of Merthing in the west, and the Bay of Yeaburn in the east. Weskerby, the capital of the country, is situated on the east coast with Weskermere in the east-centre of the nation; the other major city, Brantley, is situated in the inland north-east on the River Herent.

Esthursia has been long moulded by its location on Auroria facing the western world, and the cultures that have inhabited it over time. Its territory has been part of the Atwpsion, the Classical Empire, the Tardineanni Empire (primarily as the Viceroyalty of Assuran), and up until 2022 as the Royal Union. In 1656, the Esthursian nation began a 30-year revolution against imperial Tardineanni rule, eventually resulting in its independence; a second revolt resulted in the democratisation of the new state and thereafter its liberal democratic roots. After the Viceroyalty was dissolved in 1686, Esthursia annexed Cordane (often called the Furtherlands by native Esthurs) from its former coloniser in the 1750s. Esthursia went to war with Scalvia during the early-to-mid 1920s, resulting in civil and social unrest, and a resounding military failure against a country considerably less populated than itself; the subsequent decades, often referred to as the Asmont era after long-serving Forethane George Asmont, hosted socioeconomic equalisation and progress. The 1950s thereafter saw considerable turmoil, however following the transfer of power from nationalist leader Olafn Arbjern to liberal Edith Newell, the Overlaw was formalised and civil rights movements secured major progress.

Today, Esthursia is a liberal democracy, with its constitutional monarchy in transition from power; and has a high-income mixed economy ranking highly in the Human Development Index. The Gini coefficient rates its income inequality among the lowest in the world. It is a member of the International Economic Forum and the Union of Aurorian States.

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Quotes by major Esthursian political leaders:

Theobald IV (1771-1850): "You are the head of government, yes. My government."
George VIII (1785-1879): "This nation of Esthurs remains one of Esthurs, and by Esthurs, not by me or any individual Esthur; it is not the role of a monarch to guide, but follow, the path of their nation, not the nation of theirs."
Edward V (1868-1947): "Today, the people of this nation made me proud to call myself monarch, in standing in unison against those who seek, wreak and breathe terror."; "You attempt to live on the wages of those workers before you lambast them as radicals."
George Asmont (1892-1991): "I can promise you this: this country was ruined by its establishment, and I will dedicate every day of my government to tearing down every single structure that allowed them to manipulate wealth and power, and I will dedicate every hour to filling the loopholes and stripping away the inherited privilege enjoyed by the few at the expense of the many."
William Greenwood (1919-1998): "Provision of public services does not have to be public, because this isn't a dictionary, but a country, Lord Speaker."
Martha Grantham (1929-2023): "Governments fall because they don't listen, they fail because they hurt selfishly, they weaken in times of crisis they self-inflict, and then they ask - Whatever went so wrong, we didn't do that?"
Arthur VI (1930-): "I will compromise with fascists, in one select way; they have the right to their life, the same as anyone else in this democratic society, because to a totalitarian, not arbitrarily controlling the process of life and death is just as painful as death. In every other way, I am your worst torment, and my role in this society has the sole purpose of extinguishing you from, and thereafter denying you access to, every source of power, credibility or influence in this society of values."
Tharbjorn Einarsson (1939-): "The size of the state must reduce, for it currently drags along behind us like a boulder."
Mark Willesden (1948-): "The time has been and gone where the state was needed to promote every corner of the economy."
Isaac Harding (1957-): "We live in the most prosperous Esthursia that has ever been, because this is a country of opportunity, growth and innovation."
John Largan (1961-): "Prosperity is what we bring you, poverty is what they left you."
Harold Osborne (1970-): "What is freedom? Is a poor man in a neoliberal society is free to starve on the streets, free from the shackles of a safety net? Is a poor man in a neoliberal society free to die preventably, free from the horror of universal healthcare? Is a poor man in a neoliberal society free to work for nothing, free from the agony of a living wage? No, freedom only means something if it is enforced; welfare, healthcare, food, water, they're all human rights. A society whose government enforces freedom without enforcing these human rights is mere plutocracy, and there's far too many of those around."

 

[Alsatian Island]

ÖSU World Factbook: Esthursia
Geography:
Location:
West to north-west Ethia, between Dorces and Scalvia; Cordane being in central-eastern Ethia, entirely bounded by Sorovia
Map References:
Auroria
Area:
687,244km^2
Border Countries:
Dorces, Scalvia, Sorovia
Climate:
Warm temperate to subpolar; wet, cool winters; mild summers - moderated by the Consence Ocean, over one-half of days are overcast bar the south-east
Terrain:
Mountainous north, far-south and west, hilly in the centre and south, with lowlands typically further south and east
Elevation:
Highest point: Loynavørður, 3,064m
Lowest point: The Moglands, -5m
Natural Resources:
Timber, lithium, copper, tin, iron, coal, gold, galena, fish, livestock (sheep, pigs, cows esp.), natural gas, crude oil (modest amounts)
Forest Cover: 35.1%
Major Lakes:
Ljósdalur
Major Rivers:
Herent, Yea
Major Watersheds:
Weskermere (Herent, Yea, An, Therse), Consence Ocean (yan, tan, tethera)
Population Distribution:
Large proportion on the eastern half, with relatively few in the far-west and far-north
People and Society
Population:
133,231,702 (EoY. 2022)
Nationality:
Noun: Esthur(s)
Adjective: Esthur(sian)
Ethnic groups:
Atlish 68.7%, Low Cumbric 12.8%, Asthonic 11.4%, Ezhoneg - 4.2%, Helvellian - 2.0%, Other - 0.9% (2021)
Languages:
Atlish - 87.3% (of which Atlo-Mercanti, or Esthur Mercanti - 9.1%), Asthonic - 6.4%, Ezhoneg - 3.0%, Low Cumbric - 2.2%, Helvellian - 1.8%, Other - 0.3% (2021)
Major Language Sample:
Þe Esþursland Overlaw (Atlish)
Religions:
Irreligious (74.1%), Church of Athers (21.8%), Messianism (1.9%), Other (2.2%)
Age structure:
0-14: 17.46%
15-64: 60.51%
65 and over: 22.03%
Median Age:
42.2 years
Population growth rate:
0.18% (2021), 1.02% (2022)
Birth rate:
1.84 births per woman
Death Rate:
8.38 deaths/1000 population
Urban population:
86.8%
Major urban areas:
Greater Weskerby-Thurrock 21.16mn, Brantley-Sutton 13.92mn, Greater Fjármagn 5.36mn
Sex Ratio:
0.973 male/female
Mother’s mean age at birth:
29.2 years
Life Expectancy at birth:
84.7 years
Maternal Mortality rate:
4 deaths/100,000 live births
Infant Mortality rate:
2.67 deaths/100,000 live births
Drinking water source:
100% of the population
Current health expenditure:
10.5% of GDP on internationally comparable metric, 14.1% of GDP in care budget
Physician density:
5.57 physicians/1000 population
Hospital bed density:
8.26 beds/1000 population
Sanitation facility access:
100% of the population
Obesity rate:
20.7%
Alcohol consumption per Capita:
10.8 litres of pure alcohol
Tobacco use:
12.77%
Currently married woman (15-49):
59.18% (inc. both religious/irreligious marriages)
Education expenditures:
5.91% of GDP
Literacy:
99.4%
School life expectancy:
18 years
Youth unemployment rate:
17.7%
Environment
Current issues:
Lithium mining, habitat loss from urban expansion
Revenue from Forest Resources:
0.1%
Revenue from coal:
0%
Air pollutants:
Particulate matter emissions: 4.98 micrograms per cubic meter
Carbon dioxide emissions: 253 megatons
Methane emissions: 52.5 megatons
Waste and Recycling:
Municipal solid waste generated annually: 57.2 million tonnes
Municipal solid waste recycled annually: 29.2 million tonnes
Percent of municipal solid waste recycled: 51.1%
Total Water Withdrawal
Municipal: 4.6 billion cubic meters
Industrial: 31.1 billion cubic meters
Agricultural: 1.41 billion cubic meters
Total Renewable Water Resources:
284 billion cubic meters
Government:
Country name:
Conventional Long Form: Union of Great Esthursia
Conventional Short Form: Esthursia
Local Long Form: Anning ofþ Esþursland
Local Short Form: Esþursland
Abbreviation:
ET (local: EÞ)
Formerly:
Royal Union of Great Esthursia
Etymology:
derived from the word 'edhwa' in Early Cumbric for the continent (Ethia)
Government type:
Semi-federal bicameral parliamentary constitutional monarchy
Capital:
Weskerby
Time Zone:
+7 (WEST, West Ethian Standard Time)
Administrative Divisions:
7 ridings, with various devolved institutions at and below riding level
Independence:
1686
National Holiday:
None officially, but Union Day (Oct 23rd, 22nd on leap years) colloquially
Constitution:
History: adopted 1688, last adapted 1963
Amendments: proposed by a two-thirds majority of both houses and then approved by an absolute majority of the electorate or by 60% of voters whereby turnout is above 40% of eligible voters
Legal system:
Common legal system with civil elements
International law organization participation:
None
Citizenship by birth:
Yes
Citizenship by descent:
at least one parent must be a citizen of Esthursia
Dual citizenship recognised:
Yes
Residency required for naturalisation:
5 years
Suffrage:
15 years of age
Executive Branch:
Head of State:
King Arthur VI, Premier pending election on 13 December
Head of Government:
Forethane Harold Osborne
Elections:
every 4 years, or by parliamentary process
Legislative branch:
Description:
Bicameral legislature elected via proportional representation and first-past-the-post in the upper and lower houses respectively
Elections:
last held on 23 September, 2022
Results:
Social Democrats 41.26%, Moderates 30.36%, Green-Left 10.71%, Esthur People's 7.74%, Helmark National 5.96%
Judicial Branch:
Highest Court: High Deemery (11 members by convention)
Judge selection: Judges appointed by Independent Deemery Nevening Council (IDNC), must be non-partisan and qualified legal professional, term expiring at age 75
Subordinate courts: First Court in Osynstry and the West, Yfirvald in Helmark; subsidiary Umbodsman and 3 levels of civil-criminal split courts below thereafter the Yfirvald/First Court tier
Political Parties: Social Democrats, Moderates, Green-Left, Esthur People's Party, Helmark National Union, Liberal Party, Alliance, Solidarity (the last two being Cordanian solely), Progressive Party, Socialist Front, Renewal Front (suspended, awaiting verdict), National Democrats, Heritage
International Organization Participation: Vieremä Group, Food Security Organisation, Prydanian Cultural Community, formerly Union of Aurorian States (January 2022 - October 2023)
Diplomatic Representation in Prydania:
Chief of Mission: Ambassador Gordon Hall
Chancery: XXXX Lorem Ipsum road, Býkonsviði
Consulates General: 3
Email: prydansh@esþursland.gov.et
Website: https://prydansh.esþursland.gov.et
Diplomatic Representation from Prydania:
Chief of Mission:
Chancery: XXXX Road Street, Weskerby
Email: Esthursiadiplomacy@government.com
Website: https://prydaniainesþursia.gov.pr
Flag description: a white Gotic cross, surrounded by a midnight blue above and a deep forest green below.
National Symbols: Stag/deer/hart, Consence/Weskermere puffin, pears and cider, sheep, oaks and elms; national colours: blue, green, white
National anthem: Progress and Unity
Economy
Real GDP:
6.714 trillion IBU
Real GDP growth rate:
3.61%
Real GDP per Capita:
50,394.87 IBU
Inflation:
3.1%
Credit rating:
Harper and Harper:

• AA+ (Domestic)
• AAA (Foreign)
• AAA (T&C Assessment)
• Outlook: Stable

Westman's: Aa1 (Stable)
Northway Group: AA+ (Positive)
Establishers: AAA (Stable)
GDP composition by sector:
Agriculture: 1.4%
Industry: 18.9%
Services: 79.7%
GDP composition by end use
household consumption: n%
government consumption: n2%
investment in fixed capital: n3%
investment in inventories: n4%
exports of goods and services: n5%
imports of goods and services: -n6%
Agricultural products:
Milk, pork, lamb, wool/cotton, fruits, cider/wine/beer, beef, leather, venison
Industries:

• Aerospace
• Adminstrative and legal services
• Agriculture
• Automotives
• Chemicals
• Construction
• Consumer goods
• Defence equipment
• Education
• Electronics
• Energy
• Financial services
• Food and beverages
• Healthcare
• Hospitality and leisure
• Industrial equipment
• Information technology
• Media
• Pharmaceuticals and biotechnology
• Real estate
• Research and development
• Resource mining/drilling (esp. lithium, iron, gold, galena, natural gas)
• Retailing
• Scientific equipment
• Telecommunications
• Tourism
• Transportation and logistics
• Utilities

Industrial production growth rate: 7.1%
Unemployment rate:
3.9%
Population below the poverty line:
6.6%
Budget:
53.11% of GDP, 3.566 trillion IBU
Public Debt:
68.9% of GDP
Taxes and other revenues:
48.1% of GDP
Current Account Balance:
n Billion IBU
Exports:
n Billion IBU
Export Partners:
Aubervijr, Tardine, Hexastalia, Sorovia, Rayvostoka, Scalvia
Export products:
automobiles, agricultural products, lithium, gold, medicines, media, natural gas, commodities
Imports:
n billion IBU
Import Partners:
Tardine, Aubervijr, Sorovia, Hexastalia, Rayvostoka, Scalvia
Import products:
electronics, military equipment, petroleum, commodities
Exchange rates:
0.651 Esthursian arian shilling to 1 IBU
Energy
Electrification:
100%
Installed generating capacity:
915 billion kWh
Consumption:
681 billion kWh
Electricity generation sources:
Geothermal (47.3%)
Nuclear (23.5%)
Wind (10.1%)
Hydroelectric (6%)
Solar (5.3%)
Natural gas (4.7%)
Biomass (2.2%)
Oil (0.9%)
Nuclear Energy:
Number of operational nuclear power plants: 14
Number of nuclear power plants under construction: 2
Coal:
Production: 0
Reserves: estimated to be 6.6 billion tonnes
Petroleum:
Production: 4,000 bbl/day
Reserves: 2.6 billion barrels
Natural Gas:
Production: billion cubic meters
Reserves: 1550 billion cubic meters
Total CO2 emissions:
around 250 million tonnes
Energy consumption per Capita:
174 million BTU/person
Communications:
Telephones-fixed lines:
Subscriptions: 43,896,282
Subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 33
Telephones-mobile cellular:
Subscriptions: 158,269,101
Subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 119
General Assessment-Telecommunications:
Esthursia benefits from robust and developed telecom infrastructure, with a focus among operators to develop the 5G sector and upgrade fixed networks. The public sector is fully nationalised and free-at-the-point-of-use since mid-2023, while the private sector is primarily geared towards providing ultra-highspeed coverage. Fixed line subscription numbers continue to fall as consumers migrate to mobile platforms for services.
Broadcast Media: mixed system of state-supported public service broadcast and private broadcasters. The ENBC is one of the world's largest public sector media and broadcasting corporations and remains impartial, while Channel 3 produces a significant amount of independent media. There are a large number of private media companies, such as the IBC, and newspaper is both disparate and relatively balanced, such as between the left-wing Daily Herald, centrist Examiner and right-of-centre Atlish Times.
Internet Country Code:
.et
Broadband-Fixed Subscriptions:
Total: 9,124,910
Subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 7
Transportation
Number of Registered Air Carriers:
23
Inventory of Aircraft Operated by Air Carriers:
1048
Civil Aircraft Registration Prefix:
ET
Airports:
210
With Paved Runway:
61
With Unpaved Runway:
31
Heliports:
22
Pipelines:
15500 km gas, 2400 km oil
Railways:
46,700km, of which 41,200km electrified, 10,052km operational for high-speed (of which 3,737km officially part of GSI routes) + 242km high-speed under construction therewith
Roadways:
Total: 1,053,500 km
Paved: 1,053,500 km
Expressways: 11,725 km
Waterways:
7600 km
Merchant Marine:
unknown
Seaports:
Major Seaports: Hereporth, Execester, Thurrock, Anbourn, Hancroft, Helston, Fjármagn, Tynwald
Oil Terminals: Hancroft, Anbourn
LNG Terminals: Hereporth, Execester, Thurrock, Helston, Tynwald
River Ports: Gloucester
Military and Security
Military and Security Forces
Crown Army of Esthursia (CAE): Esthur Army (EA), Esthur Navy (EF), Esthur Air Force (EAM)
Note: Redery of Public Safety responsible for internal security, including law enforcement and border security, since November 2023
Military Expenditures:
2.3% of GDP
Military and Security Service Personnel Strengths:
Esthursia's active personnel number over 400,000 as of 2022, with another 600,000 reservists.
Military Equipment Inventories and Acquistions:
The military's inventory includes a mix of domestically produced and imported weapons systems
Military Service Age and Obligation:
Not applicable
Military Deployments:
The Imperium (since 2023), Sorovia (indefinitely, border peacekeeping)
Space
Space Agency:
Esthursian Space Agency (ERA)
Space Program Overview:
Plans since 2013 for a moon mission by 2030, has consistently been a hub for Ethian satellites to take off from, has sent people into space since the 1990s, and since 2011 has been prioritised as a key aspect of the Esthursian research and development budget

Terrorism
Terrorist Groups: Ezhoneg Kevredag (active)

International Disputes:
None

Illicit Drugs: Largely decriminalised the use, but not production, of many recreational drugs, especially with the use of safe-centres since 2020. Cocaine production has grown since the 2000s. Cannabis legalised and is a taxed and regulated market in Esthursia. Tobacco is to be phased out with birth years, such that those born after 2009 may not ever be eligible to buy it (as with any cigarettes, snus or vapes), and use therewith is relatively low.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Political System of Great Esthursia
The balance of conservatism, liberalism and socialism
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Ideologies in Esthursia
Conservatism

Conservatism in Esthursia is based on traditional pragmatism; what isn't broken, don't fix it. Conservatism is possibly the most diverse, depending on the classification of social democracy and socialism, ideology in Esthursia; and at large, spans rightward from the centreground.

Towards the more hardline right-wing, national conservatism - as it exists abroad, in the general sense - does indeed command some influence in Esthursia, albeit not as much as it did ten or fifteen years ago. National conservatives have fairly clear-cut ideologies in Esthursia - an end to what they see as a socially liberal, permissive encroachment on morality, the end of collective bargaining and trade union influence, the safeguarding of religion (which, in Esthursia, sees significant antipathy and scepticism from a large majority of the public) and possibly even its reintroduction into politics, and a new market-based economy set up. The two notable national conservatives in modern Esthursia are both former Conservative Union heavyweights who defected to a new Esthur Peoples' Party - a party of explicit national conservatism - Tharbjorn Einarsson, and Graham Ingley. National conservatives reached their peak of influence in the late 2000s, after the period in which Harding - whose coalition partner was liberal-conservative - increasingly courted right-wing appointments; with the National Democrats also helping to balance out influence on the right outside the government. Nick Nottingley remains a name that people recognise, however Nottingley's National Democrats have increasingly been sidelined in recent years, so Nottingley's influence is far eclipsed by that of Ingley and Einarsson. Einarsson's premiership featured some of the tenets of national conservatism between 2009 and 2011 - including an attempted sidelining of the Conservative centreground ("civic conservatives"), a conflict with the unions, and attempted privatisations; however, thanks to internal difficulties and the animosity created by the trade union dispute, the ensuing strikes and the economic damage they wrought, no national conservative - or Conservative Union representative - has since gained power.
National conservatism is in line with that of other nations, and lies on the hard-right. Their traditional party has typically been the Conservative Union, however they now mostly reside in the Esthur People's Party.

Conventional conservatism in Esthursia tends to be more pragmatic, and only national conservatism remains fairly set in stone. The politics of Isaac Harding - also known as Hardingism, with Hardingites his allies - tended to centre themselves somewhere on the centre-right throughout the 2000s. Harding and midground conservatives at large tend to accept some semblance of the nationalisations that have taken place - particularly in the health, justice and education sectors - however strive to maintain a completely privatised transport network and industry base. However, thanks to the effects of the post-Grantham shift, Harding increasingly watered down plans for widespread privatisation, only initiating market reforms - introducing markets into public services and initiating the legislation for public-private competition, a form of which still exists in modern Esthursia even after over a decade of left-wing governments. Harding was also reluctant to engage in either social liberalisation and regulation, instead offering a continuation of the status quo; few electoral, social or political reforms passed in his era. Harding's brand of conservatism has typically been the main strand of conservatism in the Conservative Union.
Midground conservatism, or Hardingism, is slightly more moderate than that of other nations, and lies in the centre-right. Their traditional party has typically been the Conservative Union, however their influence has been eroded by the movement of the Conservative Union's centre of influence towards the centre under Manning.

Civic conservatism is a relatively new concept in Esthursia, born from the perceived wrongful right-wing movements in the Conservative Union under Greenwood, Harding and Einarsson. Civic conservatism remained the third largest group, and Rosemary Manning - during the Greenwood years, a young Redery representative - became its core figurehead, alongside Sophia Algrove towards the late 2000s. Algrove and Manning led efforts to co-operate with sympathetic colleagues - for civic conservatism as such wasn't commonplace even amongst moderates until around 2010 - and encouraged defections from the whip in major votes where they viewed the government was in the wrong; particularly apparent in health and education reform, pressuring Harding enough to move him away from major privatisations and instead towards steady reform. Civic conservatives tend to view it as the responsibility of the wealthy to help others, and view themselves "as the children of one-nation conservatism", a notion itself coming from Esthursia in the 20th century, since having morphed into conventional conservatism. Civic conservatives are socially liberal - rather than complacent like Hardingites or openly illiberal like national conservatives - and value incremental, pragmatic reform above all else.
Civic conservatism, or one-nation conservatism, is significantly more moderate than that of other nations, and lies across the centreground. Their traditional party has been the Conservative Union, and their influence has grown with the movement of the Conservative Union towards the centre under Manning.

Liberalism
Classical liberalism in Esthursia, although fairly rare, is fairly well established in clusters of the south-east - denoting both Conservative-sympathetic economic policy (albeit not as radical as in some other circles, thanks to the results of the civil and social unrest of the 1980s and early 2010s resulting from economic liberalisation) and libertarian social policy. Classical liberals have often been dubbed the "orphaned political group", because their major party of origin - the Reform Party - abandoning economic liberalism for a centre-left economic policy gradually at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Classical liberalism is more moderate than that of other nations, and lies in the libertarian right. Their traditional party has been the Reform Party, however they are often seen as political orphans.

Social liberalism in Esthursia denotes the policy of the vast majority of the Reform Party - a left-of-centre political ideology embodying a mixed economy, permissive social laws, and particularly an aversion to taking sides in law. The Reform Party, and traditionally social liberals, have traditionally called for Esthursia to have a declaration of neutrality, and the Newell constitution failed to implement such a declaration after opposition within the party and amongst the public. Social liberals tend to be somewhere between civic conservatives and social democrats in terms of socioeconomic leanings, and in particular have a focus on improving access to education, believing this to be the greatest asset for a modern democracy to use.
Social liberalism is similar to that of other nations, and lies in the centre to centre-left. Their party is the Reform Party, of which a large majority aligns and identifies with this ideology.

Third Way politics refer to post-industrial global centrist policies - in this instance, the policies of Willesden's Social Democrats, of which some advocates remain in the Social Democrats even after the shift back to the left gradually under Largan and then fully under Osborne. Third Way liberals call for intervention in global wars, the participation of the private sector in public services, the end to nationalisation and the weakening of trade union power, as well as incremental reform to social institutions and significant public spending in health and education. Mark Willesden is the most notable of these, having been the Social Democratic leader between 1999 and 2006. Proponents of Third Way politics tend to vote Reform in the modern day, however some remain loyal to the Social Democrats hoping that they can return the party to its early 2000s standpoints, or to a Larganite midground.
Third Way politics can be similar to that of other nations, and lies in the centre to centre-left. Their party started as the Social Democrats, but after the gradual shift back away to the left, they remain most similar to the Reform Party.

Socialism
Social democracy in Esthursia refers to the policies of the mid-left - in particular, the spectrum between John Largan to the centre and Jeremy Wilson to the left, with Harold Osborne somewhere in the middle of this. The policies of social democrats usually include high state intervention, including in industry; complete nationalisation of certain public sectors, as well as co-operative, collective bargaining in the other. Social democrats are on the whole sympathetic to trade unions, more so in other nations, and trade unions tend to be more left-wing than foreign counterparts, thanks to their common opposition to national conservative policies when put into force in the 1980s and 2000s-2010s. Social Democrats, and their predecessor the Workers' Union, are possibly the most successful political party of the 20th and 21st centuries; with half of the last century (1920s-now) having a Social Democratic government (or Workers' Union) in power. Social democrats (in the Asmontian sense) implemented the welfare state in the 1920s, as well as drastically increasing military spending during the Fascist War, and in Esthursia usually take a pro-military viewpoint - rather unlike their left-wing counterparts abroad, particularly with Esthursian social democrats being more left-wing than most foreign social democrats on the whole. Social democrats tend to seek significant, but not radical, reform over inequality, however more recently social democrats have been open to more radical change, seen in the seizure of assets under social democratic Forethegn Osborne.
Social democracy is more left-wing than that of other nations, and lies in the centre-left to hard-left. Their party has always been the Social Democrats (and its predecessor), and - except for a small period in the 2000s - they have remained the forefront of the party's influence.

Progressives in Esthursia - in many ways overlapping with social democracy - tend to believe in a more radical left-wing agenda than their moderate counterparts nearer the centre. In particular, they are antipathetic toward high military spending, more actively redistributive, and more willing to demand sociopolitical reform in great excess to that demanded by moderate counterparts. In particular, Harold Osborne's second term, Hannah Banbury and Jeremy Wilson have been referred to as progressive socialists, particularly the latter two, thanks to their affiliation with the old Progressive Party in the 2000s and 2010s before it rejoined Osborne's Social Democrats. Progressives tend to be more openly trade unionist, and seek the celebration of difference rather than acceptance seen on the moderate left, tolerance in the centreground or active fear and intolerance on the hard-right. Progressives have typically been in the Reform Party as the Radical-Reformists, and then the Workers' Union, followed by the Social Democrats. Most left the Social Democrats under Willesden, partly accredited with the resulting landslide losses for Willesden in 2002 and 2006 (more so the first), and the Progressive Party led their political agenda in the 2000s - their return to the Social Democrats has again been partly accredited for the shift to the left under Osborne. Progressives also tend to be less tolerant of social inequality, and even less tolerant of the notion of billionaires, as seen through the "abolition of billionaires" in the early 2020s and then through the set up of workers' co-operatives in the Osborne ministries.
Progressives tend to be more left-wing than that of other nations, and lie in the hard-left. They have tended to be with social democrats throughout history, however left for their own party in protest at Willesden's Third Way policies and Largan's perceived refusal to take the Social Democrats left-wing enough; their return under Osborne has been accredited with a general shift to the left of left-wing politics in Esthursia.

Communism in Esthursia, although rare, has significant influence in working-class industrial regions. Communists tend to gain 2-5% in elections, and see themselves as the radical alternative to left-right systems. They tend to espouse beliefs demanding the end to private business, instead opting for workers' co-operatives, council democracy and mass redistribution of wealth and income. Few are anti-democratic and most in Esthursia espouse libertarian social views.
Communists in Esthursia do not affiliate, on the most part, with "foreign communism" (or "internal communism" vs "external communism"), for most communists view foreign regimes as state capitalist and anti-democratic.
Communists tend to be similar to left communists or libertarian communists of other nations, and lie in the far-left. They have, after abandoning the Workers' Union under Asmont, tended to run their own party, known as the Socialist Front.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Union Health and Care Service
Envy of the world; or relic of the past?
​

The Union Health and Care Service had its origins in the beginning of health insurance back in the days of the "first true socialist Forethegn" - Howard Turnbrook. Turnbrook was a particularly anti-establishment figure for his time - being the only Forethegn ever to be officially dismissed by a monarch, and setting in stone the foundations that would eventually lead to the republican movement in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries - and his other main area of expertise was healthcare. With "sanitary diseases" being the main issues in the days of Turnbrook - diseases caused by a lack of hygiene, either due to deprivation or generally thanks to the lack of awareness in those days - he soon began setting up centralised healthcare facilities. Although the cost of these remained high, and progress was abruptly stopped - although not reversed, with even traditionalist conservative Philip Bolton maintaining that this was "common sense legislation" - the birth of the healthcare system in Esthursia was guaranteed, having officially been formed in May 1835.

By its fiftieth anniversary, once again a radically left-wing Forethegn was in power. Jacob Banbury, a lifelong industrial worker from the impoverished and industrial North, had grown in the age where advances were few, but noticeable; the improvement in sanitary conditions not only prevented immediate care from causing secondary infections and lowered death rates spectacularly within healthcare facilities, but actually helped prevent the spread of a lot of illnesses. Banbury sent for the Health Decree; ensuring that all citizens would have the right to healthcare access, for free. Industrialists unsuccessfully lobbied the House of Ministers - at the time with a supermajority of Workers' Union representatives - and the hereditary Barons' opposition to it only held up implementation by two years. By 1887, healthcare access was a right - but the infrastructure to provide it was not fully set up.

In the 1920s, a long-lasting administration of conservatives and liberals was superseded by a long-lasting administration of Edward George Asmont and his socialist Workers' Union once again; in fact, Banbury had lived long enough to see Asmont enter power and serve as an adviser for the first few years. Asmont once recalled that Banbury's "single piece of advice that he never stood back from was as followed - make our Union Health and Care Service into the jewel of the world." In 1926, when Asmont entered power, healthcare spending constituted 1.4% of GDP - by 1944, when Asmont passed the gauntlet onto his senior colleague, this had more than doubled to 4%. Asmont more than tripled the workforce of the health sector, built over three thousand hospitals, a clinic in virtually every town with more than five thousand people, and oversaw the implementation of mandatory health insurance "regardless of willingness to access UHCS services"; this as such increased taxation of the wealthy dramatically, who had previously refused to spend money on what they viewed as "commoners' health". A key reason for the dramatic increase of productivity in the Asmont age was the equally dramatic increase of life expectancy and health in Esthursia; modern economists and demographers alike increasingly believe that a key part of the Fascist War-era boom, aside from Esthursia's lack of damage from the war, a construction and automation boom and a significant reduction in inequality, was the increase of standards of living. In the period between Asmont entering office and leaving office, life expectancy rose from 59 in 1926 to 71 in 1944. By the time the Workers' Union left power in 1949, this was 73; although growth towards the end of the Asmont era slowed dramatically (and indeed continued to slow thereafter).

Lifespan has increased substantially, and quite variably, over the last two hundred years; and is predicted to continue to grow to between 90 and 92 by 2060.

The UHCS survived the test of time; in the following social liberal, conservative and even nationalist (although the latter's leader, Arbjern, did attempt to water it down to much public discontent) governments maintained it. Thanks to the attempts by Arbjern to abolish it, and general disapproval of his leadership by successive electorates, the UHCS became a political bargaining tool, that all parties knew would be exploited for political gain. As such, it was maintained readily and mostly in a similar form; keeping its purpose of providing free-at-the-point-of-use health services, and being able to do so capably and while paying its workers fairly, throughout the decades of post-Asmontian government. Even the Greenwood administration didn't touch, merely introducing a few market reforms, to the health sector - Greenwood himself remarked once, on his priorities in government, "life comes first." Trade unions affiliated with the health service as such carried significant influence in governments, and often kept particularly market-friendly governments away from market reforms - particularly limiting the Greenwood administration's legitimacy when commenting on legislation put forward often critically.

The birth of the care sector came in the 1990s, with Martha Grantham laying the foundations; once again funded through tax, this time a specialised tax on polluters - a law from a time of drastic reconstruction of the energy industries, a tax which Osborne has since expanded to conglomerates and multi-million or billionaires thanks to the lack of fossil fuel producers. Ideological realignment would prove key to cementing the grey areas of health - Willesden, a Third Way Social Democrat, made more drastic market reforms than Greenwood would "ever consider" - which in turn undermined public confidence, lost significant efficiency in the supply chain of medicine, and reduced UHCS weight on the global pricing markets; and Harding would later form a system of "fair public-private competition" - reversing the reforms made by his political adversary (and in turn undermining centrism in the Social Democrats), returning the UHCS to a fully public system; a system where the government would attempt to out-compete private healthcare. As such, public healthcare often learnt from private innovation; such as cancer treatments, personalised care and menopausal treatment programmes - Harding's policy proved so successful that both Largan and Osborne have not touched the concept, although Osborne has clamped down on safety regulations and maximum prices of private health providers, as well as increasing ties between non-profit charities and the UHCS. Osborne has also merged the UHCS with Activity Esthursia, a merger already started by his predecessors, and continued heavy health safety and tax restrictions on "junk food" and sugary drinks. Obesity in Esthursia remains low, although not as low as the middle of the last century, thanks to intensive activity programmes, free access to extensive leisure facilities, public aversion to fast food products (partly thanks to global corporations and their practices influencing public opinion of their products), and a bridge between scholary and adult exercise programmes. Tobacco usage, thanks to a blanket ban on most tobacco byproducts being used in tobacco products and "wrecking laws" to prevent tobacco sales such as high excise duties developing from the 1920s onwards, is both stigmatised and very low; with approximately 4.4% of people estimated to be smokers, and Esthursian cigarettes being far less likely to both cause addiction, and serious harm. However, a sizeable portion of smokers in Esthursia get at least some of theirs illegally imported (or smuggled) through the black market; with illegally sourced tobacco being one of the largest black market products.

The last ten years has seen the UHCS grow substantially and integrate vertically with utility suppliers, encroaching into the pharmaceutical, social care, mental health and leisure sectors. Budgets have risen by approximately 5% yearly; landmark changes have included the startup of the public pharmaceutical utility supplier Union Health Production (UHP), focused on creating a baseline production for the UHCS and bypassing private sellers, as well as ending the trust systems, ending internal markets and replacing trusts with local authority leadership.

The UHCS' efficiency, high per-person funding (thanks to deliberately redistributive systems of taxation), large workforce, short supply chain and innovative practices have all contributed to the efficacy of the Esthursian workforce; the productivity slump seen in some economies in the 21st century is not present here as a consequence of these amongst other reasons, and life expectancy in Esthursia is approaching 85, with males living an average of 83.8 years and females an average of 85.7. The UHCS also - thanks to its million-plus strong workforce and centralised supply chain - has a large amount of weight on global pricing, helping to drive down prices for essential medication.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Where does your tax money go in Esthursia?
Being a citizen of Esthursia has a lot of perks.
​

In Esthursia, tax brackets are increasingly progressive. At the moment, National Insurance is included within Income Tax, in Esthursia is known as Earnings Tax. VAT is 15% on most products - however there is an extensive list, from sanitary products to funerals, of reduced or zero items. Esthursia also operates several levies - mostly on corporations as "super-progressive taxes" - as well as corporation tax, capital gains tax and dividends tax, amongst others, particularly on discouraged or demerit items such as cigarettes, cannabis or alcohol.

Esthursia uses shillings (also known as arians in Cumbric regions and in some older generations), with the symbol coming from the old long s variation often used to denote the currency.

Tax Bracket Value	% of income above this level taxed
ſ0-ſ12,500	0% - Selflystock (Personal Allowance)
ſ12,500-ſ25,000	19%
ſ25,000-ſ50,000	29%
ſ50,000-ſ100,000	39%
ſ100,000-ſ250,000	49%
ſ250,000-ſ1,000,000	79%
ſ1,000,000 and over	95%

The current exchange rate is at $1.538 = ſ1.

(Tax values are rounded due to the fact that the tax system has been revisited by the Osborne government for the next fiscal years - hence the removal of 1% from each band, as previously the bracket values were somewhat higher and unrounded thanks to inflation adjustment between the 2018 readjustments and modern day. Oddly, this is expected to save the economy many millions thanks to simplified accounting for this tax year.)

Esthursian taxation goes towards a number of things, including:
The education system - 1,200 hours yearly (or 30 hours a week for 40 weeks) of childcare and/or prelearnhall education up to age 4, age 4 to 10 formative learnhalls, age 10 to 15 middle learnhalls, age 15 to 18 upper learnhalls (crafts and skills), and age 18 to 21-22 loresteads (universities). Free school meals and textbooks, a mental health councillor for every 400 pupils. Education in Esthursia is some of the most in-depth and effective worldwide, thanks to a national curriculum based around "theory, vision and action", and independent university curriculums based around collective, collegial research.
The healthcare system - free prescriptions, routine checkups (e.g. dental, optical, cancer screenings), accident and emergency; full access to adult care services (both at-home and at specialist facilities), hospice care, activity and rehabilitation programmes, mental health care, abortions, contraception and genital health clinics, as well as access to (sometimes subsidised on a case-by-case basis according to reasoning, e.g. mental health) safe sex change and cosmetic surgery clinics.
The transport system - partially subsidised travel (including free for under-25s and over-65s), standardised payment systems on all tramways, buses and railways (as well as Atlish Aeroways), subsidies for green car usage, access to toll-free roads (notwithstanding road tax), construction of new high-speed rail network from 1990s onwards
National defence, security and exploration - an army of over a million personnel (including reserve), with a mostly renewable-powered fleet, a nuclear arsenal last fully updated in the 2000s, the Esthursian Fellowship of the Further (EFF) funding (including the Esthursian Further Station), military intelligence
Local government - community enrichment, public spaces, leisure centres, activity programmes, environmental management and protection, civil partnerships, heritage centres, museums, historic monument management, culture
Housing and construction - 700,000 houses a year, subsidised renting and rent control programmes, social housing and affordable house construction
The welfare system - tax credits, Universal Basic Income for low earners, subsidised transport and Jobseekers' Earning, pensions
Energy, broadband and water - free broadband to all taxpayers (although private, for-profit institutions do co-exist), free water supplying to all households, heavily subsidised energy costs as well as complete restructuring of infrastructure to become renewable (geothermal, solar, wind, hydroelectric et cetera).
Public order and safety - national and regional constabularies, Thoroughfare Constabulary, border guards, fire service, prisons, deemeries (including High Deemery), passports and driving licenses
Industry and other - car brands (heavily subsidised for Esthursian taxpayers), metalworkers, shipbuilders, locomotive creators, construction, Atlish Mail, defence contractors, Bank of Esthursia, television channels (Atlish National Broadcasting Channel, Channel 2 (independent media), and affiliates with both), Mapping Society, Civil Service, government departments

Post-Budget 2022

Tax Bracket Value	% of income above this level taxed
ſ0-ſ12,500	0% - Selflystock (Personal Allowance)
ſ12,500-ſ20,000	15%
ſ20,000-ſ35,000	25%
ſ35,000-ſ50,000	45%
ſ50,000-ſ75,000	65%
ſ75,000-ſ100,000	75%
ſ100,000-ſ200,000	85%
ſ200,000-ſ300,000	90%
ſ300,000+	97.5%

The current exchange rate is at $1.577 = ſ1.
(Work in Progress, standby for actual change.)

 

[Alsatian Island]

Geography of Esthursia
Esthursia is a nation of great size, so getting to grips with our regional differences can be hard...

The lands of Esthursia are split - as one can see - into different ridings (as in Osynstry, Cumbria, Asthonhelm), and those into different shires (as in West Hereshire, Execestershire).
​

Starting from the far north, the Tynwald-Charenbost border bounds Osynstry to the south, and the more unknown and barren land of Asthonhelm to the north. The birthplace of the Atlish language, and of the Asthonic language before it; Asthonhelm ranges from the harshly cold Skygards and Heimlands - and the valley inbetween - to the Whitefells (Hvitfjellen) and the central valley of Ljósdalur. The far south of this riding consists of a heavily industrial region of towns and cities, and the centre-north by contrast - with the capital of the riding, Osthurshelm - has been based on fishing and maritime affairs far more reliantly. The country's politics range fairly highly - the industrial regions and capital, however, are both dominated by the left-wing Social Democrats; and the Liberal Party has significant holdings in the rural areas along with the Conservative Union. Asthonhelm contains about 1 in 10 Esthurs, of whom 4 in 5 are Asthonic by heritage, with the rest mostly being Cumbric or Atlish.

Moving west into the western isles and the area around Ereway, Cumbria is comprised of multiple exterior regions off to the western extremities of Esthursia. Although the region has its own Cumbric language group - including Ezhoneg and Helvellian - the island of Merthing (lower) speaks mostly Atlish, with the barely extant Mertherian remaining in the mountains' rural regions. The region typically supports the Liberal Party, but has some Conservative and Social Democratic holdouts. Typically, the area is wet and the island of Helvellyn (higher) is as cold as the Asthonic mainland - however Ezhonyth, the south-western "peninsula" of Esthursia, has a warm temperate wet climate. Cumbric people make up about 1 in 6 Esthurs.

Osynstry is often seen as a nation of three regions. The north and north-east, the south-west and centre, and the east and south-east; especially thanks to the relative size of Osynstry compared to the other two, smaller ridings.

The north of Osynstry - often referred to as the Barrows, after the hill range that spans much of the region and dominates its landscape - is a cool to mild temperate zone of Esthursia, somewhere in the north-centre to north-east of the nation overall. The usual boundary is the Davenbrook-Oaksbeck line - with both those settlements seen as major crossing points between regions - north of which the Barrows refers to. The region is cooler than the rest of Osynstry, tends to be wetter in the west particularly, sees up to a month of snowfall even on low ground, and is mostly post-industrial - similar and comparable to the south of Asthonhelm (also nicknamed the Dales). The Barrows' largest city is Brantley - which is close to the largest city of all of Esthursia, with a population over 10 million. The Barrows tends to be supportive of the Social Democrats en masse, with even rural regions being marginal between them and Conservatives, or in lesser instances Liberals - urban areas often have Republic and left-wing alternative parties present. For this reason, the Barrows is often nicknamed the "kingmaker of socialists"; for the region has loyally voted alongside left-wing parties and candidates in every election since 1926 by various margins. High-tech industry and education or research remain significant economic factors here.

The south-west and centre of Osynstry, often referred to as Middle Osynstry, is the zone west of the Oaksbeck-Somberbridge line - with Somberbridge being in the south-west, and Oaksbeck mixed. This region tends to be middle-class - hence the name, as well as the geographic location within Osynstry - and more rural and sparsely populated than that of the north and east. The largest city of the region is Execester, a city of 3 million inhabitants, far outweighed by both Brantley and Weskerby (who between them have over 20 million). The region is often seen as a professional capital, and has typically been supportive of the Liberal Party, although many urban areas such as Hancroft and Execester itself have been Social Democrat in recent years. The region tends to be highly mild, and the west in particular has roots in trading, with Execester the main port for traffic between the mainland and the Western World.

The east and south-east of Osynstry, often referred to as Lower Osynstry, or the Fairways when not referring to the capital region alongside it, is a more dry and working-class region than Middle Osynstry. Lower Osynstry's largest city is Weskerby - the capital of the entire of Esthursia - with about 11 million inhabitants; and the entire region - unlike the rest of Esthursia - has been slower to adopt Atlish over Mercanti. The region is historically competitive between Social Democrats in urban and affluent areas such as Esthampton and the capital itself, and more deprived, suburban or rural areas such as Thurrock or Charningley voting Conservative. Mellington and the region has typically been the heartland of the EPP, the hard-right political party, however it has failed to take control of the council or of any specific seat locally. The south-east in particular is a holiday destination, with tourism a major industry both from abroad, locally in the UAS and from Esthurs from other regions; with the Fairways being a particularly affluent area off the back of heritage protection and tourism. There is also a considerable financial sector in Weskerby, and an issue of "satellite regions" being created by the influence of Weskerby.

Thanks to Esthursia's well-funded and well-kept public transport systems and adequately funded private transport infrastructure, getting between these regions tends not to be a major issue - however the sheer distance, with Brantley about 450 to 500 kilometres from Weskerby by both road and rail, means that it often takes 5 (or more with problematic traffic) hours to go between the two by road and 2 to 3 by rail. Many Northerners - particularly from Charenbost, a city 250 kilometres from even Brantley, let alone any further city or holiday destination - end up flying or going by sleeper rail to the south-east when holidaying, and public transport for these intershire distances is adapted to accommodate for night-long or day-long travel. Because different regions are so drastically different - with the south-east being semi-dry and warm, and the north-west being subpolar and heavily wet - internal tourism in Esthursia is significant and both cultural and ethnic differences within Esthursia are extensive; a person from Helvellyn would have a much lighter complexion, be likely to have ginger or blond hair, and probably speak Helvellian - meaning they would be unlikely to be able to communicate with or even recognise, at least in first languages, someone from Esthampton, who is likely to have a darker complexion and speak Atlish or Mercanti.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Who leads Esthursia?
Five figures can hypothetically claim disproportionate power in today's Esthursia.
​

The obvious centre of influence in Esthursia at the moment is Harold Osborne; the long-serving Forethegn, notable trade unionist and long-term opponent to the "marketisation" of the Esthursian economy. Osborne served in the Shadow Rederies under Largan, and reprised his role in the Health and Care sector in the 2011-2015 Largan administration, forging a new relationship between an "enforcibly independent" UHCS and the Government at large. Gaining a reputation for ideological speeches in the Houses of Berworth, the middle and left of his party saw him as an easy candidate to see off the remainder of the centre - hoping to reinstate Mark Willesden, after his 2000s defeats, as Social Democrat leader and end the transition back to the left. Under Osborne's leadership, the Social Democrats have returned to openly pro-trade union positions, begun heavily redistributing income, and expanding the public sector's influence and power in the Esthursian economy, as well as particularly extending Esthursia's role in diplomacy and global geopolitics and extending the Government's role in enforcing working law; most notably in the Execester strikes of 2016, in which a set of large corporations attempted to fire and rehire workers. Osborne represented much of the left-wing group in the Social Democrats that "chose to fight on for socialism rather than leave" when Willesden took the party into the centreground, unlike the next figure.

The next most obvious centre is Jeremy Wilson. Often seen as Osborne's second-hand man - even with Mildred Banbury serving as his nominal second in command following the 2022 election - Wilson has the power over allocating funds to each Redery and as such keeps much of his power he had as Afterthegn. Wilson is known for more brash and to-the-point speeches, such as the speech against the Einarsson administration in 2011:

Tharbjorn Einarsson does not deserve the keys to Llywellyn's Street. Frankly, I don't see how he can convince himself of that, let alone anyone else. The utter destruction that he personally wrought on millions of people, the devastation he brought to the livelihoods of millions, ranks him amongst the worst of the worst in Esthursian politics. Einarsson personifies exactly what's wrong with Esthursia as these new 2010s begin - corruption, corporatocracy, and even daring to bring back the reactionary "divide and conquer" tactics used by equally opportunistic - and equally devoid of purpose, meaning or feeling - right-wing politicians who predated him. A figure from the past dictates our present, like a sorry parody of our democracy unravelling, bringing the economy to its knees while screeching at the top of his voice of lies that everyone is doing this to him. No, he is doing this to everyone.​

Wilson has typically pushed for more progressive policies - Osborne only becoming openly socialist towards the end of the 2010s, losing his status as a continuity candidate during the 2018 campaign. Wilson himself left the Social Democrats in his youth and became their long-term leader in the late 2000s into the 2010s against Willesden and Largan, starting in his 20s against leaders over 20 years older than himself. Slowly warming to Osborne's party as it transitioned back to democratic socialism - or Osborne's "mid-left" - Wilson rejoined during the 2022 campaign, and brought the party with him, leaving a few remnants for Republic to scrape up. Wilson has also had much influence over government policy in the Largan days - in 2014, Largan became reliant on Wilson's votes in both chambers, and as such pushed often successfully for extensive economic reform that Largan had publicly disagreed with, such as the beginning of the widespread banking regulation bills to pass which would accelerate under Osborne more readily.

The third government candidate for most influential lies even further to the left - Mildred Banbury. Leading the Sutton University Union (SUU) in the early 2010s, Banbury became disillusioned with both the infighting on the mainstream left and the "compromise candidate" in the Conservatives - Stephen Alborough, the centre-right Conservative leader who positioned himself deliberately in the middle of the party during the "frozen conflict" - and in 2018, formed Republic. Republic quickly caught on in the hard-left, buoyed by the sight of Progressives as loyal to Largan and Osborne, and by the single-issue of republicanism. After a successful set of local election results, it announced its manifesto and full slate of candidates a year early, and began campaigning fiercely - as such, it gained much of the metropolitan and youth vote in the April 2022 election. Osborne was left with no choice but to form a coalition with Republic to maintain his left-wing economic agenda, and it is widely seen that the success of Republic in the 2022 elections gave Osborne the confidence in deciding whether to push internally and in public for a republican agenda. King Arthur, seeing the potential for a conflict, announced that he would not support the head of state after his death being inherited from his own position, nullifying the monarchy and beginning the transition to a republic. Banbury remains in control of much of the Redery, choosing 6 of her own party representatives to go in major positions, and as such remains an influential character.

The fourth and fifth candidates not in the government are those in the Liberals and Conservatives' leadership. Although not as well known, Everett carries great potential and amid the possibility that Liberals could be the kingmakers, if not a serious (if low) possibility of being the senior party in leadership, cannot be ruled out as an influential figure. Rosemary Manning of the Conservatives, in the meantime, has successfully carved personal and ideological victory in her own party, pioneering the shift to the centre, effectively couping the Einarsson administration in 2011 with a vote of no confidence and afterwards winning the confidence of her party. Although Graham Ingley may have taken some of the party's confidence and members with him into the hard-right, including Einarsson himself, Ingley is far less agreeable, and far more controversial, than his counterpart in Manning. Manning also has experience ranging back to the Greenwood years of the 1980s, and can continue to claim widespread political respect from even the Forethegn himself.

How these balance ranges over time - 10 years ago, Largan and Osborne were the main power source, within a few years, Wilson had supplanted Osborne thanks to the coalition. The Harding-Einarsson power balance in the 2000s ended amicably, despite the less than peaceful results of the swap in 2009, and similarly when Largan bowed out in 2015, Wilson manoeuvred to a more ideologically compatible Osborne and continued to forge a special relationship; whether Wilson - still in his late 30s - actually follows Osborne as leader if and when Osborne - who is fast approaching 60 years of age and now in his third term - bows out and continues the leftward shift of Social Democrats is to be seen - and whether the leftward shift of Esthursia with it is both sustainable and guaranteed with the rise of New Liberalism in the Liberal centre-left and Conservative centre to centre-right is equally undetermined.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Overlaw; why, what, and when?
The death of the Classical Empire brought about some of the earliest human rights laws in the world.
​

The vast majority of Esthursia had been ruled by the increasingly tyrannical Classical Empire, following the death of Highweald Elrede VII in 1506 in particular. The Classical Empire spent about 80 years ruling about 85% of Esthursia - not including most of Hereshire, including the city of Brantley, the core of the Royal Union's power and support. Brantley prospered under the reign of more free and permissive regimes and the flourishing of the middle-class, as well as culture and art, spent most of the 16th century confined to the Royal Union.

The collapse of the Classical Empire came about swiftly. In 1585, Charenbost fell to the Royal Union in the far north of Osynstry. Asthorhelm seceded, with support of lords from Helvellyn - who took control of the island in successive months and campaigns - and joined the Royal Union in the winter of 1586. The Royal Union broke through the ranks of the Classical Empire in the "bottleneck" between Anbrough and Davenbrook in March 1587, storming into Execester and Mereling in following weeks. Although the Classical Empire held out in the south, and took back Helvellyn for a brief period in 1588, corruption, mismanagement and a succession of popular revolts in Mellington, Renshaven and even the capital, Royalist-aligned forces took strongholds in most regions and forced the Classical Empire into a scramble. Their final stronghold, the city of Lle in the south-east of Ezhonyth in the far south-west of the South Downs, fell to the Royalists in 1589.

The Royal Union's power was heavily limited by the volatility of the nation. Much of the south felt that they had lost the influence they had over the other regions thanks to the centre of the Union's power in Brantley rather than Weskerby, and furthermore many felt aligned to the Classical Empire, especially families of military men killed by Royalist forces. The Union also had to deal with the fallout of the conflict - harvests were poor, if not disastrous, and many defensive and administrative institutions were heavily damaged or even destroyed. The one way to stand out, both globally and locally, would be a set of declarations - giving the folks of Esthursia something "to lose" if the Union's power receded beyond the point of no return.

The Overlaw, as well as the laws setting the limits of the state, codified and entrenched the rights of the average citizen for the first time in Esthursian history. The Overlaw has mostly been kept as is, with the exception of Newell-era reforms adding social rights.

I - All have the right to life from birth. This law has been interpreted by successive regimes as not only outlawing capital punishment, but access to healthcare and fair policing, as well as Newell specifically wording it "from birth" to allow for abortion rights in the 1950s and removed "to death" to allow for euthanasia, or "physician-assisted suicide", to be constitutional. This law also provides for the criminalisation of homicide or attempted homicide.
II - All have the right to free speech, expression, and belief, but always carry the burden if speech, expression or belief is misused to unreasonably intimidate, harm, discriminate or harass a named individual or group of individuals. This law, heavily rewritten in the Constitution of the 1950s, protects the right to free speech and freedom of expression, however also provides for hate crime laws. Right-wing Forethegn Arbjern, between 1950 and 1957, lobbied fiercely to abolish this law, however failed to ratify this removal before it was codified.
III - All have the right to fair trial and hearing by their fellow shiresfolk if faced with lawful consequences for actions, and may not receive direct physical harm in order to retribute or retrieve information by the state. No person may be forced to give evidence against themselves. This law, unchanged from the 1500s, forms the basis for trial by jury, and also has provided for the abolition of torture and corporal punishment. The Classical Empire had legal judicial and jury-led courts similar to the modern day between the 1100s and 1507, and the Royal Union was keen to bring them back.
IV - All have the right to a private, family life, and of private property; privacy may only be compromised, whether lifestyle or property, if in the public interest or as a result of hearings as specified in III. This law provides for the right to own, and the right to a private family life, but also allows for a vehicle to seize private assets often used as the "public interest trigger", most recently in the seizure of private assets by Forethegn Osborne from the wealthy.
V - All are presumed innocent until proven guilty, and all innocent men are free; all facing trial have the right to fair notice, time, and access to necessary legal facilities. This law abolished slavery, and also began the legal precedent of innocence before proof of guilt. Slavery was commonplace in 16th century Esthursia, and often endorsed by the state; the Royal Union was ardently against the practice.
VI - All have the right to access and publish any legal or governmental document so long as it does not compromise the legal process of an ongoing case, the reputation of an uncharged person or group if criminality is involved specifically, or national security at large. This law guarantees some degree of freedom of information, and was introduced in entirety by the Newell administration.
VII - All have the right to, if providing the service of labour, withhold their labour lawfully in the circumstance of abuse of power. Unions of labourers have the right to withhold their labour lawfully, and jointly, in the circumstance of majority agreement of their unions and of abuse of power of one or more of their participating labourers. This law provides the legal basis for the right to strike.
VIII - All have the right to pay towards the common good; if the nation institutes these common good payments, it must also provide for the right of its citizens to freedom from poverty.
IX - Freedom from poverty is the right to be able to provide health and well-being to one's household; this includes food, water, clothing, access to housing and social protection services as healthcare, policing and state pensions. Clauses VIII and IX set the legality of general taxation, as well as the right to fair provision in the event of taxation, including freedom from poverty as defined in the entirety of IX.
X - All have the right to a free, equitable education; free, equitable opportunity and independent mind. This law bans the practice of political or religious schools, as well as freedom of opportunity, and freedom from discrimination of education and opportunity. The interpretation of this law has gradually widened into freedom from discrimination according to physical characteristics, particularly in the workplace, however this is superseded and made superfluous by Clause XI widely.
XI - All have the right to freedom from discrimination, and to access all of the above and below rights withstanding all others in effect, according to race, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, colour, language, religion or lack thereof, sociopolitical belief, economic circumstance, birth, origin or other status. Due to this, no free person as defined in Clause V may be distinguished in their treatment and jurisdiction of and by the law from any other free person. This law sets into motion the process for elimination of discrimination.
XII - All have the right to be protected from sociopolitical conflict, regardless of political objectives or situations pertaining the warring regimes, with no exception. Non-participants in war have the right to life in all circumstances of war. This law provides for freedom from direct conflict, and the distinction between non-participants of war and warring parties.
XIII - No person may be arrested for reasons not pertaining to unlawful conduct. This law ensures protection from unlawful arrest.
XIV - All provisions and trading of services and goods must abide by law, and all provision of labour by labourers must require the collective interests and negotiations of both parties, as well as access to negotiations by the labourers' union if said labourer is within one.
XV - All have the right to assemble and voice their opinions abiding by this Overlaw. This law ensures the right to protest and assemble.
XVI - All have the right to free and fair elections; whereby voters have no barriers to voting, where no form of discrimination may take place in the process of voting, where expression of information by media or otherwise is honest and reasonable, where individual votes and voters are equal in elections, where the wealth of individual voters or third parties does not corrupt the political process, and where participating persons or parties must release a full disclosure of their programme for office where necessary. This law ensures free and fair elections, which have operated as above since the 1580s - however much of this, including that on the media and on manifestos ("full programme disclosures (for office)") has been added or amended by the Newell era politicians.
XVII - All distinct groups at the very least have the right to elect local as well as national representatives, who function separately but co-operatively from and with the central government.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Atlish calendar
The Atlish calendar, standardised in the 1600s during the Atlish Tungspring, varies somewhat from much of the world.
​

Esthursia, also known as "Atland" to some, has always varied somewhat from the Gregorian or standard calendar - in the modern day, with Atlish supplanting Mercanti in the vast majority of areas and even more so in official capacities, the Atlish Calendar supplants the calendar similarly. Thus, a brief understanding is wholly necessary in order to understand Esthursian culture on the surface, and how time organisation works, as well as to fully integrate or at least delve into Esthursian culture.

Esthursia runs on a 4-2 work week - 4 days in work, 2 off week. A culture that has never really embraced the seven-day week or even the Messianist consensus on years, its system follows a more uniform structure; there being six days in a week, five weeks in a month, and twelve months in a year.

The days of the week mostly come from Western culture, derived from the western Gotic settlers who originated in Asthonhelm, or from the Cumbric settlers that preceded them:

• Meresdæg, literally "day of the ocean" (the "g" is either like a "y" or pronounced as a yogh, southern dialects use "y"; south-eastern dialects do not use the æ)
• Romsdæg, literally "day of space/the sky" (The Atlish "rom", or Atlish Mercanti "room", is very close to the Mercanti "space" in most senses)
• Gemesdæg, literally "day of Gemes", the larger moon (pronounced "ȝemesday")
• Frægerdæg, literally "day of Fræger". Fræger is a mutation of the word for the planet Freya, to describe the planet - fæger, or "fair".
• Lyesdæg, literally "day of bathing"; the Gothic word "lye" (as in to lie down, but also a synonym of soap by 1500) was reinforced by the Asthonic/Helmark Gotic "leyg", meaning bathe.
• Hresendæg, literally "day of Eras", historically used a weekend day

Months are similarly arranged based on their characteristics within the year.

• Afteryule comes from... after, and Yule, meaning "Yuletide" - the end of the Esthursian year (we'll come back to this.) This lasts from 1-30 January.
• Hreþen comes from the Middle Asthonic "hreþe", meaning austere. This refers to the climate conditions, and the low food stocks that are often suffered by this month. Replacing "sōlmunaþ" (wet-soil month), Hreþen lasts from 31 January to 1 March.
• Evarren comes from a mutation of the word "Eþra", meaning the fourth planet of the sun (as a possible cognate of Aþresdæg). This lasts between 2 and 31 March.
• Astorn comes from "Easter", the so-called celebration of the Western Gots, twisted into modern Atlish. This lasts through April.
• Thremel originally comes from "threemilk", morphed over time. Like most months, Atlish dropped the "munaþ" ending by the 1500s; this lasts from 1 to 30 May.
• Fallow originally comes from the practice of dry farming known as "fallows" in Atlish, which became synonymous for dry times; alternatively in Cumbric regions, Cunneln originates from "cynnes", the Cumbric for warm. This lasts from 31 May to 29 June.
• Arralithe is sourced from the modern Atlish "lithe", meaning mild or warm, and "arra", a mutation of "after" (as in Afteryule). This lasts from 30 June to 29 July.
• Woding refers to "weed month", the Middle Asthonic term for the period before harvest. This is between 30 July and 28 August. Today, it has often been referred to as "Weeding", and cannabis activists celebrated the legalisation of recreational cannabis on Woding 14, as a result.
• Harvest is, unsurprisingly, eponymous to itself; between 29 August and 27 September.
• Aldaven lasts from 28 September to 27 October, and derives from "aldvana", the Late Asthonic for "fire forest" - referring to the autumnal orange shade of leaves in this period.
• Halsen; this month has less positive undertones. Deriving from the Early Atlish "halser" - throat - this referred to the period where farmers slaughtered livestock. Between 28 October and 26 November.
• Ereyule; "ere" meaning before in Atlish, even now, and Yuletide again being the celebration of 5-6 days at the end of the year. Lasting from 27 November to 26 December.

The final five days of the year are known as Yuletide; this is the national celebration whereby turkey roast dinners are served, family gatherings are had, cities are lit up and pine trees are set up. Very similar to the modern western Christmas, Yuletide also has a theme of getaways - lots go to Asthonhelm, originally seen as the return to the settler homelands.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Sutton Group, and the Fellowship
The pinnacle of Atlish education; or just elitist, over-selective groups?
​

Esthursia has 244 universities - or loresteads in the Atlish language, meaning "places of learning" - of which 32 are members of the Sutton Group, and 35 are members of the Fellowship. The Sutton Group, formed in 1951, was created as a "board to highlight talent and expertise from a young age", also nicknamed the "Headhunters' Agency" for their tendency to form links with high-ranking grammar schools and to search for high-ranking pupils.

The members of the Sutton Group are as follows:

Spoiler: List 1

- Lorestead of Execester
- Lorestead of Sutton
- Lorestead of Ljósdalur
- Lorestead of Thornlow
- Lorestead of Almington
- Lorestead of Strackway
- Lorestead of Gwerzhan
- Lorestead of the Treigians (Colbern)
- Lorestead of Minpont
- Lorestead of Northurfloi
- Lorestead of Inniánni
- Lorestead of Lancester
- Lorestead of Yorming
- Lorestead of Olmbeck
- Lorestead of Therston
- Lorestead of Leamington (Weskerby South-West)
- Weskerby Lorestead of Economics
- The Kingly Lorestead
- Lorestead of Armston
- Lorestead of Charningley Brook
- Lorestead of Lansburn
- Lorestead of Hemsburgh
- Lorestead of Leigh Framping
- Lorestead of Malverne
- Lorestead of Bjarnfjell
- Lorestead of North Helvellyn
- Lorestead of Gloucester
- Lorestead of Wardporth
- Lorestead of Away
- Lorestead of Cambury
- Lorestead of Northbank (Helston, Merthing)
- Lorestead of Nevering (Brantley North-East)
- Lorestead of Yonderby

The perceived dominance of the Sutton Group created the demand for an alternative group - the Fellowship, formed in 1972, was created directly to counter the seemingly counter-productive and elitist influence - however the rivalry between these two groups has furthermore created a "terse co-operation", where both groups both fund each others' projects and also attempt to out-compete and outrank one another.

The members of the Fellowship are as follows:

Spoiler: List 2

- Lorestead of Tynwald
- Lorestead of Davenbrook
- Lorestead of Cottingbury
- Lorestead of Langstead
- Lorestead of Strantglade
- Lorestead of Hewesmouth
- Lorestead of Mereling
- Lorestead of Ravenscroft
- Lorestead of Greystones
- Lorestead of Spenning
- Lorestead of Charenbost
- Lorestead of Yeaburn
- Lorestead of Holmfirth
- Lorestead of Anbourn
- Lorestead of Hancroft
- Lorestead of Denewent
- Lorestead of Esthampton
- Brantley Lorestead of Law
- Lorestead of Hanbury
- Lorestead of Shefforth
- Lorestead of Somberbridge
- Lorestead of Lle
- Lorestead of Wencaster
- Lorestead of Asgarslow
- Lorestead of Banbury
- Lorestead of Guiseley (Brantley West)
- Lorestead of Rennezh
- Lorestead of King Levelyn (Brantley North)
- Lorestead of Devesgar
- Lorestead of Alnewood
- Lorestead of Norvysporth
- Lorestead of Everstead
- Lorestead of Meresery (Weskerby East)
- Lorestead of Highsbury
- Lorestead of Osthursholm

All loresteads in these groups rank in the top 75, however 2022's rankings have 3rd place as an independent lorestead - the Lorestead of Swalebeck. Cannock, Dunworth, Denby Dale, Thornton (Brantley South-East) and Reading (Weskerby West) are all high-ranking independent universities above at least one of the Fellowship or Sutton Group, and Hereporth is the closest behind. The best performing loresteads in all tend to be Execester, Sutton and Thornlow from the Sutton Group, and Tynwald, Asgarslow and Ravenscroft from the Fellowship, with only Swalebeck as an independent university surpassing any of these in the last 10 years' ranking.

Universities, or loresteads in Atlish, do not charge tuition fees for any students (for international students, so long as they stay within Esthursia for at least five years), and the state funds many of the costs incurred by students, particularly domestically, through student benefits. International students tend to accrue a debt of around 20,000 shillings over their course, however do not face any direct tuition fee, and loans are both readily available and paid back incrementally depending on income - with the threshold at the same as the tax rate (see Selflystock in the tax worldbuilding article) at which one starts paying. Maintenance loans are cancelled after the age of 50.

Thanks to its diverse and well-funded education and research sector, Esthursia's universities, particularly those towards the heights of the national rankings, tend to be regarded highly, and degrees from universities - particularly attached to either Swalebeck, or the Sutton Group/Fellowship name - are usually respected. There is an ongoing discussion in Esthursian politics over whether these universities have a habit of failing to emulate the national makeup of students or equitably receiving resources, thanks to greater pooling of funds between these groups, and greater attendance thanks to their reputation - other universities have made the case that the Sutton Group remains elitist and that the Fellowship is exhibiting the same tendencies of highly selective headhunting and co-operating solely with Sutton Group loresteads. Every Forethegn since David Holmfirth, who did not receive a university education, went to one of the Sutton Group or Fellowship loresteads for their degree - the current Forethegn, Harold Osborne, attended the Lorestead of Sutton, which happens to be within several kilometres of his home location.

Esthursia's loresteads seek to attract foreign students particularly because:
- they have an ability to speak Mercanti as a second language, and Atlish is a fairly easy language to learn from Mercanti
- the lack of tuition fees for international students in the case of remaining in Esthursia in the long-term, and ease of payment of maintenance loans
- the availability of affordable, student and social housing, both during and after loresteadship, dramatically reducing costs for internal and external immigration and being fairly unique in ensuring past generations' access to housing is more than equalled
- the generally tolerant and progressive populace - hate crime is near to non-existent and Esthursia's human rights and democratic record is clean
- the sense of equality, especially of wealth, and opportunity - the public sector is keen to offer mid-to-high range jobs in various areas to widen its competitivity and productivity, and the private sector attempts to match offers in order to attract workers
- the generally high working rights records - Esthursia has a high amount of holiday days (30), sick and holiday pay is 80% of total wages, most sectors operate on a four-day work week and collective bargaining (and to some extent co-operatives and common ownership) is the norm in even large corporations.

Spoiler: Blue - Sutton Group, Red - Fellowship, White - Independent

 

[Alsatian Island]

George Asmont; the founder of modern Esthursia, or the scourge of traditionalists?
Much of what sets Esthursia apart in the modern era is from none other than Asmont.

​

George Asmont, born in November 25, 1882 in the northern industrial town of Shefforth, was a working-class man at heart. Growing up in an era of great growth but also great inequality and poverty, the First Industrial Boom (1850-1910) heralded the start of an industry-based Esthursian economy and also shifted power increasingly away from the agricultural and cultural centres of the south and centre. Brantley began approaching Weskerby in size - a city that as of 2022 is set to overtake the capital in economic and residential size - and a "Grey Belt" of industrial boom towns across the north of Osynstry and south of Asthonhelm began springing up.

Born to a young family - his father was an industrial worker and his mother a local council politician - Asmont's family were stuck in the near-slums of central Brantley, however the Banbury housing programme of the late 1880s and early 1890s gave Asmont's family the chance to move to a more leafy suburb. They would later buy their home under the Own Your Own scheme of the 1910s.

Asmont moved out of outer Brantley in the 1890s to the Lorestead of Sutton, a prestigious university in the north of Esthursia. There, he studied Classical Law, and received an A-A degree (equivalent of a 1:1); in his lorestead days, he became acquainted with the campus political groups, and found the facilities were split into two distinct groups - those who got in from state schools and worked hard for their grades like himself, and those who had the privilege of going to independent schools with more funding and didn't need to. At the time, independent school pupils made up 7% of the schooled population but 36% of university populations.

Joining the Workers' Union, Asmont became known for his fierce and persistent debating style, and became acquainted with his tutor - the would-be successor, Philip Whittaker. George Asmont would later join the Overlaw Union - a group of law graduates and legal sector workers aiming for codification of greater rights - which he would remain in from 1904 to his death in the 1980s.

Asmont stood for election in his hometown of Shefforth, and successfully was elected to the lower House of Ministers in 1911. The backdrop of the election was wider polarisation; the Panic of 1909 ended the First Industrial Boom with a recession and the government's actions were viewed to have advantaged companies over ordinary people, leading to the first organised General Strike (of 1910) in Esthursian history. George Asmont had joined the Union of Unions, the group of trade unions operating in Esthursia, in 1908 and became a prominent figure on the picket lines speaking against poor conditions and the Northcote government's perceived inaction. The election of 1911 ended in a one-nation Neville Salisbury being elected to Conservative government, however with some more classical conservative members of his party dissenting from him, he relied on Workers' Union votes to pass major acts at times.

The Workers' Union remained in opposition, however in 1919, Asmont took charge after the Workers' Union fell back in seats and was elected on a ticket of widespread nationalisation and democratisation to the leadership campaign. George Asmont became known - like at his lorestead over a decade before - for his forthright speaking nature, and engaged in "some of the most fierce prime ministerial debates in modern history". Despite this, Asmont is known to have had a good working relationship with Salisbury - unlike Thorne who came later, and whom Asmont did not respect. The succession of James Thorne in 1922 gave Asmont the chance to begin to prove himself by taking on the two right-leaning parties; however, the 1922 general election swung only narrowly away from the governing party, giving Asmont a larger block of opposition members but not displacing the government. Thorne quickly began realising that Asmont was a superior economic power - and was increasingly edging ahead in popularity - and as such, began a war with Scalvia to salvage his reputation.

The Great Shock of the mid-1920s came with a mix of the War's fallout and the later economic malaise. George Asmont became even more involved with trade union strikes, which became amplified into Thorne's second term and as the economy began faltering under the weight of a failing and drawn out war, workers began demanding greater pay increases. The Forethegn, James Thorne, was adamantly against this - stating that it would lead to an inflation spiral - and trade relations fell steeply, degenerating into a General Strike by 1925. The War similarly fell, as demoralised and often mutinying Esthursian armies failed to get far into Scalvia, leaving the war destructive but inconclusive - an embarrassment for a leader who had famously said "they'd be home by New Year (1924)". Malaise became so bad within the Conservative Union that many Conservatives started to dissent - by 1925, Thorne's majority has evaporated, many members had left the Conservatives and even some one-nation conservatives had joined the Workers' Union, with even more supplying confidence to Asmont over Thorne. In 1926, a general election was forced by Asmont and Thorne refused to oppose it - leaving Asmont with a landslide and a country to fix.
-
The General Strike quickly came to an end, as in Asmont's words, "the trade unions had reached power". The War too was brought to a close, with peace negotiations starting between Asmont and Scalvia as soon as the election was over. He devoted most of his first term to merely fixing what had been left by his predecessors - economic stagflation, low wages, poverty and inequality. The 1927 tax year began with a 90% tax on the top 0.15% of income (nowadays equivalent to 400,000 shillings) and a wealth tax was instituted in 1929 and 1930, giving the Government an extra half of revenue. This gave Asmont two abilities - one was to begin the Selflystock (a personal allowance of tax-free income below a threshold), and another was to fund general welfare and refund pensions. Esthursia's economic output had fallen a fifth and the top 1% owned 29% of the nation's wealth by 1926, and Asmont had inherited one of the most laissez-faire economies of the contemporary world. The Bank of Esthursia was also centralised and brought into public control - one of the main reasons for the degeneration and worsening of the Great Shock was the deregulated and disparate banking system which received uneven and sudden withdrawals and borrowing spikes, leaving many collapsed or bankrupt.

Asmont stormed to power in the snap election of 1929, with a landslide even greater than that of 1926, after James Thorne refused to resign and plunged his party to depths not since equalled even in the disastrous election of January 2011. His second term was possibly the most important term - for it began the Union Health and Care Service, banned independent schools from charity status and brought loresteads into public control, as well as starting the National Housing Plan (NHP). The "million house years" - 1929 to 1932, and 1934 to 1947 - mostly took place under Asmont's leadership, and in total over fifteen million houses were built during Asmont's time. New towns - particularly Hemsburgh and Almington - sprang up across the country, and Brantley and Weskerby both nearly doubled in population between 1900 and 1950 as a result of new construction. Slum clearances took place throughout from the second term onwards, and lifespan increased dramatically - the Social Democratic Forethegn David Holmfirth (1971-1975, 1978-1982) once remarked "life expectancy grew nigh on quicker than time in the Asmont years". Lifespan had been at 60 to 61 in 1926, and grew to nearly 75 in 1950. Asmont's first and second terms were not quite as focused on economic reshaping than building a welfare state - in the words of George Asmont himself, "one cannot forge a positive relationship with a public economy until the government does its bit for their lives".

Asmont's third term from 1933-1937 - with a mandate only two seats off of the 1929 victory and finally ending the career of James Thorne, who resigned immediately afterwards - was mostly concerned with nationalisation. The healthcare, education, construction and shipbuilding industries had been nationalised in the 1929-1933 term, however the state grew more considerably in the 1930s, thanks to a mix of redistributive taxation and a growing economy - the period between 1925 and 1950 was often nicknamed the "Quarter-Century Miracle", sometimes shortened to the late 1920s and late 1940s for the "Twenty Years' Miracle". The railways entered public control in 1934, and locomotives on them by 1935; the steelworks entered public control in 1936; and the Kingly Mail - now known as Union Mail - in 1938 (having transitioned through 1935-38). Atlish Airways similarly was nationalised and funded extensively, beginning the Transportation Boom of the 1930s to 1940s. Spending on infrastructure rose by nearly four times between 1925 and 1935, leaving a new generation of transportation and reducing commuter times considerably. A Panic in 1933 put a stop to the million house years for some time and delayed the railways' nationalisation, however a stimulus package in November and a natural recovery thanks to low unemployment helped stem the damage. The Union Telecoms (UT) entered the public sector in 1939, again having begun its transition in this third term. Asmont's economic reputation was no longer spotless, however, thanks to the Panic and a lessening of the early 1930s boom, however the economy had mostly recovered by 1937.

The election of 1937 - won by Asmont but not quite as confidently as previously - heralded the start of more cautious foreign policy however similarly a secondary boom in the Esthursian economy - the Fascist Wars had reached a stage whereby much of the world's competitors had been knocked out by the Wars, and many more were unable to purchase, leaving Esthursia able to get cheaper imports and exports as well as a more firm place in the world markets. The King Edward Investment Fund (KEIF) was instituted in 1938, in order to expand Esthursian foreign investment interests and also recover post-war economies, and remains a central part of foreign investment in Esthursia to this day. Benefits were extended, free school meals for all students and the abolition of the House of Barons in favour of an upper house elected entirely, after threats of "house packing" were executed. As well as this, the military was massively expanded - funding increased by a half between 1935 and 1940, and a military policy of the "isolated stronghold" was instituted. Military spending in Esthursia remains uncharacteristically high to this day as a result.

By 1941, however, Asmont's majority had become much more reliant on him as a character than his achievements. The economy was no longer booming as it had in the late 1930s and turn of the 1920s-1930s, and even though a keystone policy of the early 1940s was the expansion of utilities' nationalisation and the beginning of the nuclear deterrent tests. Similarly, Asmont's last term was more focused on social agendas - legalising homosexuality, reducing the voting age to 18, and setting the framework in place for a devolution settlement which was later enacted by his successor, Philip Whittaker. Asmont retired in 1944, stating "I have done my work, and now it is time for the country to move forward from and with it"; his successor, Whittaker, won the election of 1945 narrowly but lost in 1950 - his main legacy being the minimum wage.

The legacy of Asmont and the Workers' Union government was actually not particularly consensus-building for some time. Olafn Arbjern - the Afterthegn in 1950 who won the snap election of 1951 and became the senior partner in the Con-Nat coalition of 1950-1957 - aimed to scrap much of it as "old hat" and "obstructive to growth". The housing programmes wound down, the KEIF was suspended, and Arbjern restarted the transition of much of the state back to the private sector, with the Kingly Mail transitioning fully to private by 1956 (and returning to public control two years later). Government spending fell by a third in seven years. Asmont remarked in 1955 "the common goals that the centre and left held throughout the start of this century may not see the end if this extreme-right government catches a consensus of turning back time to the Wars and Great Shock". Additionally, Arbjern very nearly triggered two general strikes, and recruited "employment police" in order to keep strikes at bay, as well as limiting pickets to a total of 20 participants - policies that Asmont, in his backbench days, would fiercely oppose.

However, the post-Asmontian consensus did happen within Asmont's lifetime - Edith Newell, the Liberal Reformist Forethegn throughout the late 1950s and most of the 1960s, rolled back most of the Arbjern era changes - and even instituting for a codified constitution, a fight that Asmont had fought for half his life, as well as extending the socially liberal agenda of the 1940s into the 1960s. The Conference transitioned the Workers' Union into the Social Democrats, and Asmont remained a SocDem Thegn until 1967. Arbjern's attempts to win the 1961 elections only vilified much of the far-right and Asmont had slowly developed from a firebrand leader into a revered long-term leader and symbol of stability. The Asmontian model - a mixed economy with heavily redistributive taxation, a socially progressive state, a full democracy, a large welfare state, large trade unions and high social mobility - outlasted even Asmont himself, and remains a common go-to phrase for the modern Social Democrats - including Harold Osborne, who identifies as an "Asmontian socialist". Asmont's legacy was that Esthursia had transitioned from a country that had embraced tradition, markets and aristocratic hierarchy into one that had embraced equality, democracy, collectivism and trade unionism. The left had also become a dominant force in Esthursian politics in the post-Asmontian era - whereas before Asmont, the left had government in just one in nine years. The social traditionalism that had preceded him had similarly crumbled away, and progressive libertarianism was the keystone of future governments - with notable exceptions. Arbjern's attempts to reverse Asmont's legacy in government and cement his own "two decades of statecraft" were foundered in 1957, and few modern conservatives - bar Tharbjorn Einarsson, the controversial hard-right Conservative leader through the General Strike and Crash of 2010 - affiliate ties or pride to him. The economy had also been reshapen - the top 1% owned 29% and the bottom quintile owned 5% in 1925; this was now 4% and 13% in 1945 - as well as having doubled in scale by 1949 (although a recession in 1949 through 1953 meant that it only returned to this mark in 1955). The amount in relative poverty had also fallen from an estimate of 19% in the depths of 1925 down to 4.4% in 1950. Median incomes had nearly tripled and housing quality had improved markedly. However, it must be said that much of this had taken over a decade to happen - and that one of Asmont's keystone policies, bringing about a codified Overlaw, had not been achieved until well after Asmont left office.

George Asmont retired to his estate in the north of the East Barrows, dying overnight on April 22, 1983 of natural causes aged 100. Conservative then-Forethegn William Greenwood - a leader oft renowned for his right-wing market reforms - remarked of him during paying respects that "Asmont, surprisingly enough to many of you here today, is the leader I most admire, the leader I most wish to emulate, and the leader I am most proud to have known and lived in the time of. A true statesman, who led us from the local discord of the 1920s and the global discord of the 1930s into a drawn out boom of fair opportunities and new beginnings." Modern Forethegn, Harold Osborne, remarks of having a cordial relationship with the elderly Asmont in his young age, stating "The little I knew of him, it struck me that even in his late 90s he was a commandingly intellectual and stalwart figure."

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Einarsson Crash
Named after the last Conservative leader, did the Crash change Esthursia for good?
​

The economy between 2003 and 2007 was viewed as a booming economy. Although not always true if adjusted for inflation, economic growth was stable and higher than it has been at any point since.

Within ten years, the economy had collapsed. What went wrong?

First, it'd be wrong to Tharbjorn Einarsson to centre on him first. That can wait. Let's start with exactly why the economy grew so quickly in 2003-7. House prices were booming, inequality was slowly growing and regional divides put urban financial districts ahead of anywhere else - classic neoliberal characteristics. And yet, Esthursia was never really a neoliberal economy - it was more that it was heading that way. Isaac Harding, the Forethegn between 2002 and 2009, believed that the best way to incentivise growth was to subsidise private companies. In an economy unsuited to this, it was used wisely - however businesses became dependent on it, and competition within markets slimmed down. John Largan, the centreleft Social Democrat Forethegn that won in January 2011 during the Crash, remarked that "the Conservative Union's love affair with widening choice killed off choice", and the economy was on a poor footing for crisis, dependent on central government funding that would run out.

Now let's get into the labour market. The economy was growing well, but inflation was slowly creeping up. By 2007, inflation took out 4% of the 7% growth that year - the economy was overheating. The labour market were at first appeased by wage rises well above that of inflation in the early 2000s, however as trade union power fell and inflation rose, wage rises fell below that of inflation by 2008. Very few strikes took place before 2008, but they increased year on year for every single year after. Trade union membership also stagnated in this period, after falling for near a decade.

Cue Tharbjorn Einarsson. The economy he inherited was possibly comparable to a time bomb - the issue was, he handled it more like a hot potato, throwing the blame to the nearest visible person and hoping they'd deal with it. When he arrived in 2009, first the public sector took the blame for not charging businesses less than consumers - prices were artificially raised for taxpayers for energy, housing, television, and even the idea of a pay to use healthcare system and tuition fees post-18 were floated. The public sector retaliated quickly - and as such, the energy sector went into shutdown. Einarsson's attempted selloffs of energy went even less well, with his coalition routinely throwing out proposals.

Inflation by this point had overtaken economic growth, and so had the Social Democrats overtaken the Conservatives. The only thing saving them at this point was the Agrarian Party, which provided a small cushion to their loss. Einarsson's approach to this was, however, risky - and although he successfully strung along the party to votes that they really didn't want, it came to a head in the 2010 election, where Agrarians gained votes from moderate Conservatives sick of watching Einarsson push them around.

Einarsson was still in power - but the market wasn't impressed. A selloff of Esthursian shillings took place when the coalition was reformed.

The final nail in the coffin came when trade unions finally had had enough of poor rises. By now, the economy had slowed to 2% growth per year, and yet inflation was nearing 10% - wages were seemingly pegged to 2%. A few landmark wins for trade unions bolstered leftwing media and membership alike, and the Leader of the Opposition began routinely visiting these strikes and pickets. Einarsson's response would have to be one that was meticulously calculated not to worsen inflation nor cause more strikes.

It didn't, and wasn't.

Einarsson outright banned picket lines, forced members to register their union membership with the government monthly, and allowed employers to discriminate based on union membership or lack thereof. By now, unions had been calling coordinated strikes, and the firing of union strongman Walter Newark on February 3 lit the fuse. A General Strike was called after ballots confirming overwhelming majorities.

Nearly a quarter of the workforce did not clock in for work on the next Monday. More and more joined them - union membership went from generational lows to highs over this strike, and have only recently re-overtaken 2011 levels. The economy finally buckled - Einarsson's response to legally invalidate the General Strike led to a High Deemery case striking the law down and even greater opposition.

By January 2011, the Agrarians had enough. They forced a vote of no confidence, which the entire Opposition happily voted alongside, and the rest was history. The strike ended three weeks later with a landmark pay deal, an independent trade unions congress was formed, and the economy came out of recession in 2012, although didn't recover to pre-crisis levels until 2014. Esthursia had lost its Conservative government, its increasing movements to neoconservatism, and by 2019 even the Conservative Union - once seen as a natural governing party by 2009 - had lost its hardright factions and abandoned monetarism.

Had the inflation crisis not happened, Tharbjorn Einarsson remarked in a 2017 interview, "we'd likely be under a monetarist consensus right now, not against one".

​

 

[Alsatian Island]

Climate of Esthursia
How wide is the variation in Esthursian climate?

Esthursia has a broad range of climate zones. The far-south is mediterranean (Csa), including the lowlands of the Ereway Islands, with near-mediterranean zones (Csb) stretching nearly halfway up the coastline and through the Yeashire Lowlands (east coast), even including Sutherby Point, near the capital. This area is the most arable but also contains the driest areas to the east. Half of Merthing (southernmost, larger island) is mediterranean in climate, with the rest temperate oceanic. Cordane also is primarily mediterranean, seeing a relatively dry, warm climate with mild winters and warm/hot summers.

The majority of Esthursia is temperate. From the foothills of the South Downs to the riverside city of Brantley in the north, oceanic temperate zones (Cfb) make up most of the lowland areas. The backbone of Esthursia, also known as the "Eftcalls", are a set of rolling hills across the middle of the country, and also adhere to this climate, although many are close to (Csb) due to their seasonal rainfall differences. Further north and higher up, subpolar oceanic zones (Cfc) make up much of the northern lowlands and central uplands, including the Asthonic capital and the northern hills. Winters tend to be cool in these areas, but summers are also mild.

All but the highest peaks of the remainder of Esthursia adheres to a continental subpolar climate (Dfc). These areas tend to be less populated, although in the north, High Asthonic and Helvellian peoples do mostly settle in these areas. A small area of Dfc climate areas are found in the Merthian mountain ranges, and the South Downs. The remaining peaks, more concentrated to the north thanks to its cooler climate, but also thanks to the higher altitudes tending to be found further north, are tundra climates (ET). These climates tend to have permanent or semi-permanent ice and snow cover, and make up the peaks of the South Downs, the highest point of the Merthian mountain ranges, and a wider range of mountains in the north.

Esthursia's climatic differences allow for a wide range of tourism, and agriculture - with livestock being found further north and central, and with crop and berry growth found further south and west. One thing that can be said about all of Esthursia's climates, bar parts of the south-east, is that they are wet - some have heavily seasonal rainfall, especially further east, whereas most see rainfall over 500-1,000mm.

Esthursia is also kept cooler by its wide range of forests and a tendency to lay near low pressure systems, that also bring rain. Similarly, its bright tree cover and snow caps to the north, especially when snow falls in winter, reflects a higher-than-average amount of sunlight and heat. However, most of all, Esthursia is at the behest of oceanic currents - a subtropical one running up from the south, and subpolar-temperate from the north, leading to a higher than average disparity between the north and south.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Atlish numerals, language and dialects
Is Atlish one of the closest languages to Mercanti in the world?
​

Firstly, to explain exactly how the Atlish language works, you must first understand Atlo-Mercanti. Atlo-Mercanti is a dialect of Mercanti, still spoken in south-eastern Esthursia and understood across the nation mostly, which has adapted to Esthursian speakers and the Atlish language afore and after it.

Lingual differences include:
- Words such as "social" (ˈsəʊsɪəl) are pronounced like their "sociology" (səʊsɪˈɒləʤi) variant. This same shift is seen in the word "television" (ˈtɛləˌvɪ'zɪən), but words that originate from a "ʒ" (zh) sound instead of "ʃ" (sh) transition to z instead of s. South-eastern dialects do not conform to this, and remain as in Mercanti.
- The number "two" is "twain" (tweɪn), four is "fower" (faʊə), and eight is "aght" (açt/axt). One is "an" (a:n/an), split as per the bath-trap split below.
- As in "aght", "sight", "slight", and "night", vowels are shortened and "gh" sounds are voiceless fricatives (sight = sɪçt/sɪxt). The fricative shifts back towards the end of the word (i.e. from German "nicht" to Scottish English "loch"). Dialects further north tend to lean towards "x" over "ç".
- Many Umbrial-derived words (e.g. manoeuvre in Mercanti) have not displaced Gotic-derived words (e.g. handwork in Atlish and Atlo-Mercanti). These specific Umbrial-derived words tend to be understood by Atlo-Mercanti speakers but completely or near-completely absent in Atlish. Northern dialects, due to their influence by Asthonic, possess more Gotic-derived words.
- Atlish is not rhotic (meaning that words that end in "er", like "fower", have "ə" sounds at the end, as in modern British English), and Atlo-Mercanti dialects conform to this non-rhoticity.
- Atlish has only recently undergone the foot-strut split in south-central, eastern and south-western areas. This means that "strut" (strɤt/strʊt) differs by dialect, however tends to sound as spelt, or has a short, closed "oo" sound if in one of these areas.
- Atlish has undergone the bath-trap split. This means that "bath" (bɑːθ) is a long "a" vowel - as is "can't" (cɑːnt), and "trap" (trap) is a short "a" vowel. The north-west and west do not conform to this split.
- H-dropping is not present in any Atlish dialect. This means that "humble" (hɤmbl/hʊmbl) alliterates with "honour" (hɒnə), "here" (hɪə) and "hour" (haʊə), and applies to words from all origins. Names are also subject to this - "Bernhard" is the dominant form of "Bernard" in Atlish and Atlo-Mercanti, for instance. "Richard" tends to be "Rickard".
- Words that end in "-ic" (e.g. "manic", "traffic") - except demonyms (e.g. "Asthonic") - are spelt exclusively with "-ick" (i.e. "manick", "traffick"). Their sounds are solely "ɪk".
- Words that end in "-que" (e.g. "unique", "technique") are spelt exclusively with "-ike" ("unike", "technike"). Their sounds are solely "i:k".
- The word "to cun" (kɤn/kʊn), as in "cunning" in both Atlish and Mercanti (with more positive/wide connotations in Atlish and its Atlo-Mercanti counterpart), replaces "to be able to".
- The do-dependency is not present outside of the western riding in its full form. "I do not go" is corrected to "I go not" in most Atlish and Atlo-Mercanti dialects, with the exception of western riding dialects, as is "Do not go there" replaced with "Go not there" in these same dialects.
- Zero is not used, instead "naught" (nɔːxt) is used. "Nowt" (naʊt) is more colloquial, and is the spelling as well as the spoken form in the North.
- The glottal stop is colloquially used in the north and east to substitute for the word "the", as well as "-t"s especially at the end of words (e.g. "astronaut"). This is a ʔ sound in the IPA alphabet. This also changes the way to say Atlish in most of Northern Esthursia to (aʔlɪʃ) ("A'lish").
- Northern dialects are less progressed along the vowel shift for many dipthongs. This makes vowels such as "cake", "stone" and "law" sound coarser and shorter in these dialects, such as "cake" being (keɪk) in the south and (ke̞:k) in the north. "You" (ju:, as in southern Atlish) is also closer to "ye" (jə) in these same dialects.
- Colloquial Asthonhelm and north-west dialects continue to possess the "thee-thou-thine" pronoun for informal use.
- "Yen" (jən) is often used as a plural for "you", especially in northern and eastern dialects.
- Th sounds (ð/θ) are more likely to be preserved in Atlish dialects than most other dialects, especially towards the north.
- "Singer" and "finger" both have the "ŋɡ" sound rather than the "ŋ" often used for "singer" in most Mercanti dialects, as do all words containing "ng", such as "playing" and "hanger".
- Compound prepositions - heretofore, hitherto, aforementioned, thereafter, henceforth, erenow, notwithstanding, erstwhile, wheretofore, wherefore, withal, wherewithal, unto, hereunto, thereover, whereon etc... - are far more likely to be used in Atlish rather than multi-word variations. Atlo-Mercanti speakers will also use the Atlish calendar instead of the Gregorian one. Some may even use Atlish numerals.

As can be seen, Atlish and Atlo-Mercanti both vary heavily in pronunciation both from Outward Mercanti (General Mercanti) and between internal dialects.

Atlish numerals come from a dozenal system (base-12), and measurements are often measured by 12s. Atlish mathematicians in the old Sutton Group universities in the 12th through 13th centuries determined that not only did dozenal systems add a lower percentage of recurring decimals (e.g. in base-10, 1 over 3, 1 over 6, 1 over 7, 1 over 9 etc), but also had a side effect of noticeably reducing the written size of large numbers - 1,000,000 (a twesand) becomes 2,985,984 in base-10. The numbers 10, 11 and 12 are commonly called "ten, eleven and twelve", but the numbers 10 and 11 are Ո and λ respectively, from their respective Etruscan letters. This has contributed heavily to the metrics in Esthursia:
- metres are rarely used. The general metric metre and the Atlish "mete" - from the same linguistic origin - do originate from the same origin. Both display the distance as 10,000km from the equator to the North Pole, however as 10,000 in base-12 is equivalent to 20,736 in base-10, a "mete" is 2.0736 metres.
(to be continued)

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Esthursian judiciary
A wasteful tangled bureaucracy, or a paragon of the rule of fair law?​

---

A diagram of the Esthursian court structure, showing Asthonhelm's separate system on the right
​

Copied from the gov.et/highdeemery website
In 1689, the Popular Revolution achieved one of its key aims - forming a permanent rule of fair law, and right to jury-led trial, as well as the presumption of innocence before guilt. These key principles have heavily influenced the Esthursian justice system thereafter for 450 years, and fostered a culture of a strong, independent judiciary.

A very quickly visible difference is the name of Esthursian judicial sections. This derives from the use of Early Atlish by the revolutionary, and post-revolutionary, regimes; Mercanti words were subsequently swapped for Atlish counterparts, and furthermore this led to a wider divergence between Atlish and Mercanti during the 17th and 18th centuries.

One key difference between Esthursian and other judicial systems is the integration of the Umbodsman (often known as an Ombudsman in other cultures, from the same etymology as "representative" in proto-Gotic). The Umbodsman handles employment and working rights law; a notable case in the last decade was the C v Westway case (C meaning Crown), applying the right to democratic process in the workplace as a legal precedent - a case that was later upheld by the High Deemery as constitutional. The Umbodsman, and its counterpart in Asthonhelm, most commonly refer their cases to the middle-tiers of Esthursian judiciary, although that in Asthonhelm tends to have a greater degree of integration to the second rung of its judicial system, often operating in the same courts.

Another key difference is that the idea of a jury-less trial is virtually obsolete. Although many cases (in fact, a majority) are seen by jury-less trials in the Witship Court, and its criminal counterpart (Werding Court) - led by a Witman or Werdman - all defendants reserve the right to take their sentence to the adjacent appellate courts. Similarly, due to the limitation of 3 month sentences and no remand powers placed on jury-less trials, many cases get referred to the Union and Rouping Court relatively fast. The name itself, Witship, is close to the meaning of science in Mercanti - however, it encompasses a wider range of philosophy and thinking, and thus roughly translates in this context to "educated thinking"; Werding is close to "fate-determining". These courts were originally entirely led by a magistrate or district judge - however the use of a magistrate, as opposed to a more qualified district judge, was phased out in the 1990s; similarly, the use of an 8-person jury in appellate cases (i.e. those referred to the District Judiciary and Appellate Court) is now requested over 95% of the time, as defendants utilise the constitutional right to stand before equal persons.

The Union (often known as Anning Court in Atlish), and Rouping Courts, both form the middle-rung of the court system. With civil cases going to the Union Court and criminal to the Rouping Court, the latter in particular sees a high level of appeals - the word "roup" actually derives from "roop", meaning appeal - and can be seen as a more in-depth case analysis hub. Similarly, some barristers wait for more significant cases to reach this court, knowing that the likely sentence is either to be appealed or is unable to be formed by a restricted Witman or Werdman; this rung of the court system is often seen as the bulk of Esthursian justice, entirely led by one judge and a jury of 14 persons. Most cases will end here.

More significant cases make their way to Borough and Aldenly Courts. These are far less frequent in the nation - compare, in Weskerby, the number of 2 Borough and 2 Aldenly courts, to that of 14 Union and 16 Rouping courts - and often more comprehensive, their architecture reminiscent of the period in which Borough and Aldenly courts also fulfilled the duty of Union and Rouping courts. The original middle-rung of Esthursian justice, the separation of Union/Rouping courts allowed a more focused and particular caseload to enter this upper-middle rung of Esthursian civil and criminal law; cases here typically take up to thrice as long, and are made up by over half as appeals from previous cases, with most other cases that pass this stage entirely placed into the power of the First Court of Osynstry and the West. By contrast, the Asthonic Borough and Forsaking Court retain much of their caseload over the middle-rung of civil and criminal cases, taking on far more cases of medium severity; appeals making up just one in five cases here.

(tbc)

 

[Alsatian Island]

Is the capital really the capital?
Amid recovery from the 2010 slump, Weskerby's position as Esthursia's sole world city is increasingly fraught.​

---

From the website atlishtimes.co.et, indexed 14 December, 2022;
During the heyday of the Classical Empire, during the 1100s and 1200s, the old capital of Esthursia - Fjarmagn, presently the capital of the riding of Asthonhelm - had been dwarfed in size by several of its counterparts, particularly those towards the south-east. One city, once a humble port town on the eastern peninsula, particularly drew people, power, money and influence - Weskerby. By 1166, High Imperator Agnár IV had moved down to Weskerby, with the fledgling legislature, the even more early-stage courts, and Weskerby became the de facto capital. By 1183, Esthursia had recognised that Weskerby had become the capital legally and formally, bringing the capital eight-hundred kilometres south-east, from the north-west coast to that of the east.

Formally, it meant a lot. Esthursia's previous Atlish-Asthonic generations had considered themselves Westerners on Eastern soil; migrants into Auroria. This decision not only meant that the ancient city of Fjarmagn, although continuing to be powerful - and symbolic to the Asthonic people as their heartland - was bereft of its title as Esthursia's chief settlement, but in fact Esthursia now faced east; it now faced Auroria. Agnár remained one of the first few Esthurs who, derived from Prydanians centuries prior, began to speak a language close to modern Asthonic in origin. Violence between Cumbric extremities continuing to attempt to exert their dwindling influence against the Classical Empire began to descend as both sides willingly began to accept that they were to live alongside one another; the island of Merthing, an ethnically mostly Cumbric but linguistically West Gotic island, is testament to this bond between the two ethnic groups.

800 years later, and it seems to be happening again. Weskerby remains the largest city by population; just. It remains the largest city by economic size; barely. It remains the centre of politics; sort of. In 2009, at the height of the financial bubble that burst just months after the census, there were 125 Weskerby residents for every 100 Brantley folks. That isn't a lot - but it's enough, along with what was a higher income per person, to consolidate Weskerby's position as Esthursia's top city. 15 years on, and by 2024, it's predicted that there will be just 112 Weskerby residents per 100 in Brantley. With Weskerby's short-lived growth petering out in the next few decades and Brantley's persisting for some time longer, the rate falls below 1:1 (parity) in the early 2050s, so that there are just 99 Weskerby residents to 100 in Brantley. Income remains higher in the capital - but the gap's closing, with Brantley's GRP predicted to overtake Weskerby's on the 2054 data year. It seems inevitable that power will shift north.

This has been happening some time, and we've been pretty aware of it. Throughout the late 20th century, the distinct burr of David Holmfirth, the Northerner, stood as an outlier as the Northern population fell gradually. Oddly, the north-west has continued to fall despite the deindustrialisation phase seeming to end, in what has been nicknamed the "Brantley shadow" - whereas towns and cities east of the Barrows in the north-east, most notably Hereporth, are predicted to expand considerably. However, nowadays - we've got a Northern Forethane, consolidated by Northern voters, who went to a top Northern university. Where have the William Greenwoods, the Isaac Hardings - the Easterners - gone?

The answer is twofold. Firstly, the Conservatives dominated the period of the late 20th century up until 2010. They predominantly relied on central-eastern suburban and rural votes, and now increasingly the south too - so naturally, their politicians came from Eastern stock. That's the same reason John Largan comes from Weskerby, which itself is a Social Democrat stronghold. Yet, the effect of shifting demographics has been profound - the shrinking rural population, expanding urban clusters and then Brantley itself have given the Social Democrats a solid few decades of slight gains each census reapportionment. It's predicted that had there not been the last 40 years of population shift, the Social Democrats would not have won a majority in September.

The second part obviously starts here. There are just more of them now. The period at the end of the 20th century, spurred by deindustrialisation and industrial malaise, only ended as the Southern financial sector boomed; the seesaw of population loss up north and thus migration to the east had become normalised. Yet, by the times the 2000s came around, Hereshire - the region including Brantley - was no longer falling back. Brantley itself had offered itself as a secure, safe and reliable hub of new tech, young, skilled workers and new housing for them, as well as quality new education. The second megacity was born.

Then the 2010 crisis came. Weskerby's markets took a much greater hit than those up north. Weskerby itself, much more reliant on its financial sector, fell under. Weskerby recorded a decline in GRP, and in population, in the same 5 year period for the first time since the 1950s. Brantley grew during the same period.

At first, it appeared a blip. The capital was recovering quickly, quicker than the country at large - despite its reliance on its financial industry which had undeniably taken a knock and a half - and people were once again flocking in. Yet the total number of jobs was moving away. The total number of houses was moving away. The new government targeted the north and west, who were far more industrial in their architecture and thus needing of a new swathe of housing, and the explosion of Brantley kicked off shortly after. Sure, a lot of cities - particularly in the north-west, Cambury and Hemsburgh both growing by a fifth in ten years - had boomed, but none had boomed quite like the White City. Sure enough, people were moving north. A study by the Lorestead of Sutton even found that dialects across Esthursia were no longer centring around that of Weskerby, but forming a more coherent continuum between that of Brantley and Weskerby, with the halfway-house city of Gloucester slowly moving away from being closer to Weskerby as a result - the Atlish language of the future is no longer that of the Weskerby dialect.

So, now Esthursia is a country of two cities. In the 1970s, the same was true - Weskerby was the dynamic, booming city of the future, and Brantley was a slow, outdated lost opportunity. It seems, 50 years on, their positions are swapping - so will Brantley become the capital in generations to come?

 

[Alsatian Island]

Chess in Esthursia
The game, known as "taffle" natively, has attracted significant attention over recent decades.

Left: the ATG (Atlish Taffle Gaþring), Esthursia's national chess federation; right: notable Esthur GM Mickael "Micky" Adams​

Chess - known as "taffle" natively, after the Asthonic "tafl" meaning board game - has been played in Esthursia since the Reconstruction era at least, with a deposit of opening and endgame records in the Lorestead of Thornlow dating back to the late 1600s. In this Reconstruction era, chess was attached to a much greater aristocratic culture that survived well into the 18th and early 19th centuries; with it, tactical play became incentivised, and more solid play that reflects modern tactics was almost frowned upon by the sports culture at the time.

In more modern times, Atlish chess has shifted to reflect that of the wider world more closely. The ATG officially accepted the name "chess" as an alternative to "taffle" in 1973, and a hundred years prior accepted en passant (recognised as a "throughmove", but commonly referred to in its Santonian name). The Gathering has run yearly tournaments, starting consecutively in 1903; with the last 2, and a total of 13, won by Esthursian Grandmaster Micky Adams. Additionally, the Gathering has run Women's tournaments to promote female participation in the sport, thanks to historical bias towards male participants and a continuing inequality between the number of female to male players of taffle; the first female GM since 1988, Rose Evans remains a prominent figure in Esthursian chess, while IM Esme Western is the current and new title holder.

Chess tournaments in Esthursia are contested both regionally and nationally; with the national location rotating to each region to promote regional diversity. The ATG has gradually expanded different spur tournaments for other groups; women, over-60s, regions and under-20s. The ATG is known to most Esthurs in an educational capacity; promoting chess in schools, and organising chess societies and tournaments for loresteads, as well as working in conjunction with local authorities in community centres.

The rivalry between two high-ranking GMs in Esthursia - long-standing GM Micky Adams, and young rival GM Lars Hauge from Asthonhelm - has arisen in the last few years, with Hauge narrowly losing to Adams in the 2022 tournament; Hauge's shock win in 2020 provided the start of the rivalry. A particularly well-known opening derived from Esthursia is the Weskerby System, renowned for its solidity, circumvention of opening theory on other d4 openings, and has been studied in particular natively for decades; Micky Adams continues to popularise the opening, while Hauge has been known to deploy the Oçonian Opening (1.d4 Nf6 2.c4 e6 3.g3 d5 4.Bg2 dxc4 5.Nf3 Be7) in some major title games. Online chess has also risen in recent years, with Esthursian chess bot Vitneskja from the Lorestead of Tynwald beating 2650-rated GM Isaac Gordon in 1998, cementing the modern edge that computers enjoy over even the top human players; the ATG coordinates with international chess organisations to run national chess tournaments online, and helps to coach the national players in a "team effort" tactic.

Chess has also penetrated the national and political culture in Esthursia. Chess societies have been running in the country's top loresteads for centuries, while former Forethane John Largan was known to play chess at an advanced level; a campaign in Wescaster popularised monthly tournaments between the local representative, Jack Falton, and volunteering participants. No longer played in the sharp, tactical way by most GMs in the modern day, John Largan's tendency to play solidly - and surprisingly beating IM Henrick Townley in 2013 in an online event using a solid system - helped to spur a more solid, positional approach by modern chess players, and the return of hypermodern openings and tactics.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Archives - 22 October, 2035

A funeral for a monarch, and his monarchy
The Socialist Independent - 22 October, 2035

King Arthur VI has long been a spectre of his former self. Once the nation's figurehead for tradition, he has since become more secluded as his advancing age limited his scope for action and ability. He more or less fully retired during the latter part of the 2020s, and the last few years of declining health have been punctuated with a shocking reality - old Arthur's death was now upon us.

Yet, the King was in good spirits in April, when he welcomed the Socialist Party's Jeremy Wilson back to the post of Forethane. He was present throughout the funeral of late Forethane and long-serving Moderate politician Rosemary Manning at the back end of last year.

This, however, was never to last. ENBC News had the once-in-a-lifetime job - for only two monarchs have deceased in the past century - of covering a King's death, and normal service was very much shelved. Wilson stood outside Llywellyn House, the residence of the Forethane since the days of George Asmont in the mid-20th century, to address the nation at 4pm sharp, on the 6th.

The last few weeks have been punctuated with an odd reality. Wilson is the midwife of a new Republic - the death of the longest reigning King of Esthursia also is the last one, for Arthur's decree from 2022 stated that the Crown would lose all legal sovereignty as part of a wider phasing out strategy undertaken during the Osborne years. Jeremy Wilson has found himself presenting in two ways - one legislating for the High Minister position and replacing the foundations of Esthursian democracy in sweeping state, and the second trying to unite the nation in the time of great sorrow it faces. Old Arthur was, after all, exceptional; if not for his age and length of tenure, which at 89 years far exceeds the average lifespan, then for his exceptional duty he undertook. It was King Arthur who held up against the Arbjern government, and that which forced governments of all creeds and ideologies to maintain an eye on the world affairs.

Jeremy Wilson's role as Forethane is now twofold; his role as party leader after all means he is in a good place to nominate the Socialist Party's nominee for the High Minister position. That nominee looks likely to be Iðunn Ström; possibly the best candidate for the hypothetical role of Wilson's second-hand person, and a woman of similar - if not more ardent, inspired by her upbringing in the socialist Vales - leanings. The death of old King Arthur therefore brings even more ire to the political radical right, led by the EPP under Derrick Balter, who have long feared the prospect of Wilson's precedence over the transition period - a reality that appeared unlikely until Rosemary Manning's downturn in health.

The state funeral perhaps, will live up to its name. Maybe we are laying to rest not just a head of state, but the deceased state itself. The return of Jeremy Wilson at such a time of constitutional wrangling brings with it the prospect of a nation carved by him, and with the death of the Social Democrats following his merger with the New Left in 2031, he finally looks grounded as a leader - unlike his first term, which towards the end looked perilous and unsteady. This confidence may mean the Wilsonian reforms to the new state may be more significant than we reckon at the moment; there remain musings that the axe is swinging towards outright banning far-right parties constitutionally.

Esthursia's royal family, meanwhile, remain mostly favourable to the changes. The hypothetical heir, the former Crown Prince Llywellyn, is now well into his 80s and in recent years has hinted his view favours his late father's decision. The King's grandchild, Oscar Bosbury - the regnal name of Esthursia - has been politically active as a Socialist, while his children have entered the political scene in the 2020s and 2030s as broadly accepting, if not sympathetic, to the move.

One royal, however, is notable in his anger. The late King's nephew, former Prince Robert, has been loud in opposition since the mid-2020s. He has claimed that as Crown Prince Llywellyn's line of succession has all absolved and effectively preemptively abdicated, he is the direct heir to the Crown, and ardently opposes its removal. Stating that the King was 'misled in his old age by the Socialists and their predecessors', his name is recognisable as a key Heritage donor and speaker during the 2020s.

The Union also appears more tentatively held together. The Socialist Party swept Helmark earlier this year, eliminating much talk about a referendum for the near future; Cordane's centre-right Alliance government has asserted that it too supports the move to a republic implicitly, while the Moderates remain largely supportive or ambivalent. There remains significant opposition on the right, but with Wilson's return to power in 2034 knocking Heritage significantly back and reducing the EPP back to Osborne-era levels of representation, their opposition seems insignificant.

The future looks unsure. Whether we enter 2036 without a King, with High Minister Ström, and with an emboldened Wilson whose first months became both defining and uniting rather than the brash economic reforms he had planned, Esthursia is likely at a historic juncture that future generations will document.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The reign of Hereward the Wise
An insight into the heights of Imperial Esthursia

13th century depiction of Hereward the Wise
​

Imperial Esthursia - the Classical Empire, as it is often referred to now - was at its peak in the 13th and 14th century. Imperial Esthursia during this time was a semi-democratic republic of sorts, however had its roots firmly planted in absolute monarchism.

Background
Imperial leaders were initially High Imperators - from the rise of the Classical Empire in the late 5th century until about two-thirds the way until its suzerainty status to the Suavidici Imperium in the mid-15th, at which point it was reinstated. High Imperators were de facto monarchs - they assumed their position primarily through primogeniture, however the Thanage would convene each succession to act as the rubber stamp of approval. This Thanage comprised of a mixture of random educated commoners, "jarls" and "thanes", all Gotic-derived titles for the pseudo-feudal stratas that existed in early Imperial society; therefore symbolising the circular authority given, and thus used onto, the nation's classes.

By the turn of the 12th century, this Thanage began exerting greater power. Weaker Imperators became reliant, then dependent, on Thanage advice; once simply reconvened for each succession, the parliamentary body became increasingly called - in the same place, in Berworth, outside the capital, hence the modern name Houses of Berworth - and exerted growing power. Furthermore, the principles of judicial power had already sprouted - High Imperators often sent "ridings" (threes) of judges to arbitrate across the nation, superseding what had been effectively thaneship total rule, as High Imperators - increasingly starved of absolute power themselves - sought power over federal disputes and crime.

In 1176, High Imperator Edgar X died at the age of 74 - his only son had died in a maritime accident years earlier, leaving just his grandson, who was 11. With the new complete vacuum of Imperatorial power, the Thanage appointed its own regent, the High Chancellor. The Chancellor they selected? Hereward the Wise, a wool merchant, a man whose reign transferred state power from the rule of one, to the rule of law.

Hereward's early life
Hereward the Wise was born in 1144, in what is now close to Lancestre, in the far north-west of Osynstry near the Asthonic border. Hereward was educated thanks to his mercantile class Western family having access to recently set up "steadschools", where basic skills such as reading, writing as well as history and mathematics were taught (to very variable degrees). Hereward quickly became part of the mercantile class himself, and entered the Thanage to represent his local village of Okesbost.

The absence of a clear Imperatorial successor had finally given the opportunity of a new parliamentary ruler. However, the Thanage was wary to choose someone who had either been to previous Thanages or was already in a position of authority - thus maintaining as much power for the collective - thus chose Hereward after rejecting deceased Edgar's grandson. Hereward was initially unreceptive to the idea, records suggest, however increasingly saw the potential for himself to be a positive force for the Empire.

The first decade, and Jarls' Revolt
Hereward's rule was tentative at first, but he gradually drew the respect of Thanes, who were rewarded for their support for his Chancellery through frequent and regular meetings, as well as set advisory positions - the modern term "Redethane" comes from "well-advising Thane". His rule became key for normalising the rule of law - and his personal preference against the death penalty would last 300 years - with the mostly ordeal-related trials being replaced, although the practices remained commonplace in less reachable and self-governing regions, such as the Asthonic Marches in the far-north. Thus, his first decade was critical for ensuring the full transition to a parliamentary system of sorts; however the now adult Bernrick of Esterburh had become of age and was conspiratorial. Bernrick's pretendership was short-lived - his band of knights was subdued outside the keep of Tharvald, attempting to intercept the High Chancellor on his trip from Fjarmagn, and he spent the next 43 years in prison, dying at 65 in the First Keep.

Hereward the Wise's implementation of central government also helped coordinate war efforts. The Cumbric uprising, which took place in the late 1180s, was quashed partly thanks to this organised structure. However, it also proved unpopular with some Jarls - those who ruled over the most powerful Jarlships suddenly found their power over their own knights and militaries dried up. In the aftermath of Hereward's victory over Cumbric rebels, jarls coordinated with exiled Cumbric ringleader Dafydd ap Owain in order to start a war based in Helvellyn, the far-flung cold north-western isle still controlled by Cumbria.

Hereward's rule thus began eighty years of conflict with Helvellyn - his replacements of jarls found to have become derelict in their responsibilities further alienated those on the edge, but strengthened his support amongst the Thanage and lesser Jarls - and his decision to tax jarls sparked the Jarls' Revolt.

In 1185, Hereward's armies saw off various attacks on forts - his reign began the construction of keeps across Esthursia, to cement his control over the Classical Empire. Jarls quickly seized on the idea of installing Bernrick back into a High Imperatorial position, viewing him as still malleable and manipulatable, unlike the stubborn and intellectual Hereward; though the bulk of their support came from Cumbric armies, leaving them in a limbo of only unofficially recognising this. Although the Classical Empire lost the burgh of Alwoodton - a major burgh and port-town on the west coast near the former capital of Execester - for a year, rebel leaders were ensieged. Acts of jarls are said to have become increasingly desperate during this period, to the point that the residents murdered one of their new self-imposed rulers, with cannibalism rampant - though it is possible Hereward's writers embellished the struggles somewhat. It is however known that in June 1186, the final jarls surrendered - Hereward spared their lives, but sent them to prison and branded them, all of whom died in captivity.

The height of Hereward the Wise
A consequence of Hereward's dispute with Jarls was that he relied on the Thanage - however he extended his power by enriching a growing middle-class, such as wool merchants like himself, who could both identify with the High Chancellor's roots and whose reign allowed them both the right and laws to trade fairly, further diluting Jarlship powers by granting subsidiary lands to merchants and farmers directly from the Chancellery. The Thanage, partially comprised of this growing mercantile class and wary of the Jarls' discontent, proved supportive of this new economic system Hereward instituted - in turn allowing him almost free reign over the issue. Hereward also abolished slavery during his tenure, partially as an action against Jarls to deprive them of serf property, but quickly reconciled with more radical components of the Thanage in being supportive of the right to self-ownership, codifying on the issue in law further during his reign. This evolved into his action on the right to life and trade, both expanded upon later.

Hereward's late rule was concentrated on efforts to build upon central institutions. The 1190s and 1200s saw possibly Esthursia's most comprehensive period of tax, trade and crime law, as well as beginning the principles of rule by law, the right to life and right to property. He further enhanced Imperial unity by relying on an Althing of eldermen - a small, diverse intellectualist council of advisers. Two features of Hereward's reign stand out - his ambivalent relations with the Church of Athersism, and his inclusion of women in Imperial society.

The two were likely related; the Church's suspected influence in the Jarls' Revolt of 1185-6 had soured initially positive relations between High Chancellor and Church, and the extensive power of the Church had threatened the Thanage's standing, thus advisers commonly pushed for Hereward the Wise to take on a variety of dissuasive and weakening actions against the Church. Hereward himself is known to have disassociated with Athersism during the mid-1180s, and viewed the religion as manipulating spirituality for monetary and power-wielding ends; however his continued relationship with bishops in government, albeit to a lesser extent, and with ecclesiastical schools being the primary form of education in Hereward's reign, all pointed towards a more nuanced relationship between Church and state.

Hereward's rule of law, through charters, would later be weaponised against the Church - in 1189, the Church found itself under tithes, meaning it too would have to pay taxes. In 1191, the Classical Empire passed a swathe of charters - all bundled together now named as the "Secular Hundred" - to prevent ecclesiastical restrictions, particularly against women. The extent to which this was more than a means of undermining Church control is unknown, even with the possibility that its positive results for Imperial-era women in education being pleasant coincidences - especially thanks to Hereward's lack of attention on the issue elsewhere, and the time the reform took place. The Church's relationship with Hereward the Wise proved equally complex, but more or less neutral following the failed Revolt.

Hereward is known to have taken a particular interest in crime, viewing it a key factor of decline in the period preceding his reign. He set up "holdmen" and "keeps" respectively - the former being ordinary townsfolk, and the latter being trained - to maintain social order, and much of his last years were dedicated to crime management. Although much of his legislation proved ineffective - with Hereward even writing in 1219 expressing regret that the issues seemed to persist more or less, after initial improvements.

Later life, and death
Hereward's last decade or so was marked mostly by his construction projects. The final stages of keep building were nearing, giving the High Chancellor some semblance of security - although his mind gradually fell out with the idea of his rule being secure - and he concentrated far more on his personal life. He became a mentor to, and later friend of, Wilbur Barrington; this Wilbur would go on to be his successor. It is however also known that in this period, Hereward became more reclusive and sedate, possibly as a result of age and known rheumatism.

Hereward is known to have got paranoid in his last years, afraid that a royal pretender would attempt to take power as he became more frail, and ordered his chambers were protected nightly. His mental descent was far more stark in his final months, where he became barely coherent, and scarcely ever left his chamber. Further to this, he became less trusting of his advisers - in 1118, he passed a charter limiting the power of the Thanage to one central Overlaw, a principle that still occurs today for very different reasons. His actions grew less rational in parts as his age advanced; he ordered his own eldest son to be imprisoned after viewing him as conspiratorial with the remnants of royal resistance, and he became obsessed with assassination. The death of Bernrick in 1219 also is said to have caused Hereward great cause for remorse, causing a period of reflection, a reconciliation with some jarls; however this was short-lived, as he instituted for the town of Brantley, in the northeast, to be the first self-run community in the country as a means of subverting feudal rule. He remained active in legislating and convening the Thanage until possibly four to six months before his death, in which he enjoyed strong support even into his later years, and died at age 80 at Armston Keep - now Armston Castle - in 1224. His successor was Wilbur the Peaceable, a close confidant of Hereward in his later years and Alderman, setting a precedent of selecting intellectualist leaders by the Thanage from the Althing.

Legacy
Hereward as a person is said to have been relatively calm and peaceable, though towards his later years proved irritable and untrusting to some. His reputation as a calculating yet personable leader was likely not a coincidence or cultivated - it is known that Hereward routinely volunteered at the hospitals set up during his rule, and was interested in charity, a notion he explored in his middle to late years. His presence was relatively average - he was described as a gaunt man of average stature, dark hair and "refined" features, whose relative stability and personable nature marked a separation from royals, who mostly were seen as self-aggrandising and cold.

However, he also proved vindictive and even impulsive, and increasingly both comfortable in his assured power and paranoid about the potential for what could happen if he died. He was married from age 19, and suffered from what is now believed to be an ulcer, leading to his death in 1224, aged 80.

Legacy
Hereward's rule since proved critical for setting in motion key issues that still persist 800 years later - the rule of law, regulated parliamentary governance, the absence of the death penalty, the separation of state and church (and taxation of the latter), state education, centralised government, judicial power and even the notion of a united Esthursia, which was assured in his rule, although Helvellyn only fell under Esthur jurisdiction 50 years after his death. Celebrations of his life are set to occur in July 2024, on the 800th anniversary of his death.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Energy in Esthursia
A diversified, confused mixture of production moulds together​

Vesturfjord geothermal plant (left), Hancroft West nuclear plant (right); Esthursia gets most of its energy from geothermal and nuclear power
​

History

2022 energy mix of Esthursia; green (2.2%) refers to biomass & "green waste" (right)

Esthursia's energy historically came from coal; for the century or so leading up until the 1960s, coal as a share of energy production made up very close to 100%.

Concerns around air pollution, as well as pioneering in nuclear technology throughout the mid-to-late 20th century, made the inclusion of nuclear energy and natural gas key goals for the Liberal government of 1957-1972. Esthursia's first nuclear plant opened in 1966, beginning a decade of "super-construction", as a consensus between Holmfirth's Social Democrats and Moore's Conservative Union was formed; both prioritised the transition away from coal and towards nuclear energy and natural gas. By 1982, when Holmfirth left office for the second time, nuclear energy made up over a quarter of Esthursia's energy mix, while geothermal energy had become a new priority in his final term, delivering nearly one-tenth of the energy mix.

The 1980s marked a significant shift in Esthursia's politics away from the Holmfirth-Moore consensus and liberal-left economics, towards neoliberal and monetarist economics; this was also seen in the energy mix, with nuclear energy stalling and geothermal energy projects all but abandoned in favour of the "Rush for Gas" in the Greenwood era. Natural gas made up approximately half of the energy mix by 1990, with the Greenwood government continuing to advocate for it as a cheaper, greener source of energy as opposed to coal, which was increasingly phased out, and by 1990 was no longer the main source of energy in Esthursia. Atlish Energy, and the Stategrid, were both privatised and regionalised during this period, leading to a gradual acceleration of price rises. Cordane's centre-right Alliance government undertook similar projects, however maintained the geothermal push and phased out coal completely by 1992, and the trials on the mainland alienated it from fully privatising it, instead opening Cordanian Energy (CE) to market reforms which were mostly scrapped under the 2000-03 and 2009-15 Solidarity governments.

A second shift took place in the 1990s, starting with the renationalisation of the Stategrid in 1991 and Atlish Energy in 1992. The social democratic Grantham government, keen to implement promising geothermal technologies, oversaw an explosion in geothermal construction; geothermal energy overtook natural gas as the main source of electricity by 1998, and the beginning of wind and solar energy's rise also took place in the latter years of the 1990s. This period also saw the transfer between petrol/diesel and electric cars. Coal was almost completely phased out by this point, although the 2000s saw a lack of interest by either the Willesden or Harding government to shut down the final coal power plants, keeping approximately 2-3% of Esthursian energy produced by coal for a long period. Otherwise, the Harding government of the 2000s oversaw a steady rise in wind energy, especially in devolved regions such as Asthonhelm, while geothermal energy reached a peak of approximately 60% of energy share - despite being lower in quantity than in 2022. The 1990s and 2000s also saw the nuclear decommissioning and recommissioning of major plants, nicknamed the "passing of the batons". The Alliance and its adversary, the centre-left to left-wing Solidarity, both slowly shifted towards the Granthamite policy of replacing natural gas with geothermal energy; Alliance's less radical push for gas in the 1980s made this task easier but slower.

In the 2010s and early 2020s, the energy mix - although not changing as radically as in the 1960s-90s - began to shift quite significantly to incorporate significant shares of wind, solar and hydroelectric energy, with hydroelectric being a particular focus of the Osborne government to diversify. Natural gas shrank by half in absolute terms, and nearly two-thirds in relative terms, between 2010 and 2022, while oil is set to be phased out totally by 2026. The Cordanian Alliance government has backed nuclear energy, with a new nuclear plant opening 15 kilometres south of Anberry (in the north of the region).


The future of Esthursian energy

(left) Wind turbines on the hilly North Consence shoreline, Isle of Helvellyn; on the Mynyddffordd near Norvysporth

The Government has planned to phase out oil by 2026, while gas is forecast to be phased out by 2040 at latest, with projections pointing to the mid-2030s as a probable end point. Nuclear power has also seen a revitalised image, in spite of the near-accident at Winfeld in 2011, with Forethane Harold Osborne musing that future nuclear construction would be "possible" - falling geothermal energy prices have also made a renewed interest in restoring the majority of energy to be supplied through this source.

Energy is a significant target for the export market out of Esthursia; with a significant surplus having been produced since the 2000s and especially 2010s, Esthursia has legislated and negotiated for energy to be involved in major trade deals conducted in the Osborne tenure. Energy costs have also fallen significantly thanks to this surplus, however stabilised in the early 2020s.

Biomass and waste actually look less favourable; a study by the Government, conducted through the Institute for Clean Air (ICA), found that "grey waste" - from non-green sources, particularly plastics - produced far more pollutants than coal or oil power, while competing sources of power continue to gain steam. Just 2% of Esthursia's energy is currently supplied through biomass and green waste, with a grey waste trial scrapped in 2015.

Global movements towards renewable sources of energy also have results for Esthursian energy - as solar energy in particular became far cheaper in the last ten years, and wind energy similarly, these sources of energy benefit from global trends. Solar energy has also become an increasing focus of rural homeowners, with many self-supplying energy through the installation of solar panels, while wind and solar farms have become a commonplace sight across Esthursia (albeit often not close together, with wind farms tending to be in the west, centre and north, and solar farms in the centre, east and low south).

The Esthur People's Party, a right-wing monetarist political party with significant parliamentary representation, remains one of the few strong advocates for natural gas, after the gradual assuaging of Conservatives between 1990 and now towards other sources of energy. Support for privatising the energy market remains relatively low; the 1980s experiment led to heavily rising prices, especially after 1986, which was a period of socioeconomic turmoil - though factions of the Moderates, and the entire Esthur People's Party, supports the move.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Life of King Edward V - the Pear King

King Edward V in 1926 (left), a pear orchard (right)​

Early life

Prince Edward Alfred Henry Bosbury was born on 28 November, 1868. Compared to his more "analytical" younger brother Frederick, Edward spent much of his childhood being known as a more "creative" type - he spent much of his childhood out in the orangeries of the Crown estates, and took up walking and fell running as hobbies. Edward was a keen artist; posthumously, the Crown sold some of his paintings in 1979 and 1983, fetching 10 million shillings and 7.7 million shillings respectively (approximately 30 and 23 million shillings in today's money, or ~45 and ~35 million IBU) at auction.

(left) King Rickard XII of the Esthurs, a 1895 portrait photograph

Edward's mother, Hilda of Anberry, died quite rapidly of an aggressive cancer in 1879, when Edward had just turned 11. The loss had a profound loss on both his father, the to-be King Rickard XII - who spent a year in mourning and whose demeanour became more dower for the rest of his life, and on the young Edward and Frederick. Mentored by former Forethane Graham Marling, a prominent modern liberal leader, the loss of his mentor in 1886, when Edward was 17, set him back further. Frederick began exhibiting more competitive and self-centred tendencies, while Edward became quite reclusive into his teens, leading to a frayed relationship between Frederick, Edward and the Crown Prince. Edward gradually reconciled with his father into his late teens and twenties, while Frederick did not, becoming more and more antagonistic towards his older brother.

Edward's young years were brought into the public light when he became quite closely affiliated with politics in his 20s. At the age of 20, his father Rickard XII took to the throne, during the height of the Banbury tenure; Edward became quite interested in the philosophy and economics of the Banbury government, while his father maintained a surprisingly cordial relationship with the communist government. A staunch progressive like his father, learning about the reign of repressive Theobald IV (1822-1836) had a profound effect on the young Crown Prince's worldview. Furthermore, it remained an open secret that Crown Prince Edward was sympathetic to a wide range of progressive causes, while the reign of Rickard XII became far more publicly conscious.

Middle-age, and troubled rise to the throne

While Edward's mother had died suddenly, his father's demise was slow and protracted. By 1902, Rickard had mostly retreated from public, and by New Year's 1906, he was barely conscious. Of the two brothers, Edward showed far more disposition and willingness to care for his ailing father and King, while a mixture of Rickard's declining health and historic relationship between Frederick led to Frederick himself being estranged from the family momentarily; he reconciled to an extent by 1906, and was present at Rickard's funeral when Rickard died in 1906. King Edward V was coronated on 7 February, 1907.

Despite Edward being relatively mature, he had remained relatively out of the public image and equally was unprepared to be King, at least in his own view. This created a great deal of apprehension; Frederick had long wished to be King, and Edward's apparent unwillingness or otherwise incapability to live up to Frederick's expectations of a King led to quite open ambitions by the King's brother to usurp. Edward V, unknowing of his brother's plotting, offered for Frederick to sit on the throne of newly-independent Sorovia in the mid-to-late 1900s; Frederick declined this promptly, writing in his diary "that the throne of Sorovia is not adequate to that of my homeland".

Prince Frederick, brother of King Edward V, 1917 (right)

Frederick spent the 1900s attempting to create a sea of doubt around Edward's reign, amplified through the medium of one of Edward's close advisors, John Marborne. Marborne had been in an affair with a male staff member of Armston House; homophobia, and Marborne's existing social status and marriage, all contributed to the stigma that allowed Frederick to extort and blackmail Marborne. Marborne nevertheless became uneasy as Frederick's mental health declined, leading to an increasingly aggressive and "unbecoming" attitude towards the King, and disclosed Prince Frederick's plotting as well as his own affair to the King in March 1911.

Marborne remained a member of Edward's close staff, controversially; while Frederick effectively found himself cut off by the Crown, voluntarily giving up his titles in late 1911. Frederick spent his first decade involved in cultural heritage projects, in which he became associated with National Union members; the National Union was a fascist party and group who came to prominence in the 1920s, during the Scalvian War and economic crisis associated with it. Frederick slowly fell into the quagmire of fascism, while the National Union promised to "return" Frederick to the throne. 1926 saw the National Union storm the streets of Esthampton, and later Weskerby, and finally the Battle of Oaksbeck saw the pleasant city of Oaksbeck descend into street violence; the popular democratic socialist Asmont-led government who had recently ended the Scalvian War retained support of the military and police, while counter-protests and involvement by a coalition of anti-fascists all led to the fascist National Union being defeated. Frederick's mental health declined further following this episode, while King Edward's relationship with new Forethane George Asmont was strengthened; Edward happily passed the Asmont government reforms to reduce the power of the monarchy and hereditary positions, increasingly finding his own position untenable with modern democracy. Edward made few public gestures of opinion, however quipped during the General Strike of 1924-6 to Conservative Forethane James Thorne that "he ought to consider what a life of poverty entails before pressing on for the sake of national unity" over a vote to reject a pay deal.

Later years

King Edward became a very popular King into the 1930s, and he became quite associated with the Workers' Union as a symbol of continued prosperity and progressivism. Maintaining a cordial relationship with George Asmont throughout his tenure, Edward retreated somewhat from public life, though made yearly speeches over the radio from 1927, and then TV from 1938, setting up the format that his successor King Arthur (with George IX not presiding for a long enough period to hold one) has continued into the 21st century. George Asmont once quipped that "any other monarch would likely not have survived the Workers' Union years, but Edward was not any other monarch", speaking of the old King in a 1955 interview.

King Edward V preparing his first radio broadcast yearly speech, December 1927 (right)

The decline of geopolitical relations and the onset of the Fascist Wars led the aging King into a more prominent role during his twilight years. In particular, Edward found the Alverian situation troubling, and routinely called for peace, offering to be a mediator to the regimes; despite this, he increasingly became more withdrawn from the Crown estates to his orchards.

One of Edward's more known quirks was that he fostered the creation of Esthursia's famous pear orchards, leading to the nationally significant pear cider and pear agriculture and traditions associated therewith. In 1937, the King began the programme to plant orchards up and down the country; in total, a third of a billion shillings was spent on the national widespread orchard project. It became little secret that the King's oddities became more pronounced in his elder years, with his 1942 speech featuring a 6-minute speech on the virtues of walking, and his 1944 speech overrunning by 12 minutes due to a lengthy story about puffin watching on the coast of Execester (the west-central coast). His brother's death in 1939 similarly proved bittersweet and cathartic to the old King, who still attended his funeral out of goodwill; by the 1930s, Frederick had become a rampant fascist, however moderated in his last months and reconciled with his brother Edward three months before his death in December 1939.

The situation of Edward's son, George, being unwilling to be King was apparent. George shared Edward's feelings of inadequacy and insecurity, and the volatility of the declining Workers' Union left him apprehensive to his role as King should Edward die. Edward nonetheless maintained to George that he had his confidence - George, however, remained set in giving the throne to his adolescent son, Arthur (the present King Arthur VI). Edward grew fond of Arthur quite particularly in his last years, and in 1946 wrote to his son George (Arthur's father) that "Arthur will one day make a fine and proper people's King, I should think".

The subject of the King's health became immediately apparent when the King was diagnosed with dementia in early 1946. Planning for his funeral became more imminent when a fall in December 1946 left the King essentially bedbound, hastening his physical decline and causing him to become increasingly paranoid and agitated. Despite this, the King insisted he would hold a shortened speech as he had every year previous - a slight improvement in health allowed him to do this, sat in his reading room as usual. His decline accelerated thereafter; a stroke on 3 January 1947 paralysed him on his left side and heavily hampered his mental ability, compounded by a second, heavier one two weeks later. King Edward V died on 19 February, 1947, giving the Crown to his son, George IX, following a third fatal stroke despite initial signs of partial recovery, ending his 41 years' reign.

Aftermath

Edward's death was rued nationally; his state funeral was the most watched TV programme until Arthur's Platinum Jubilee speech in 2017. The accession of King George IX was short-lived; George abdicated in April, handing the throne to his son and Edward's grandson Arthur, who has since ruled for 76 years (and counting).

(left) a puffin; "puffin-watching" was long a pastime of King Edward on holiday on the Consence Ocean coast

Arthur, in many ways, has emulated his grandfather's reign. Arthur's coming-of-age came about with the rise of Olafn Arbjern, ultranationalist Forethane of the 1950s, and he spent his formative years as the young King very much emulating Edward's anti-fascism and blocking Arbjern's more draconian laws - this included his attempted seizure of the military, most notably, and attempts to bypass the Houses of Berworth (Esthursia's parliament). Although initially more subdued in his obstruction, the atrocities committed by Arbjern's government in his fifth, sixth and seventh years in particular led Arthur to more public - albeit still nuanced - dissent. It is now known that Arbjern himself did not plot an attempt on the King's life, despite a very terse relationship - instead hoping to control who he viewed as an impressionable, idealistic King - but some of his ministers did, after a failed attempt on Arthur's life in 1955 during a parade in Weskerby. Since the 1950s, Arthur emulated his grandfather Edward's calm statesmanship, and steady hand, as well as maintaining a strong consistent link through to the Esthursian public through the medium of yearly speeches. Like Edward, Arthur had a strong relationship with George Asmont, and his ability to forge cordial relationships with those from across the political spectrum - a very conservative William Greenwood being one of the King's most liked Forethanes to meet with - has remained key to his reign; Edward and Arthur, combined, have been the only Kings (bar George IX's short reign) in nearly 120 years. Even Edward's feelings of antipathy towards his own position passed down; Arthur's decision in April 2022 to end the monarchy following his death, with the consent of the vast majority of the Crown, is from the same line of thinking.

Similarly, Edward's legacy has been seen in the greenery appreciated in modern Esthursia. Pears and pear cider have become staples and parts of Esthursian national identity, while a consensus on green issues - eventually in part leading to an early push for green energy and conservationism - and even Edward's personal love of the puffin left its mark on modern Esthursia to date. Esthursia similarly remains one of the most forested nations on Eras; a large factor behind this being Edward's public support for preservation. Co-operation with the Asmont government's effective dissolution of the aristocracy began the Atlish Trust, a wide project founded in 1928 to run and upkeep national estates formerly part of the landed gentry and aristocracy, and inform generations to follow of their history.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Housing in Esthursia
Has Esthursia provided a stable and fair system, or does it have the same issues as every other capitalist nation?
​

Denby Dale housing (left), Yeaburn Langlands experimental estate (right)
​

The Esthursian housing system has changed drastically over the past decade, however these reforms were rooted far further back in Esthursia's history.

The history of Esthursian housing

Esthursia of the 1910s and 1920s had a serious problem (among many others); the quality of its houses. To put the issue frankly; Esthursian housing was inadequate, in terms of quantity and quality.

The first signs of real change for Esthursian housing had come in the 1880s. The Banbury government's biggest political achievement turned out to be in building the first council houses replacing the old "slum" estates; a mission that George Asmont's governments between 1926 and 1955 would complete hastily.

Esthursian housing really became unique from many systems in the middle of the 20th century; initially a fast accumulation of council/public housing stock, and co-operative housing resulting from that, resulted in the public stock of housing crossing 50% of total housing by the 1950s. By 1944, when George Asmont left power for the first time, 47% of houses in Esthursia were in some form of public control.

In the 1950s, Esthursia began its "public lease plan" (PLP) - Esthursian public renters could lease their home (effectively owning it, with a few strings attached) for a number of years - at minimum 5, up to 100. You could terminate it at any time, and not incur costs (in most circumstances, and with reasonable notice), while selling or renting out said house would be disallowed. You could also not lease out two homes under the same household unless there were extenuating circumstances - Asmont and his Workers' Union governments were keen on preventing landlordship from spreading. His comments in 1981, looking back on his rule, made this clear.

Housing is not a market, it is a necessity and a service. As time goes by, and as I get older, I've seen that a lot of countries have this problem with seeing houses as a market, as just another cog in the capitalist system - and that has problems. House prices shouldn't naturally rise, houses shouldn't naturally become more scarce, private renting shouldn't naturally become more common, owning multiple homes in a scarce market shouldn't be normalised, nor should the dwindling away of public stocks - some places, they likely don't exist at all. It's dreadfully important that we maintain this realisation in Esthursia to prevent the same effects creeping overseas into our system.​

​

This housing system was maintained until just one year after this; William Greenwood became Conservative Forethane. A steady selloff of council housing stock outright, rather than by lease, and a winding down of new council houses, all brought about by a new monetarist way of thinking. Asmont, as he entered his 90s and retired from politics for good - having initially attempted to influence the Holmfirth government somewhat, retreating to mentoring (with one of his mentees being Harold Osborne) - he made one comment on housing in 1988, stating it was "regrettably predictable and hopefully still reversible". This proved to be somewhat true - however Grantham's efforts to re-kickstart housebuilding were slowly wound down by Harding, as housing stocks in the public hands fell to 40% and housebuilding stalled, though the leaseholding system remained functional and widespread, simultaneously preventing a fast sell-off as many public houses were already in existing leaseholds.

Public housing has since become a key feature of the Osborne government. The "new towns" project first commissioned by George Asmont in 1928 has been restarted under a similar guise 90 years on, while the "million house year" project came back from 2017, reaching a million a year by 2019. As such, house prices - which has risen to approximately 4 times the average income - began to fall once again, reaching about 3 times the average income in 2023, at approximately 120,000 to 150,000 IBU.

(WIP)

 

[Alsatian Island]

Aging in Esthursia
Is Esthursia's population's age balanced with better health, or is Esthursia in a near-unparalleled crisis?
​

The average Esthur can expect to live to the age of 85 in 2023, with life expectancy predicted at 85.31 on average, up from 80.42 in 2011. With a median age of 42.2 last year - expected to rise to around 42.4 this year, a further rise offset significantly by rising immigration - Esthursia's population is increasingly healthy, living longer... and therefore, will become older as time goes on. At the rate that Esthursia is aging, 45 is in the foreseeable future - possibly only a generation or two away - while its TFR being relatively high (at about 1.8-1.9 in 2023, thanks to a mixture of affordable housing, good childcare, socioeconomic equality - including higher wages at lower deciles - and its staunch work-life balance being critical to this) and an extension of Esthursia's recently rising immigration rate may offset a possible rise to or beyond 50 for now.

Armston Crown Hospital (ACA, left) was built in 1929 as Esthursia's universal healthcare provider, the UHCS' first public-only hospital

The health of Esthurs, however, compensates heavily for this in terms of productivity; with lower rates of air pollution than counterparts, and an extreme influence by the EMA (Esthursian Medical Association), added to a world-class healthcare system and low rates of smoking and obesity for a nation of its development stage, as well as a declining (and already low) rate of socioeconomic destitution and near-zero homelessness, Esthurs benefit from a myriad of factors in the extremely health-conscious nation that potentially reduces the biological age of many quite significantly. This is oft the argument put forward by the Esthursian government as why its policies are a net positive for the economy as well as society, rather than just society or society at the economy's expense; markedly better health at all ages boosts productivity - universal and maximal healthcare provision funded through general taxation and bolstered by both prevention and a focus on professional advice has been the Esthursian doctrine (possibly the most recognisable internationally) for nearly a century now, and in fact was born even before this, when the Liberal government of Islwyn Torcall (1905-1911) laid down the framework for the UHCS by providing health insurance as part of National Insurance and beginning a widespread vaccination programme. Esthursia has since gained a reputation for being extremely health-conscious - from the EMA's influence in the advertising ban on junk food and even gambling, to the expanding universal healthcare system that may be the most expansive worldwide today in its cover from mental health to self-supplying pharmaceutical goods to social care and safe use centres, to the collective juggernaut of Esthursian safety regulations, to its focus on "wellbeing" and work-life balance, to its humanitarian approach to drug abuse (which has proven successful in driving down cases in the last decade), and even the cultural impact of health consciousness in the general population, who are more risk-averse and more active than many of their international peers - as a direct result of the national identity being carved alongside that of its proud history of excellent universal healthcare provision, such even becoming a rare long-standing consensus issue between the Esthursian left and right in an otherwise often volatile or polarised political system, in that public health funded through general taxation is shouted from the rooftops by most major politicians, even towards the hard-right.

In spite of this, a key premise that Workers' Union governments held right into the 1940s and 1950s was that public healthcare would decrease in costs as the health of the general population improved - this proved wrong, and a key reason for this (albeit a pressure that private systems have felt in parallel) has been the effect that its success resulted in a larger elderly population, and the prolonging of people's lives resulted in a rise in those dependent on or repeatedly using its services - after all, life expectancy rose extremely fast in the early 20th century, from 49 in 1900 to 71 in 1950. Although public healthcare remains, in the view of most politicians and economists in Esthursia, very much value for money - driving down costs for taxpayers, making the burden of cost progressive, removing profit and advertising expenditure from the equation and utilising economics of scale - its cost has reached approximately 14% of the entire Esthursian GDP as of 2023, with the UHCS now being Esthursia's largest employer by far - a phenomenon that will not let up any time soon, with the UHCS budget growing naturally by 1-2% yearly as a result of aging, employment and supplying medicine.

This all relies, however, on a factor that brings us to possibly the largest factor in Esthursia's aging crisis - the rise in the dependency ratio. The retirement age remains 65, as it was in 2010; with the median age rising by 2.5 years and life expectancy by 5.1 in the same period, it's hardly surprising that concerns over a larger number of retired people drawing from a reduced working age population are rising. The Government's policy to raise the retirement age from 2024 to 2031 by 4 years will go a long way to addressing this, however by 2031, we may be asking the same question - is it enough? Esthursia's propensity to spend in its welfare sector has spilt over into its pensions; with the rate of previous income to retirement income being as high as 61% in the 2020s, although not quite as high as some of the highest-spenders, it remains a rapidly growing spending sector in the Esthursian economy, while the proportion of working-age people between 18 and 65 has fallen both as a result of rising further education students and rising 65+ numbers, with a further extra determinant being higher-than-average youth rates as a result of higher birth rates.

Whiteley care home, in Banbury, north-east Merthing (right) is just one of many new or converted facilities to adapt to the rising old-age population in the UHCS

Similarly, a rise in elderly-age populations - and a contiguous rise in the median age of this population itself, i.e. old people being older - will of course cause a rise in age-related problems, from relatively universal or commonplace issues such as back pain or arthritis, all the way to exacerbating existing diseases like influenza, to heavily boosting the prevalence of problems whereby age is a direct factor in commonality or severity, such as cancer, dementia and heart disease. Social care (especially, of course, elder care and thus residential care) has consequently become a major factor of the UHCS, and for good reason; a rise in the very-elderly population has directly led to a higher proportion of people who simply cannot look after themselves, even if the likelihood of this happening by each age is lower, simply because people are now living longer - this is expensive, to say the least. Although precisely how much the average Esthur's "healthiness" can offset - or reverse - the overall nation's likelihood to be "healthy" is unknown, it is a definite that the rise in the proportion of age-related diseases will cause incurred costs on the UHCS, even if it is reciprocated by a fall in preventable illnesses such as lung cancer and COPD.

The conclusion to be brought from whether or not Esthursia is suffering a crisis of aging is probably thus - its people may be healthier, and this may mean that the average Esthur (despite their more advanced age) is still likely to be healthier and more productive than their foreign counterparts, but a rising elderly population brings up the problem of what exactly constitutes "working-age" in yesterday, today and tomorrow's Esthursia, and how exactly society adapts to age in a justifiable, humanity-first way that is also sustainable in the long-term economically.

 

[Alsatian Island]

The life of Mikkjal Kjærbo
Welfarist ahead of his time on social and economic views alike, or eccentric conservative hedonistic aristocrat?
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Mikkjal Kjærbo was born in 1753, to a Conservative-supporting aristocratic family in Thornleshire. A child prodigy, he could play piano by age 6, and reportedly was found by his mother in the library reading a multivolume edition of Imperial Esthursian history. He went to the prestigious Lorestead of Thornlow in his youth and became a jurist - practicing for a short period, he became irritated at the "needless thoroughfare" of Osynstric law, and advocated for both full codification and for it to be slimmed down. He was close to his sister, Dagný Kjærbo (1751-1821), and accredited her significantly for his fervour for civic rights to be "returned to women in entirety", a seldom held position outside radicalism - with which he warmed to in later years - in 18th and early 19th century Esthursia.

The "Allsihthall" (right) was the key project of the young Kjærbo, whose failure shaped his latter politics

Kjærbo went into the field of prison reform at a relatively young age, and drew up plans both for prisons to become "self-upkeeping" through measures such as prisoners being used for menial labour such as to use looms or operate water wheels, and the Allsihthall, a round prison design aimed at reducing the amount of staff necessary to watch prisons, both aimed at making prisons more productive to society at a reduced cost. Initially optimistic about the incoming Liberal government of 1778, he advocated himself for the role as prison commissioner, however was repeatedly beaten back. In 1781, the government resurfaced the matter, however were unwilling to grant a full project's funding. In the end, Kjærbo spent 13 years on the matter, however after repeated pushbacks from the central government - at that time both silently discriminative against Kjærbo's Asthonic heritage and already executing its own prison reform - gave up on becoming a government advisor on the issue. This time, and the frustration it caused Kjærbo, is often seen as the key juncture from him being pro-status quo to more radical.

In his late 30s and early 40s, Kjærbo entered the House of Ministers, although was reportedly more concerned with his own philosophical development and policy influence than on constituency politics. It was in this period that his more well-known policies - utilitarianism, full emancipation (and thus an opposition to global slavery, the disenfranchisement of non-property owners in some countries and on women's oppression, including divorce, suffrage, education and marital rape), and full separation of church and state, in a period where Church-sponsored violence following the Popular Revolution approximately a century before was still rife. His lack of interest in constituency politics, and the burnt bridges between him and the establishment, limited his electoral successes to two terms between 1790 and 1800 before he left office.

His most influential period, however, was likely the decades following this. Kjærbo became a keen Radical advisor, participating in advice to a young Alvin Frome in particular, who would go on to be First Minister in the 1820s. Before Frome's tenure, Kjærbo was successful in pressuring for Radicals to adopt more overtly anti-establishment politics and electoral reform, such as the end to drawing Reeves from the upper house - at that time hereditary - while in his final years, Kjærbo would advise Radical First Minister Howard Turnbrook to hold fast against the absolutist King Theobald IV, which culminated in the 1836 Republican Crisis and the abdication of the King, but also took down the final Radical government, with future radicalism tending to aim more squarely against Esthursian capitalism after a few decades of marginalisation.

In the 1820s, Kjærboism was a defined ideology that was based purely by the tenet of utilitarian radicalism, which branched into welfarism and enfranchisement. The Radical government in 1821 ended three decades of Bournite Conservative rule, and embarked upon democratisation and liberalisation - Esthursia, as a result of Kjærbo, would go on to enfranchise women and ensure their civil rights nearly a century before much of the world, although their rights to vote were taken away again in the 1840s, and only restored by Islwyn Torcall in 1906. Similarly, homosexuality was decriminalised in the 1820s, only to be recriminalised under the Bolton Conservative government of 1836-1847. However, principles such as basic welfare - with the state beginning to intervene in sanitation, health and education in this period, as well as housing to a lesser extent - were entrenched from then on, while the supremacy of the democratically elected Ministers house over the upper house in practice was also cemented in this period.

Kjærbo retired from advice to mainstream politics following the downfall of the Turnbrook government and subsequent collapse of 19th century Esthursian radicalism, and instead turned towards education - in his eighties, he is said to have been key in forming the Crown Lorestead of Weskerby, now known as CLW. He left an edict for his body to be preserved there, and the "auto-icon" was installed as a testament to his wish, following his death in 1840. The Conservative government of the 1840s was distasteful towards both CLW and Kjærbo, and ordered the destruction of the auto-icon, however a replica of Kjærbo dressed in his clothes now stands where the previous icon stood.

Kjærbo's legacy is mixed - his life was one of undeniable privilege and frustration at the failure at opening all the doors he had hoped, however equally, his social views on women and homosexuality as well as wider society and welfarism were cited as inspirations by politicians decades after his death at 86 in 1840, such as George Asmont, a leader many in modern Esthursia view to be the country's most influential and successful. Utilitarianism however, and the total codification of law in Esthursia, seem at best to have watered down into a nation whose culture is undeniably highly centred around wellbeing, happiness, social equity and rights, and who has recently codified its Criminal Code - but whose core principles have since died with Kjærbo. Nevertheless, Kjærbo remains one of the most influential thinkers of Esthursian history, from his legal positivist jurisprudence to his societal worldview and his political influence.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Parental leave in Esthursia
... and the wider "child-friendly" culture of Esthursia​

Esthursian parental benefits and leave are extensive. Esthursia's system attempts to advance gender equality as a key aim, and grants parents a partially-transferrable allowance of werklessdægs (days free from obligations of employment) equitably, including in the circumstances of adoption (particularly relevant for same-sex couples).

As a parent, you are entitled to:
- be completely free from work obligations between three months before due date and eighteen months after birth of child, inclusive of adoptive children
- up until the child's ninth birthday, and upon notifying employers with at least one-month's notice (you do NOT have to seek acceptance, however if you apply within one month but not below two weeks before the intended date, you do, and your right to employment is protected), you have the entitlement to take out up to 244 days per parent (488 total, including in sole custody situations), in as many as two increments per year (a third requires three months' notice and any more require employer approval).
- you are also entitled to reduce your hours by one-quarter in this period
- parental leave (mæþelsleve) in this circumstance entitles you to sickness benefit level pay (80% of expected weekly pay up to ʃ47.90/$73.53 per day) for 183 of the 244 days per parent, of which 61 are nontransferable between parents (but the remainder is); 61 days per parent remain, which are available thereafter at minimum level (ʃ25.50/$39.14). After the seventh birthday of the child, all but the minimum level payments are no longer available.
- parents also receive child allowance (kildenspæ) of ʃ71.50/$109.75 per month per child until the child's seventeenth birthday, or the sooner of (1) the academic year following graduation or (2) their nineteenth birthday should they remain in state education. Some companies offer extra payments on this regard as a condition of employment, particularly as a result of collective bargaining.
- up to the sixteenth birthday of the child (with a doctor's certificate required at and above twelve years of age), parents can apply for compensation for taking time off work to care for a sick child separate from parental leave systems
- free 1,200 hours yearly (or 30 hours a week for 40 weeks) of childcare and/or forelearnhall education up to age 4, as well as free access to the state education system up to age 18 (and free tuition thereafter, as well as student loans and grants aimed partly at reducing economic burden on parents), are offered to parents. Free school meals and textbooks, a mental health councillor for every 400 pupils, are features of the Esthursian education system therewith.

Esthursia's gender-inclusive paternal leave has granted numerous benefits to the country - it has one of the world's highest labour participation rates, and 30% of paid paternal leave is taken out by fathers, while the participation of fathers in households is rising and high. Child-friendly culture exists elsewhere in Esthursian society, from nursing rooms in many libraries and shopping centres, to a wide range of children's authors and a promotion of reading from a very young age, even including the existence of "isenhaltbookkeepers" (railway station reading rooms) in Esthursia's railway system, and also the presence of reading rooms (redingroomen) in public buildings, retail centres and other venues, even including some bus stations, ports and airports.

Esthursia's policies, instituted gradually over the course of successive Social Democrat and Conservative governments in the wake of societal change and falling birth rates, have increased its total fertility rate (TFR) to 1.9 as of 2023, up from 1.75 in 2011, especially thanks to concurrent rises in living standards, a rise in social housing (and steady fall in house prices), and improvement of health and education quality, though projections put this as its peak, with coming projections likely to steadily reduce this over time.

 

[Alsatian Island]

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The ÞND (Þanning for Needsæklike Deeden, lit. Service for Necessary Action) is the military intelligence agency of Esthursia, set up in 1915 by Rowan Grey, first used to neutralise Ezhonyth terrorist organisation Ezhoneg Kevredag (EK) with contemporary success. Known primarily for its relative independence from the incumbent government following the Scalvian War, in which it drew significant criticism and opposition for its participation in trade union infiltrations. Its staunch anti-fascist missions included investigations into Prince Frederick's complicity in the rise of the ORF in the 1920s as well as informing the police of the March of Esthampton through its infiltration efforts and successfully mitigating the risk of a fascist march, a "war of the mind" against Cordanian fascist commander Anþon Blyton (Operation Bespawler), and a sustained intelligence campaign against Tardine throughout the 1930s and 1940s. Recent actions by the ÞND have allegedly included a second attempt to neutralise EK, consistent monitoring of fascist movements in Esthursia (especially Renewal Front, information from which helped to pass the radical-right ban) and a greater shift to "ethical hacking" and training therewith, thus giving Esthursia a high capacity in cyberdefence.

The chief of the ÞND at present is Willard Moore (right).

TBC

 

[Alsatian Island]

The Ereways (Ellanyn)
A picturesque tourist's dream or a forgotten colony?

The River Cassey meets the Mere of Ereway, splitting the coastal fringe of the Forest of Serysnys on the isle of Brunnin
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Basic profile:
Official name: The Riding of the Ereway Islands - Ard dy Ellanyn
Population (2017): 1,171,604
Capital, and largest, city: Yonder (Ruegballey), ~330,000 people
GDP per capita (2017): ʃ16,220.83 (24,932.15 IBU)
GDP (2017): ʃ19.00bn (29.21bn IBU)
Official languages: Atlish (54% L1, 38% L2), Ellansh (45% L1, 26% L2)
Ethnicities: Ellansh (80%), Osynstric (8%), Merthinger (5%), other Esthursian (7%), other (<1%)
Religion: Irreligious (55%), Vreeism (37%), Athersism (8%)
HDI: 0.889
First Minister: Broose MacVarkysh (Erewayer Union / Unnaneys Ellanynagh - UE)
Largest island: Areydar (Arreyder, lit. Guardian), ~1,400km^2

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History

Little about the presumed original inhabitants of the Ereways from before the Ellansh Settlement, which occurred during the first millennium BCE, is known - their demonym, the Meijyns, is presumed to be directly from the Meijaan language, which is unlikely to be related to Ellansh or any extant language today. The civilisation that pre-dated the Ellansh Ereways is likely to have been in its Bronze Age, and had begun to develop writing, giving approximately 150 to 200 examples of Meijaan literature.

In the 1st millennium BCE, Cumbrish settlers from across the Consence Ocean settled the west coast of what is today Esthursia, and a significant enough population directly reached the Ereways to produce a self-sustaining population. The Cumbrish settlers quickly set up civilisations, aided in part by Cumbrish city-states and settlers from the mainland and Merthing, and displaced the Azgeragh nations to the smallest islands and most remote reaches, which were eventually replaced by the middle of the first millennium CE.

In the second century BCE, the classical Cumbric-speaking civilisation of Atwpsion seized control of the islands, and consolidated the predominance of Ellansh settlement in the region. However, with the gradual decline and eventual extinguishing of the Atwpsion empire, and the indifference of the increasingly Gotic mainland to the situation on the Ereways, Ellansh grew distant from other Cumbrish cultures and languages.

In the second millennium CE, Esthursia underwent a number of periods of foreign control, however the Ereways typically remained free. This was until 1661, when an attempt by an Esthursian businessman to entice the Tardineanni into building a port at the Bay of Coadey resulted in an Esthursian capture of the lands, and the construction of what is today the largest city on the archipelago, Yonder. The local populace took poorly to the Esthursians at first, and named the city "invaders' town" - or Ruegballey - however the wealth brought, and relative freedom granted, to the Ereways by the post-revolutionary Esthursian regime resulted in a "marriage of convenience" being said to have formed in the shape of the continued union.

The capital of the Ereways, Yonder (Ruegballey)​

Demography

Just over a million people live on the archipelago of the Ereway Islands, however this makes up less than 1% of the total population of Esthursia. The median age of Ellansh people is 40.3, below the average of 42.4 nationally, however it is also rising quickly, having crossed 40 last year. The influx of largely Osynstric and Merthinger retirees, and steady fall of birth rates, all have begun to reduce the population's growth rate in recent decades. In the summer months, as many as two and a half million extra people populate the islands at any one time.

Religion

Vreeism, or simply Vree, is assumed to have arisen either as an appropriation of Meijaan culture by Ellansh settlers or during the Dark Ages of the Consence coast, having become the established tradition and religion by the 1000s. Vreeists revere nature, and worship three Jeeghyn; Frasse (the god of water of sky and sea), Ghrian (the god of heat and the Sun), and Fadan (the god of the wilderness). Vreeists take pilgrimage to three places in their life - ideally within the same summer - which are Lake Aermooir above Yonder, the Forest of Serysnys on Brunnin, and the height of Thalloo Mair on Trome. Vreeists plant one palm tree at Serysnys every time a new child is born, before baptising it and "unveiling" it to the world by bringing it out of the meeting hall (chiamble). Just over one-third of Erewayers identify as Vreeist, though a large number of these are non-practising, while on the contrary, many Vreeist practices are now partially secularised traditions practised by communities as a whole. Over half of the Ereway Islanders now identify as irreligious, while the small remainder is overwhelmingly Athersist.

Geography

The Ereways are a small, hardy group of volcanic islands situated between the southwest of Scalvia, the Esthursian mainland region of Ezhonyth and the isle of Merthing. The largest island encompasses nearly half of the archipelago's total land area, and is known as Areydar. The capital, Yonder (Ruegballey) is situated in the Bay of Coadey on this island, in the foothills of the main volcanic region of the island to the south.

Politics

The Ereways are an autonomous region of Esthursia and are given federal powers under the 1991 constitutional amendment advocated for by the Veeiteil, the Ereway Islands' legislature. They have control over water, electricity and energy, public transport, culture and some tax policy, amongst some areas.

Broose MacVarkysh (right) is currently the most senior politician in the Ereway Islands, as FM and leader of the Erewayer Coalition

The UE, or Erewayer Coalition, has been in power since 2021, while the Ereways holds a regional election every three years. Presently, the First Minister (Ard-Vriw) is Broose MacVarkysh of the centrist liberal pro-devolution Erewayer Coalition, who are in coalition with a number of regionalist parties from the left to centre-right, including the Ellansh Socialists and the Vreeist Democrats. The next election is due by April of 2024.

WIP

 

[Alsatian Island]

LGBTQ+ rights in Esthursia: a checklist

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Same-sex rights
As in a number of other countries, law in Esthursia was less focussed on sexual identity, and more focussed on stigmatisation of the act of anal sex between two men - this became a law as part of the Classical Empire in the 11th century, punishable by hanging. Although likely not enforced in the Classical Republican (1100-1400) period, it remained on the statute book such that the Suavidici-puppet government re-enforced it in the 15th century. Lesbians were not acknowledged, thus were not restricted, by law.

The Tardineanni did not enforce these laws during their period of occupation, and in fact their period of occupation likely contributed to the largely tolerant atmosphere that would later develop, although to a degree this fell back during the Popular Revolution and 17-19th centuries.

Despite the widescale liberalisation of law in Esthursia during the 1600s, and especially during the Popular Revolution of 1688-9, Esthursia merely reduced the penalty from death to imprisonment. This law was finally repealed in 1835 under Howard Turnbrook, however only remained out of law for three years until Philip Bolton - his successor - returned it in law in a more comprehensive form; it would take a following 90 years until George Asmont repealed it a second time in 1928, after it had been classified a "mental illness" by the government of James Thorne - Thorne, however, had repealed laws by his predecessor issuing the mandatory chemical castration of those convicted with homosexual acts. Olafn Arbjern attempted to return the law in 1958, however King Arthur VI's list of 78 laws that he did not assent to included this one, meaning the law never came into force and was repealed formally in 1960.

Same-sex civil unions were recognised in 1991, while same-sex marriage was recognised ten years later on the anniversary of civil unions' recognition in 2001.

Homosexual acts, since 1928, have been legalised in Esthursia.

Transgender rights
From 1906, the Esthursian government gave out very limited "transvestite cards," which were akin to doctors' notes, except that they "recognised" the "public gender and identity" of the individual holding them. These cards were incredibly hard to obtain - and originally were accompanied with refusals to recognise a change in legal name - until the incoming of the Workers' Union government took control in 1926, who opened up the use of these cards more widely - albeit still likely in the dozens per year in a country with about 100 million people at the time - as well as allowing for legal name changes slowly. The Arbjern government eventually stopped issuing these passes, although by the 1950s, the passes had generally fallen out of use and purpose as a result of a "softer approach" to transvestitism within the police services.

In 1974, the High Deemery found that transgender individuals being refused the right to change gender was not a form of discrimination under the Overlaw, in the Hwitingson v Ashlay case. The Moore government of 1974-8 then classified "transgenderism" as a mental illness, an attitude that - while briefly removed under James Seddon in 1979 and then reinstated by William Greenwood's government quietly in 1984 - resulted from Hwitingson v Ashlay and culminated in a stigma against transgender individuals during the 1970s and 1980s. The Grantham government initially persisted with this, until public pressure changed its stances over time; in 1995, it officially repudiated this advice, and issued an apology to the transgender community for its "prejudiced attitudes." The 1996 Reddbrycg v Reddbrycg case found that transgender individuals being refused the legal right to change their gender was in contravention of the Overlaw, following the 1995 amendment to the constitution adding "gender identity" as a protected characteristic, with the Dooms adding that it would have "likely been anywho found in contravention [without the 1995 amendment];" this resulted in the Kindhwohoodlaw 2.1997 (lit. Gender Identity Law) passing in February 1997. Martha Grantham later said in an ENBC interview in 2008 that she "wholly regretted her early stances" on the issue, and had sought to make amends by making Esthursia "one of the world's first trans-accepting countries in the world."

Between 1997 and 2000, the Esthursian government demanded that those seeking a gender change in law would undergo a sex change before passage; this stipulation in 2000 was supplemented with the alternative option to submit "evidence" to a local authority panel, known as a Kindhwohoodbord (lit. Gender Identity Board). In 2019, the government under Harold Osborne passed the Kinselfhwohoodringlaw 3.2019 (Self-Identification Law.) Transgender youth were found to be subject to the wider "scientific competence" laws, which allowed those of any age above 12 to consent to medical procedures so long as they show a "robust understanding" of the procedure and effects therewith.

Gender identity, since 1995, has been protected as a characteristic, thus means that it cannot be a grounds for discrimination of any kind, including hate speech or employment.

Intersex rights
Intersex people were first recognised in the Cumbric legal codes of the pre-Classical era, and the Classical governments of Esthursia incorporated these into statute, using the term "midkind." The decision to recognise the word "interkind" was passed by a number of medical organisations in the mid-20th century.

In 2013, the Largan government chose to legislate against non-consensual medical procedures aimed at so-called "correction" of intersex "physical identity," and thus these are now illegal.

The government of Harold Osborne included a distinction for intersex people in the definition of sex as a protected characteristic in 2021 by statute only, while a referendum held in April 2024 and supported by both major parties resulted in the amendment of the Overlaw to incorporate this distinction into the constitutional definition of sex.

Adoption
In 1968, the High Deemery found that a schoolteacher and engineer in Atlington were denied their constitutional rights for freedom from discrimination and freedom of a family life, and thus nullified clauses of adoption laws that specifically targeted same-sex couples. It would take another 12 years, until 1980, when the Social Democratic government of David Holmfirth chose to codify the right of same-sex couples to adopt into law.

Military service
LGBTQ+ people have been able to serve in the military openly since 1995. Equality and Diversity training is compulsory since 2004, while the Isaac Harding government granted an exoneration of all "whohood crimes" declared prior to that date. The military also actively recruits from the LGBTQ+ community, and appears routinely at pride events.

Conversion therapy
Conversion therapy was subject to a review by the Grantham government, whose findings in 1995 found that a small but growing number of "usually religious" institutions were attempting to convert patients from LGBTQ+ identities to heterosexual or cisgender. This resulted in the blanket ban on conversion therapy practices in 1996, and compensation was issued to those "adversely affected by wrongful so-called therapy practices."

Sex education
Education guidelines were amended in 1972 by the Seddon government in order to "acknowledge the diversity in sexuality from the outset," however this amendment was largely revoked by the Greenwood government, which sought to reassert that "heterosexuality was predominant." The guidelines from 1972 returned in 1995, while they were extended in the 2010s to provide for specific relationships and safe sex advice for LGBTQ+ individuals, while "parental rights" to remove parts of curriculums for under-16s were entirely revoked in 2015.

Pride and "gay towns"
Esthursia has a long history of pride events, as well as LGBTQ+ tourism and events. A large number of cities, the largest of which are Atlington in the mid-west of Osynstry and more recently Esthampton in the south-east corner of the country, identify as "gay towns" - or have subsections of the city identify therewith, such as the Highbrycg area of Brantley or the Armston area of Weskerby - and attract a large amount of LGBTQ+ tourism. Pride marches take place every 1 July in most major cities, with the first having taken place in 1958, as a protest against the Arbjern government and repudiation of what was seen as a restrictive culture.

Demographics
Approximately 3.7% of Esthursians, or about 4.7 million people, identify as LGBTQ+ as of the 2017 census; the INS has however stated that this figure is likely an underestimation due to underreporting, and that the real percentage lies closer to 5-8%, or about 6-11 million Esthursians, while a survey by EsthurElects estimated it at around 7%.

Political discourse
The political discourse around LGBTQ+ rights is fairly average for a secular country. The mainstream parties before the 2020s, the Social Democrats and Conservative Union, often had LGBTQ+ rights advancement as a wedge issue - the Social Democrats were typically for more open advancement, while the Conservative Union had a wide range of opinions based on the faction and personal opinion of the representative in the party - which eventually culminated in the fragmentation of the Conservative Union (amongst many other issues, such as poor electoral standing) in 2019. The main group that resulted, the Moderates of Esthursia, are as pro-LGBTQ+ rights and anti-discrimination as their left-wing counterparts in the Social Democrats, leading to a far stronger "culture of acceptance." The Moderates' leader, Jowan Perran, is the first openly LGBTQ+ leader of a major party in Esthursia, while he and Osborne (the latter of whom is the head of government as of 2024) have signed a memorandum against LGBTQ+ violence and "aggravation from politicians against the [LGBTQ+] community." Self-ID is supported by both parties, as well as 84% of the public, according to a survey held in 2020.

The EPP are publicly anti-self-ID and have been described as "transphobic" by a large number of news outlets, more prominently the Daily Herald and the Examiner. Media culture is generally tolerant to accepting of LGBTQ+ people and culture, although some right-wing outlets are slower to adapt. The radical-right law passed into the constitution by the Social Democratic government in early 2024 resulted in the ban on a majority of parties espousing anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment (especially the Renewal Front), while the same government publicly condemned the violent far-right protests that incorporated homophobia as a part of their messaging in the Blue March of 2017, arresting its key leaders such as Irmen Elstree.

Public opinion on LGBTQ+ rights is generally liberal, especially amongst the younger cohort of the population. As many as 92% of Esthurs support same-sex marriage as of 2020, while EsthurElects estimated approval at 89% and disapproval at 8% in 2022. Approximately 70% of Esthurs agreed to the statement "a transgender woman is a woman" in 2022, and 71% to the male equivalent - showing no statistical difference - while 61% of Esthurs agreed with another stating that "transgender women should be able to compete in female sporting events" (significantly below the 73% who agreed to the male equivalent,) with the level of disagreement at 31% and 22% respectively. 77% of Esthursian respondants also assented to the statement that "transgender women should be able to use the women's toilet," with 87% agreeing with the male equivalent, showing a large discrepancy - more than twice of those who disagreed with the male equivalent statement (9% to 19%) disagreed with the original statement.

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Timeline
Time immemorial - Cumbric legal codes recognise hermaphrodites
11th century - Esthursia begins to hang those accused of engaging in anal sex
12th century through 14th century - Anti-homosexual law likely falls out of active use, especially with overall ban on death penalty, and incorporate Cumbric legal codes on intersex people into their own statute
15th century - Return of death penalty to now vassalised Esthursian state
16th century - Esthursia invaded and occupied by Tardine, who repeal death penalty laws for homosexuals
1689 - Esthursian government begins to punish homosexuals with imprisonment
1835 - Esthursia repeals imprisonment for homosexuals...
1838 - ... only to return it three years later.
1901 - Conservative Union, one of the two major parties, begins to legislate in favour of treating homosexuality as a mental illness. Successive governments of the Conservative Union will begin experimenting with chemical castration.
1906 - Esthursia begins issuing a limited number of "transvestite cards," to legitimise differing identities from birth to the extent before sexual transition was possible.
1911 - Neville Salisbury officially begins chemically castrating homosexuals.
1916 - Rowan Grey fails to pass a law banning the practice of chemically castrating LGBTQ+ people.
1923 - Incoming Forethane James Thorne terminates the practice of chemically castrating homosexuals, as well as increasing the number of transvestite cards.
1926 - Workers' Union government wins election, and begins allowing for the legal changing of names to conform with gender identity.
1928 - Esthursia decriminalises homosexuality for a second time, with George Asmont exonerating and compensating those criminalised or even chemically experimented upon by the preceding governments.
1950s - Arbjern government phases out transvestite cards, although by this point, most police forces have stopped needing to see them due to changed attitudes.
1958 - First pride protest takes place in Weskerby on 1 July, while King Arthur VI refuses to grant Kingly Assent to a law allowing for the return of chemical castration and imprisonment for homosexuals by Olafn Arbjern...
1960 - ... said law is "repealed" by the Newell government.
1960s - Medical community chooses to recognise "interkind" as the official Atlish name for intersex, over "midkind" or "crosskind."
1968 - High Deemery finds that same-sex couples have a right to adopt.
1972 - LGBTQ+ identity first included in sex education.
1974 - Hwitingson v Ashlay - High Deemery rules that transgender people do not have the right to change their legal gender. The Conservative government of Anthony Moore begins treating transgender identity as a mental illness from this time.
1979 - James Seddon scraps recommendations of treating transgender identity as a mental illness.
1980 - David Holmfirth codifies 1968 judgement that founded same-sex couples' right to adopt.
1982 - Incoming Conservative government of William Greenwood returns to Moore-era stigmatisation of transgender people, which persists into the 1990s Social Democratic governments, as well as issuing guidance to affirm heteronormativity in sex education.
1991 - Esthursia recognises civil unions between same-sex couples.
1994 - Martha Grantham issues review into conversion therapy practices.
1995 - Grantham government U-turns on transgender policies, and adds gender identity as a protected characteristic to the constitution following a referendum in March, issuing an official repudiation of previous actions and an apology to the transgender community. Esthursian military allows LGBTQ+ people to enter the military with their open identity. Conversion therapy is found to be practiced in Esthursia by a number of "usually religious" institutions, prompting a government response the following year. 1972 guidance for sex education to include LGBTQ+ identities returns.
1996 - Reddbrycg v Reddbrycg - High Deemery overturns 1974 judgement and finds that transgender people have the right to change their legal gender. Government bans conversion therapy, with compensation for victims.
1997 - The 1996 Reddbrycg judgement results in the Gender Identity Law, allowing for those who undergo sex changes to be recognised under their new legal gender.
2000 - Mark Willesden's government adds the option for those who have not undergone sex changes to submit evidence to a local authority panel of medical and psychological professionals in order to receive a certificate of gender recognition and official gender change.
2001 - Esthursia recognises same-sex marriage on the tenth anniversary of recognising same-sex civil unions.
2004 - Armed forces begin to mandate Equality and Diversity programmes.
2008 - Martha Grantham apologises publicly for her "transphobic" stances in the early 1990s, in an interview pushing for the Largan-led Social Democrats to advocate for greater LGBTQ+ rights provision.
2013 - Esthursia criminalises the practice of non-consensual surgery on intersex people.
2019 - Self-ID for transgender people passed in Esthursia, resulting in break-up of right-wing party due to internal differences. Political mainstream enters a consensus on LGBTQ+ acceptance after this point.
2021 - Intersex people receive legal protections from discrimination on the grounds of sex.
2024 - Esthursians vote in a referendum by 71% to 29% to recognise intersex people in the distinction of sexual characteristics, making it protected from discrimination and hate speech.