What you suggest is reasonable for such a situation, I just don’t see why we should have to rely on such a roundabout method of forcing a treaty repeal.
Because it's two different concepts - if the RA repeals a treaty, then it's the RA dictating policy. If the RA recalls the delegate because they refuse to propose the repeal of a treaty, it's because the delegate has committed misfeasance in office by not repealing the treaty, say because the treaty partner has committed an act of war against us or something (that's an extreme example) and shouldn't be in charge anymore because they're bad at their job.
I think that should our foreign policy get us in hot water, as you say, it’d be a much better outcome to have the responsibility for that situation rest on the collective shoulders of the citizenry as opposed to one person or their administration. I can see a situation in which the Delegate, or their MoFA, makes a decision related to the region’s foreign policy that, though well-intentioned at the time, ends up doing irreparable damage to the region’s standing.
When the time comes the minister of foreign affairs or head of state of our ally isn't going to want answers from the citizenry as a whole, they're going to want answers from the delegate. If the RA compromises the delegate's ability to represent TNP in this way, meaning that even our head of state can't definitively represent the region, then no one can claim to fully represent our region on the world stage at all. We would have an incoherent foreign policy, which is how the situation with LWU deteriorated so quickly.
Like, let's just say that the RA decided that because of the recent situation with TRR our treaty with Europeia should be repealed. Let's also say that the delegate gave assurances to Europeia that our relationship wouldn't be affected by these events. This situation is entirely hypothetical. If the RA then went ahead and repealed the treaty against the wishes of the delegate, then it would mean our other allies, in addition to every other region in the game, wouldn't be able to trust the delegate's assurances about our relationship with
them, and it would give bad actors
carte blanche to undermine the government of TNP by claiming that they don't truly represent us. And if the delegate
truly can't represent us? Then they shouldn't be in office.
Conflict between branches I do think is perfectly fine in a democracy - we don’t elect (or appoint) anyone, even the Delegate, on the presumption that they will never be out of line with the citizenry. Moreover, the difference between the RA potentially overturning a bit of foreign policy or a treaty immediately isn different in my mind to doing so immediately after the next election - except that we have to live with whatever region we dislike enough to invoke either of these (which are both at 2/3rds right now) in the meantime.
Obviously we understand that the delegate isn't always going to be in line with the citizenry. That's how elections work - the citizenry picks the person they want to represent them the most. But once that person is elected, let them do their job. If you don't like they way they do it, don't renew their contract or fire them if it's especially bad.
Further, neither of these proposals can actually add to our foreign policy - only allow the RA to express its dissatisfaction with a decision by the Delegate or another region in a legally binding manner. A check on the foreign policy making of the Delegate, if you will.
No, it does. The RA has the power to make foreign policy by imposing legally binding sanctions or by repealing treaties. Those are obviously elements of foreign policy. A check on the delegate is something like "the delegate needs the RA's assent to create or repeal a treaty," not "the RA can repeal treaties all by itself." That's not adding a check to the delegate's power, that's removing a check from the RA's power.
I get that we want the RA to have a voice in foreign policy, especially when it's such a black box compared to a lot of the region. That's a good spirit to have, and if we didn't have it we'd be a lot worse off by uncritically accepting what the government's official opinion is. But we have to balance that with the need to have a coherent foreign policy and to have the ability to actually represent ourselves interregionally.