Avancenic Worldbuilding Thread

Pronouns
he/his
TNP Nation
Alsatian Island
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Federal Republic of Avancene
Forbundsrepublikken av Avansjen | Republica Federala de Avansènh
Avancene is a federal presidential democracy in the south of Kian, in the southern hemisphere. Having been formed in 1919 as a union between the Kingdom of Oçonny and Republic of Suthnia, Avancene was split into two by the Civic War - thanks to a communist insurgency in the former region - however the second phase of the war in the 2010s and 2020s has led to the Federal Republic re-capturing 95% of occupied territories. Avancene today is a mixed, developed and highly-industrialised economy, however its northern regions remain heavily impacted by decades of separation and gradual harshening of the Workers' Republic regimes.

Motto - Freedom thrives in unity

Capital (and largest city) - Lauhas

Second city - Alançon
Official languages - Suthnic, Oçonian
Ethnicities - Suthnic (52.4%), Caunian (44.3%), Mixed/Avtalic (3.0%), Other (0.4%)
Religion - Irreligious (57.7%), Vertatist Messianism (39.2%), Other (3.1%)
Demonym - Avancenic
Government - Federal presidential republic

Chancellor - Ingvar Haugen (Peace and Freedom)
Prime Minister - Greta Aunegård (The Left)
First Rightman - Svenn Almar
Legislature - Jordmøte
History -

  • 3 May, 1818 - Declaration of Jordmøte establishes Avancenic Council
  • 22 July, 1893 - Union of Avancene established
  • 16 February, 1973 - Federal Republic of Avancene established; Civic War begins
  • 22 November, 1996 - Enhetdåg; Civic War de jure ended
Population - 85,877,725
Density - 181.28/km²
Area - 473,732km² (including water)
Currency - Avancenic svan (Π, AVN)
GDP - $3,764,949,186,891

GDP per capita - $39,767.30
HDI - 0.905 very high
Gini - 0.29 low
Time zone - Lauhas Standard Time (LST, UTC+3)

 
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In-depth: three farthings of the Federal Republic
From ravenne.gov.av, enoisen.gov.av, govkjenne.av and the Lauhas Times

Quarter of Ravenne
Quartièr de Ravènna

Ravenne is a Northern, or Oçonian, region - also known as a quarter. On the southwest coast of the Alançon Bay, Ravenne has long served as a harbour county and a centre of commerce and trade, however the close proximity of the city of Alançon itself harmed Ravennian trade in the late 19th century and thereafter.

Situated on the crossroads of the rural, traditional Northwest - next to the warzone of Ingresia, and the central belt, Ravenne has oft played pivotal roles in Avancenic history. The entrance of Ravenne into the Civic War brought the Ezegnian resistance to an end, and Ravennian forces made up the bulk of western Northern League forces.

The history of Ravenne following the Civic War's decline in the 1990s has been more unsure - initially a heartland for conservatives, the resignation of Pau Astruc and rightward drift of the National Alternative caused Ravenne to be one of the "swing states" that drifted away to the centre during the 2010s; Ravenne elected its first non-NA First Minister when the centreright Civic Union swept the 2019 elections, after being closely fought off in 2015. Troubled by its radical history, Ravenne has spent much of the past few years voting on issues of censure against League-era politics, and increasingly joining the Southern consensus of civil and social rights through amendments to the state constitution.

Ravenne also remains a hub for culture - the Arnaia, Avancene's largest art gallery, well as the Cathedral of Ravenna - inside the regional eponymous capital - are major tourist attractions, as well as the western Cançase region attracting Southern tourists wanting to see traditional Ravennian life in person. Ravenne's reputation as a centre of culture has earnt it the nickname "the Cultural Quarter". Ravenne, particularly in the east, has increasingly become metropolitan, with its modern economy powered by finance, the research sector, and retail; cities within Ravenne have experienced some of the strongest economic development in the nation, earning the nickname "Northern Miracles".

Farthing of Kjenne
Fjerdel av Kjenne

Kjenne is a southern farthing - the southern name for region-states in post-Civic War Avancene - situated approximately halfway along the south coast from Lauhas to Østerdal; giving it its nickname, "the Keystone Farthing".

Kjenne has long been a centre of human development; the Constitution of the Avancene was signed here in 1996, and the Second Republic formed here in 1934. Kjenne has also found itself at the forefront of economic development, as a result of its key role in the spring of industry, and its continuing place in Avancenic industry - one-third of automobiles produced in Avancene come from Kjenne, and one quarter of energy is sourced from Kjenne.

Kjenne joined the Avancene early in the 20th century during the fall of the First Republic, after being closely tied with western farthings, following the region-wide Green Revolution in 1797. The Constitution of Kjenne is the second oldest in Avancene, behind that of Lauhas - the nation's capital as well as its centre of finance and law - and ensured one of the earliest democratic systems of the Southern Hemisphere was preserved.

Kjenne remained largely indirect within the Civic War, however its troops and military - the Kjennehæren - participated extensively, particularly in the Breakthrough, taking place in 1995 across the south of Antria. The role of the Kjennehæren in 1995 likely turned the tide of the war decisively towards democratic forces and ensured the peaceful democratic union of the vast majority of Avancene. Kjenne remains heavily involved in the Ingresian crisis, on the northern coastal front.

The politics of Kjenne are primarily progressive, and as the farthing is both highly metropolitan and Southern, it has long been a hub for social democratic politicians. A majority of the Ministers it sends to the Jordmøte are from The Left, a democratic socialist political party, and its First Minister Vegar Lybeck is one of its most senior and nationally recognised figures. Kjenne has extensive social provision, including free water, social housing programmes, subsidised tertiary education for regional residents and universal healthcare; the region remains persistently towards the top of the region-states on the Working Rights Index, coming 4th in 2021.

Quarter of Enoisen
Quartièr d'Enoisèn

Enoisen is a far-north state, situated on the east bank of the Avancenic north coast, with a headland jutting into the Alançon Bay to the west and southwest. Long known as the "Traditional Quarter", Enoisen's regional identity is grounded heavily in its adherence to traditional, culturally Oçonian and conservative ways of life and politics, and its adversion to the rest of Avancene, which many within view as overly progressive.

Enoisen's history stems from its agricultural past, and sporadic internal conflicts - the Second Revolt of the East was put down decisively in Ignosica and, to a lesser extent, Enoisen, ending a set of events that were not stopped in southern farthings in similar ways. Enoisen's participation within the Northern League was long seen as one of founding - Enoisen was one of the three founding quarters, and furthermore one of the last in which the Northern League had control.

Enoisen's economy is primarily based on natural reserves - extensive gas and oil reserves lay in the seas to its north, and furthermore the region has invested in solar energy due to Enoisen's high sunlight exposure. Agriculture and fishing both are secondary economic priorities of the region-state government, and are federally funded through the national government. 20% of all strawberries grown in Avancene are sourced from Enoisen, and furthermore Enoisian wine is reputed to be the best wine of the world by locals and many Avancenic people.

Enoisian traditionalism has had longstanding effects on its politics - Enoisen has never had a non-National Alternative First Minister, and its legislature has but once been lost to a wide coalition of the centre-to-left for one term; the region records some of the highest religious adherence rates (87% are Vertatist Messianist, compared to a national level of 39%), and key constitutional votes including banning the right to abortion passed, while an initiative to legalise same-sex marriage failed by 65-35. Enoisen remains polarised today, and a considerable amount of radical New Right advocates of National Alternative represent Enoisian positions.
 
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Northern League - is it truly an autocratic state, or is it a hybrid democracy?
From lauhastimes.co.av, dated 5 January, 2023

We, as Avancenic people, are somewhat lucky to live in a functioning democracy. Even with its polarisation, with the stark divides on liberty and freedom by region, we still have elections recognised by all sides and we have robust opposition on all sides. Avancene, for the most part, has cemented its status as a democratic state.

Yet, nestled in the majority - but not all - of Ingresia, the Northern League reminds the rest of us that things could be a lot worse.

For a start, it is a common misconception that the League does not run elections. This is false - technically. However, as the League is built on the very idea that equality is a myth and every person should be valued differently in law, compounded by its entrenched cronyism and nepotism; voting isn't quite so simple. In many failing democracies, there are rigged votes, or police presence, or restrictions on voting. Yet every League citizen can technically vote. So what's the big deal?

The answer: you have to buy votes. Many people simply refuse to buy votes, whether as a political protest or simply out of hopelessness; whereas the oligarchy that resides there buys the vast majority of votes. It's not that there isn't an opposition - there is, oddly, and there is a surprisingly low rate of disappearance of opposition representatives - it's just that there is such a small chance of any transfer of power that they don't matter. Oligarchs, even if they become hesitant to support the government, have their votes publicly recorded anyway - those who fail to come through suddenly fall through the social strata. Those who are hesitant also know their complicity in the wider system means that the transfer of power would constitute their arrest and capture. Is it any surprise that 91.7% of "votes" therefore went to the governing party?

The Lauhas Times definition of a democracy is as follows, in the form of eight questions:
1) Do I have the power to re-elect you?
2) Do I have the power to hold you to account, out of an election cycle, without relying on my assets or social status?
3) Do I have the power to de-elect you?
4) If I have that power, how do I do it?
5) If I am able to do it, is it realistically possible?
6) If it is realistically possible, does the other option, or options, constitute a real change?
7) If there is a real change, do I have the power to remove them without bringing you back in?
8) If I do, will this not lead to a closely comparable counterpart to you being elected?

In short; can any voter remove or confirm any representative in power, without the fear of merely swapping status quo parties or candidates? Realistically, some points must be conceded as unrealistic - the idea that the wealthy can be prevented from influencing democracy to even a superficial degree seems redundant - but most form a watertight procedure of democratic confirmation and accountability.

By this definition;
Point one is satisfied. In fact, it's over-satisfied. Incumbency, unsurprisingly, is extremely high in the League - with over 95% of representatives who leave office in a given electoral cycle resigning of their own volition.
At point two, the entire thing comes crashing down. By point five, the entire process is truly exposed as a farce.

Oddly enough, there are seeds of democracy sown into this salted field, and they've sprouted, no matter how much their government tried to stamp down on them. The wider access to the internet has proven pervasive for grassroots organisers and resistance forces to organise directed constituency votes. Attempts by the League government to infiltrate and arrest perpetrators, and to restrict more open free speech through the internet, have proven ineffectual at best. A few prominent opposition figures have wriggled through the net, supported by targeted campaigns even in a country where inequality is as extreme as there, and publicly criticise the government - and although their power is so inconsequential that they have been essentially spared the injustice of death by the League government, they equally command a not insignificant presence as public spokespeople.

Avancene's government finds itself conflicted by this entire mess. Most of the opposition to the government still believes in the independence of the League. It's been around so long that nobody's known any different over there. The encroaching of Avancenic forces into the League's lands has also put their jobs, lives and livelihoods at risk - and despite their opposition to the government, their sources of information remain limited, and many continue to hold views peddled by the rump autocracy. Their opposition is self-pacifying, self-isolating and self-destructive in its attitude, even if it is oblivious to how damaging this is for any potential for support in destroying the League's institutions from within.

The victims of this autocracy, as ever with oligarchic institutions, are of course the people. Misled by propaganda, impoverished by generations of purposeful repression and upward redistribution, and often livelihoods ravaged by war and conflict; as the state degenerates and finds itself spending more and more of its meagre national budget on maintaining its existence for as long as possible, internal struggles between gangs, armed groups and even resistance groups have become increasingly noteworthy, and crime rates have been estimated to be rising for quite some time. For them, the accidental virtues, the miraculous sprouting of democratic seeds, doesn't matter when you're starving to death.
 
In-depth: the city of Lauhas
From lauhas.gov.av and the Lauhas Times

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Lauhas, the bustling and vibrant Suthnic city in the centre-south coastal region of the Avancenic nation, is one of the two constitutional government centres, alongside that of Alançon.

The city is home to over 5 million people, and of the two capitals, is by a clear margin the economically stronger. Lauhas is the southernmost capital of Kian, and one of the most southerly in the world, at nearly 60 degrees south. This gives the city, and region around it, a markedly cool temperate climate, mediated strongly by the Southern Ocean's current; as such, the city receives cool summers and winters alike, seeing stable temperatures. This gives it a large amount of snowfall, fairly evenly distributed, across the winter months, and a relatively spring-like summertide in the middle of the year, with the hottest heatwave in history taking the city barely above 25C.

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(left) Lauhas' location in Avancene

Lauhas is situated in the south-west, between Svargard and Helgesen, and historically was a part of the historic farthing of Helgesen (though the farthingbyen was the smaller Helgen). The Lauhas district has a population of nearly 6 million, and the metropolitan area is home to over 7 million. The Svargard mountain range to the west, and Høyder to the east, shelter it from strong storms; however it still receives a high amount of rainfall each year due to its location.

History and culture

Lauhas' culture is Suthnic; this means they speak the Suthnic language, a North Gotic-derived language, and originally derive from Gothis themselves. In the first millennium CE, the original Suthnic settlers - known as the "Arvish" (derived from Arv, meaning heritage) - settled in Regnbronn, Molbrygge and Svargard; the Svargard Arvish group then moved east to the inland bay of Lauhas, where the slightly milder and more sheltered climate, and flatter, more arable terrain, was ideal for farming and settling. The Arvish displaced the Sudoçonian settlers - the Sudoçonians no longer exist as an entity, except in Autecasse - throughout the 600s into the 800s, and drove them north of the Ridge (Storrygg in Suthnic), a range of varying hills and mountains separating north from south. The first Realm of Suthnia (Suthniveldi) was founded in 838, and although initially headed in Regnbronn's original capital of Hoy, the capital moved to Lauhas in 960CE.

In the 10th and 11th centuries, the city boomed. This came as the national trade links solidified across the southern coast, connecting Molbrygge to Lauhas and Svargard, while further trade links improved the relationship between the Oçonian north and Suthnic south. The United Kingdom of Oçonny was formed soon after, and the two countries developed a strong relationship that amounted to the Alliance of the Storrygg in the 1200s and 1300s.

The Reòm (derived from "monarch" and "man") of Oçonny, Alexandru V "lo Roge" (the Red), broke this pact in 1410; the dispute over the delineated border had deteriorated as Svargard, a fully Suthnian-ruled farthing, had a significant population of Oçonians - especially in the northern third of the region, which has persisted into the modern day to an extent. The King of Suthnia, Karl Oskar II, hosted Alexandru V in Lauhas, signing the Treaty of the West; this gave way to the first joint-jurisdiction between the two states, giving some degree of self-determination to the local populations. This settlement ensured a temporary détente, however relations were never fully recovered for any sustained period.

The industrial age came to Lauhas in the mid-1800s. The pioneering of Northern hemisphere technology arrived first at the Lauhas docks, and as the Opplysning (similar to Enlightening/Renaissance in other regions) hit - bringing human rights, self-determination, early democracy and constitutional monarchism to both Avancenic regions, with the Oçonians seeing the similar Renaissença. Lauhas quickly became the centre for Suthnic industry, and experienced a demographic explosion - with 185,000 living in the city in 1780, rising tenfold to 1,794,000 by 1880, and doubling again in the following 50 years. Lauhas voted heavily in favour of proposed plans during the referendum of 1897 to scrap the monarchy, bringing a presidential republic that Avancene's Federal Republic follows to this day; Kristjan IV abdicated in 1898 thereafter, bringing to an end the monarchy. Originally poor conditions were improved significantly under the Liberal-bloc governments of Olafsen and Toksvig, who spent their governments in 1906-1915 and 1922-1934 instituting national healthcare programmes, slum clearances and new suburb creation, as well as the Byrådet of Lauhas (city council of Lauhas) aiding and funding transport programmes.

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(left) King Ludvig II in 1858, in his Lauhas dressing room

The 20th century brought the issue of "the Avancene" to the forefront. Suthnia and Oçonny, under Anders Garde and Reòm Pau III, united in 1919; the union was quickly fraught with political issues. Both Lauhas and Alançon claimed the role of the nation's new capital - the former claiming that they had the economic might to lead, and the latter the cultural heritage of native Avancenians - and a stalemate eventually led to the nation having two capitals in 1920. Anger in the quartièrs and farthings at the further centralisation of power to two cities led to permanent constitutional distribution of legal sovereignty, leading to Lauhas and Alançon devolving large portions of their power to the regions. Cultural tensions began over the economically richer south, especially as it became dependent on food from the more agrarian north, while Alançon's growth was dampened due to Lauhas' influence. Initial attempts by the weak and loosely-tied-together Avancenic federal government to maintain normality and unity quickly fell apart, with the first phase of the war lasting just weeks and leading to the total capitulation of the North.

In the 1970s, Avancene fell into a deep economic recession. Lauhas felt the economic bite hard, but the North felt it worse; the situation worsened into the decade so badly that Oçonny declared independence under a Picardist military junta, who took control of the quartièrs at the following election and unilaterally ratified their independence. The two states co-existed for some time, with Lauhas regaining its sole control as the de facto only capital of Avancene, however the replacement of the relatively peaceable Léa Verlèun in 1996 with Maxenç Bourdieu led to the Workers' Republic of Oçonny declaring itself the Workers' Republic of Avancene. Domestic tightening quickly led to the outbreak of the second "hot" phase of the Civic War, however Lauhas and its governments had spent a long time both reaffirming support by their peoples, and arming heavily - the result was that the Federal Republic, now a nuclear state and no longer a barely tied together loose union of federal states so much as a united federal nation, was capable of not only holding off advances, but actually pushing Bourdieu's regime back. Fearmongering and a hasty worsening of rhetoric ensued, however the 2013 outbreak gradually saw the Bourdieu regime lose more and more ground; by 2019, the Workers' Republic had lost all of its north-eastern territory, with a last minute scramble off the coast of Eroisèn to reach Ingresia's large port city of Amalha, while its territory in the north-west has gradually but stably fallen, with realistic possibilities of total capitulation in the 2020s.

Lauhas today
Lauhas in the 21st century has adapted to these crises and demographic shifts relatively well, though tensions do exist. Many Oçonians have since moved south for work and prosperity - since some now Federal Republic-controlled regions in the north are as much as two-thirds poorer than the capital region - leading to a rising level of ethnic diversity. Approximately 1 in 7 Lauhas residents are of Northern heritage, and a rising portion are mixed. Furthermore, the city has seen a regeneration in mass transit and housing in recent years, after the Liberal-bloc government relied on the left - for whom Lauhas has politically become a stronghold - for governance, who seek public programmes and investment.

Politically, Lauhas is a left-wing city. It has returned Left-bloc members by a majority to the Jorgmote since the 1990s, and historically was aligned with the Liberals even more strongly. Lauhas, along with Molbrygge, have become some of the most progressive socially as well - this has been attributed to their high level of secularity, and of urban settlement, seeing rising trade union memberships and gentrification side by side shaping their cultures respectively.

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Lauhastrikkvei (Lauhas Tramway) blue tram making its way through suburban Lauhas (right)

Lauhas has by far the most comprehensive mass transit system thanks to its relative size, centrality and Alançon's history as part of the communist regime. Built mostly in the 2000s and 2010s, its blue trams and buses have become symbolic, while its transport system has become envied - and copied off of - throughout the Avancene.

Lauhas houses some of the most prestigious universities south of the Equator (known in the Suthnic language as the Midtlinje). The city itself has eight - the University of Lauhas, the King Haakon University, Grønngatt University of Technology, the Republican University, the University of Heritage Lauhas, Lauhas Veståsen University, University College Lauhas and Chancellor's University. The University of Avancene, the country's largest multi-campus facility of higher education, is partially centred in Lauhas. Lauhas also by far produces the most research out of any Avancenic city, and the most graduates, and as a result has a relatively young population. Demographically as a result, Lauhas is a growing and diverse city.

Economically, Lauhas is by far the most economically productive city of Avancene. It has a GDP per capita of 74,000 IBU (compared to about 41,000 nationally, and 53,000 in the south) and boasts a mixture of attractive economic policies - from relatively low corporation tax, to subsidies and "innovation schemes" (innovasjonsordninger). In particular, Lauhas is a powerhouse of finance, however also has a strong tourism and research sector, as well as healthcare, manufacturing and chemicals.

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(left) the Helgesen National Park, with the Høyder range in view


The city boasts the Forest of Helgesen, within the Helgesen National Park (Helgeskog and Helgesen Området), on its doorstep; Avancene is 27% forested, and Helgesen is one of the most forested farthings of Suthnia as well as nationally. This is host to a wide range of animals, including the white fox, red squirrel, boars and beavers; the infamous Skjultmann (roughly "Hidden Man") is said to roam the woods of Helgesen in the wintertide.

The rural belt surrounding Lauhas is potentially one of the most affluent areas of the nation, nicknamed "the Purple Band (det Lillabånd)" - purple referring loosely to its royal connotations. Many commuters come from this Lillabånd and travel into Lauhas for work in white-collar jobs, sometimes nicknamed "purple collar" due to the connotations therewith. The region receives plenty of rainfall per year for all seasons, giving the south coast the nickname "the wet coast" (with the "dry coast" being that of the north), while there is often permanent snow cover on the tops of the Høyder mountains.

Lauhas is seen by the nation at large as pioneering but hard-nosed - a city of hard-working, if slightly self-entitled or agitated, youthful people who are at the front of their generation and who represent the nation well. Lauhas possesses a dialect of Suthnic known as "hovedstad" (literally "Capital"), which is distinct from the surrounding regions but which has - particularly since the mid-20th century - permeated other dialects, particularly in its returned use of pronouncing and spelling words with "th", a harder "dt" at the end of some words, and a less nasal tone than some other dialects - though its largest oddity is potentially in the vocabulary it invents, with most new words often sourcing from Lauhas. Lauhas' cultural influence has also reached the North, with Oçonian often including words from Lauhas Suthnic / Hovedstad Suthnic (such as the word "Suthnic" itself, which drove the Ostsuthnic word "Sørniske" out of fashion in northern regions).
 
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Les dècades dels ganivets; 1904-1924
(The Decades of Knives)

ARTICLE 1 - President Vilalta (1899-1910)

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Guifré Vilalta
(22 July, 1857- 23 February, 1910) was the President of the Republic of Oçonny between 1899 and 1910. Initially a member of the Liberal Party, he stood in the 1904 and 1909 elections as an independent. Vilalta gained power as Oçonny's head of state in July 1899, following his popular campaign to replace incumbent Nationalist President Felip Oller, with the Liberal party gaining the legislature (Reunió House) in a supermajority verdict. Vilalta's initial years were popular and he brought the country out of its stagnation, towards the end of his first term bringing Oçonny closer in development to Suthnia than at any point in the previous century, while turning back some of Oller's more conservative decisions, such as restrictions on the press freedoms and taxes on non-Messianists. In 1903, Vilalta led the country to victory in seizing back Autecasse from the Kingdom of Suthnia, a scandal that started the Suthnic Revolution in the same year.

The Liberal party began to move to please the aristocracy at the time in order to pass their bills through the upper house, the Casa dels Superiors, and Vilalta began to enrich aristocrats and industrialists from public coffers. In the 1904 election, Vilalta left the Liberal party in order to stand as a "sensible moderate choice for continuity", and - mainly thanks to his popular economic record - he successfully was re-elected with Liberal backing. His second term was similar to his first, though the Liberals' narrower majority and the increased pressure from the landowner class culminated in Vilalta's proposed pensions scheme being shot down.In 1908, following the CdS' refusal to pass the Llei jubilació, Vilalta sent a detachment to storm the upper house, but - likely thanks to a tipoff from inside of Vilalta's Gabinet - the police arrested the detachment (incurring one death following a misfire from one of Vilalta's men). The Liberal party lost total confidence in Vilalta and began drawing up plans to back a more pragmatic statesman for President, leading to the splintering of the Liberals in early 1909 between the Moderates and Radicals, the latter of whom backed Vilalta.

Ahead of the 1909 election, Vilalta was disillusioned with the aristocrat class. With Radical support, he successfully lobbied for the Llei execució (Enforcement Law), which in turn exacted land seizures and hefty proportional fines for the rich who evaded taxes. In April 1909, ahead of the next presidential election - for which Vilalta was not constitutionally eligible, having served two terms - Vilalta announced the Llei liberalització (Liberalisation Law), which in turn:
  • gave women the right to vote
  • lowered the voting age to 18
  • corrected legislative boundaries to be proportional to populations within 10%, and set up an independent body to oversee this
  • added recall provisions for all members, if 10% of the constituency approved
  • scrapped the two-term limit
Not only had Vilalta then made himself re-eligible, by a margin of just 3 amid mass Nationalist abstaining (who wanted to exploit the Liberals' infighting to fracture the left), but he had also given a provision to remove the upper house; in May 1909, the Radicals circulated recall petitions across the country for the entirety of the Casa dels Superiors - who had voted through the legislation unwittingly - and the entire upper house would have to stand for elections, with a smattering of members receiving the 50% threshold which made them completely ineligible to stand.The July 1909 election was confused and chaotic. The Supreme Court passed a resolution unanimously that the Llei liberalització was unconstitutional, but with no constitutional authority given to it over judicial review (having previously only been adhered to through political pressure), Vilalta simply ignored its ruling when he won a landslide. The upper house mostly lost their elections to Radical members; Radical members were informed not to come to the CdS until the day after matron speeches, and all other members were arrested.

In February 1910, the quartièr of Ezegne's Commissioner, landowner and conservative Aleix-Jofre Calazans amassed an army and seized the region's capital, Venona, seizing much of the surrounding area in following days amid a confused armed response where defections from the Exèrcit federal were highly common. Infuriated, Vilalta rounded up all members of the upper house, demanded to know who supported Calazans, and had them shot in front of Reunió House the following day, the 17th. On 19 February, a number of Commissioners declared their allegiance to Calazans as the Administrador before new elections were to be called. The federal army, though initially loyal to Vilalta - dealing a devastating blow to Eroisèn's revolution and ending the eastern flank of the rebellion - defected to Calazans en masse following Vilalta's rift with EF High Command. Vilalta was arrested on the night of 22 February, 1910 trying to flee the capital, though not before giving the order for the local police to execute the entire upper house who were still in captivity deep in Alançon.

On 23 February, Calazans was declared President, and sham elections were held in the last week of February in which Calazans was the only candidate. Calazans gave labour unions promise of increased rights in 1910, and appears to have initially won their loyalty, ending Vilalta's final way to return himself to any form of power, especially since union leaders were still sceptical of Vilalta's allegiances due to his early acquiescence to landowners. Calazans' Declaration of the Second Republic was followed the next day by the execution of Vilalta and a number of high-ranking Radicals, and much of Vilalta's legislative history was repealed, especially the Llei liberalització.
 
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