The Uneasy Years - Osynstry

[Alsatian Island]

Date - December 20, 1984
The Rise of Greenwood

As Thomas Walston's second term winds down to a close, several contenders for the role of Prime Minister appear to be rising. However, for the people, only two appear to be of real importance. One is a grey old man, Robert Oldham, who has identified himself as a "status-quo" candidate for their party. However, the woman who seems unstoppable in her rise, that nobody really knows about, a middle aged woman named Charlotte Greenwood.

Greenwood appears to be the favourite, as she has gained the vote of the urban Southern voter with her promises of "radical, immediate reform to the slow, inexorable system of economics that we currently live under". She has gained the support of numerous Conservative Members of the House and polls show that she is far ahead of her competition in the public - who see her as charismatic, a powerful speaker and an equally powerful representative who famously voted down Weston's vote of no confidence as the crucial vote. The papers also seem to favour her as a Conservative candidate, seeing Oldham as an over-traditional candidate and calling him "an Old Ham" as a result.

Walston has recently stated that he endorses "neither candidate, but wishes them both the best in their candidacy". He reportedly sees Oldham as too "basic, rudimental and uninspiring", and Greenwood as "a serious danger to the Conservative Party's longevity, if she continues proposing reform that she either will not impose, or will impose with severe consequences". The Workers' Party, and the Social Liberals have both announced their disapproval of both candidates, "but particularly Greenwood".

Elizabeth Weston and Harold Grantham have both released a joint statement on the Conservative Party leadership contest:
"The United Kingdom of Osynstry has faced considerable obstacles to its survival and longevity in the past. Whether it be foreign competition, the ongoing issue of deindustrialisation, former Prime Ministers or even natural factors - we have persevered through it. We fear that the candidacy of radical right-wing neoconservative candidate MS Charlotte Greenwood is a serious threat to the long-lasting economic system in the United Kingdom that all Prime Ministers since the 1920s and thus the economic survival of Osynstry. We also fear that the beginning of the devolution deals to the North, South-West and Cymbria are all under threat by this intense centralisationist. That is our final statement, and we hope the other candidates the best of luck."

Greenwood called these accusations "preposterous and deeply slanderous", and called upon Conservative Party MHs and MSs to "vote Greenwood to silence the left".

The election is in 3 months and 1 day, and Walston's legacy leaves his successor with a near-guaranteed chance of victory. Trade unions have also sent their discontent about the survival of their agreements under a potential Prime Minister Greenwood, and Grantham has compounded upon this by saying "if she does not agree to Walston's economic agreement with them immediately - which she voted against 6 years ago - then we know we have a serious problem with her tactics".

 

[Alsatian Island]

Spoiler: Prime Ministers: Living

Living Prime Ministers, as well as Greenwood:
(ordered by age, youngest at the top)
Jeremy Wilson (1982-, age 38) - centre-left to left, OWP, PM 2016-2025
Anthony Black (1968-, age 51) - centre-left, SLP, PM 2008-2016
Harold Grantham (1956-, age 63) - centre-left to left, OWP, PM 1989-1997
Sophia Ledbury (1955-, age 65) - centre to centre-left, LPO, PM 2005-2008
Nicholas Oakland (1942-, age 67) - centre to centre-right, ATD, PM 2001-2005
Elizabeth Weston (1929-, age 80) - centre-left to left, SDP, PM 1965-1973
Thomas Walston Sr. (1936-, age 84) - centre-right, Con, PM 1977-1985
Albert Ewans (1930-, age 90) - centre, ATD, PM 1997-2001
Charlotte Greenwood (1923-2020, aged 97) - centre-right to right, Con, PM 1985-1989
Stephen Hastings (1913-, age 106) - centre, LPO, PM 1973-1977

Spoiler: Monarchs of Osynstry

Richard V: (November 24, 1931 -) March 18, 1949 - May 21, 2027
Albert III: (May 30, 1893 -) March 10, 1949 - March 18, 1949
Llywellyn III: (March 1, 1860 -) October 11, 1902 - March 10, 1949 (- August 3, 1968)
George VII: (December 30, 1821 -) January 20, 1850 - October 11, 1902
George VI: (June 10, 1783 -) July 1, 1819 - January 20, 1850
Georgia II: (August 29, 1739 -) June 8, 1819 - July 1, 1819
George V: (August 28, 1734 -) March 10, 1812 - June 8, 1819
William II: (August 20, 1734 -) September 29, 1760 - March 10, 1812
Elizabeth IV: (April 10, 1702 -) June 20, 1721 - September 29, 1760
Harold IX: (September 19, 1650 -) January 2, 1668 - June 20, 1721

• ^ House of Gwynydd
• v House of Alburn

Albert II: (January 10, 1580) May 3, 1639 - January 2, 1668
Georgia I: (June 17, 1576) January 28, 1601 - May 3, 1639
William I: (March 30, 1530) December 20, 1568 - January 28, 1601
Harold III: (May 2, 1499) September 6, 1540 - December 20, 1568
Elizabeth III: (March 1, 1460) September 5, 1499 - September 6, 1540
Richard IV: (May 10, 1459) December 31, 1480 - September 5, 1499

Spoiler: PMs 1800-2025

(Election - End of Term - Party Leader, Forename Surname (Senate Control))
2020 - 2025 - Workers’ Party Leader, Jeremy Wilson (majority of 102)
2016 - 2020 - Workers’ Party Leader, Jeremy Wilson (majority of 6)
2012 - 2016 - Social Liberal Party Leader, Anthony Black (majority of 40)
2008 - 2012 - Social Liberal Party Leader, Anthony Black (majority of 62)
2005 - 2008 - Liberal Party Leader, Sophia Ledbury (minority, 90 seats)
2001 - 2005 - Athersic Democrats Leader, Nicholas Oakland (majority of 10)
1997 - 2001 - Athersic Democrats Leader, Albert Ewans (majority of 56)
1993 - 1997 - Workers’ Party Leader, Harold Grantham (majority of 80)
1989 - 1993 - Workers’ Party Leader, Harold Grantham (majority of 74)
1985 - 1989 - Conservative Party Leader, Charlotte Greenwood (majority of 34)
1981 - 1985 - Conservative Party Leader, Thomas Walston Sr. (majority of 56)
1977 - 1981 - Conservative Party Leader, Thomas Walston Sr. (majority of 72)
1973 - 1977 - Liberal Party Leader, Stephen Hastings (majority of 30)
1969 - 1973 - Social Democrats Leader, Elizabeth Weston (majority of 8)
1965 - 1969 - Social Democrats Leader, Elizabeth Weston (majority of 44)
1961 - 1965 - Conservative Party Leader, Sir Richard Newbury (majority of 12)
1957 - 1961 - Conservative Party Leader, Sir Richard Newbury (majority of 26)
1953 - 1957 - Social Democrats Leader, Michael Thurston (minority, 98 seats)
1949 - 1953 - Grand Coalition Leader, Michael Thurston (majority of 138)
1945 - 1949 - Conservative Party Leader, Sir Richard Newbury (minority, 99 seats)
1941 - 1945 - Workers’ Party Leader, Arthur Brandreth (majority of 30)
1937 - 1941 - Workers’ Party Leader, George Asmont (majority of 98)
1933 - 1937 - Workers’ Party Leader, George Asmont (majority of 66)
1929 - 1933 - Workers’ Party Leader, George Asmont (majority of 72)
1925 - 1929 - Workers’ Party Leader, George Asmont (minority, 81 seats)
1921 - 1925 - Conservative Party Leader, Charles Lansbury (majority of 0)
1917 - 1921 - Conservative Party Leader, Charles Lansbury (majority of 24)
1913 - 1917 - Liberal Party Leader, Jeremy Thornston (majority of 2)
1909 - 1913 - Liberal Party Leader, Jeremy Thornston (majority of 28)
1905 - 1909 - Liberal Party Leader, Jeremy Thornston (majority of 68)
1901 - 1905 - Conservative Party Leader, Sir Thomas Waterford (majority of 38)
1897 - 1901 - Conservative Party Leader, Albert Downton (majority of 52)
1893 - 1897 - Conservative Party Leader, Albert Downton (majority of 60)
1889 - 1893 - Workers' Party Leader, Howard Edwards (majority of 2)
1885 - 1889 - Workers' Party Leader, Howard Edwards (majority of 10)
1881 - 1885 - Liberal Party Leader, Llywellyn ap Aberllychy (majority of 44)
1877 - 1881 - Liberal Party Leader, Llywellyn ap Aberllychy (majority of 36)
1873 - 1877 - Liberal Party Leader, George Bennett (majority of 70)
1869 - 1873 - Liberal Party Leader, George Bennett (majority of 12)
1865 - 1869 - Liberal Party Leader, George Bennett (majority of 56)
1861 - 1865 - Conservative Party Leader, William Paddington (majority of 30)
1857 - 1861 - Conservative Party Leader, William Paddington (majority of 88)
1853 - 1857 - Conservative Party Leader, William Paddington (majority of 72)
1849 - 1853 - Liberal Party Leader, Patrick Cameron (minority, 96 seats)
1845 - 1849 - Workers' Party Leader, Harold Kingsley (majority of 68)
1841 - 1845 - Workers' Party Leader, Harold Kingsley (minority, 88 seats)
1837 - 1841 - Workers' Party Leader, Harold Kingsley (majority of 60)
1833 - 1837 - Conservative Party Leader, Philip Oldbury-Smith (minority, 94 seats)
1831 - 1833 - Conservative Party Leader, Philip Oldbury-Smith (majority of 2)
1827 - 1831 - Liberal Party Leader, Howard Hudges (majority of 78)
1823 - 1827 - Liberal Party Leader, Howard Hughes (majority of 64)
1819 - 1823 - Workers' Party Leader, Geoffrey Shefforth (majority of 98)
1815 - 1819 - Workers' Party Leader, Geoffrey Shefforth (majority of 16)
1811 - 1815 - Conservative Party Leader, Jeremy Williams (minority, 99 seats)
1807 - 1811 - Conservative Party Leader, Jeremy Williams (majority of 34)
1803 - 1807 - Conservative Party Leader, Jeremy Williams (majority of 40)
1799 - 1803 - Liberal Party Leader, Anthony Gwynedd (majority of 102)

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - December 29, 1984

The stands are packed. Thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, together, watching an old lady complain about the government.

But this isn't any old lady. This is Charlotte Greenwood, increasingly looking like the favourite for the Prime Minister candidacy of the Conservative Party, and increasingly gaining popularity among the working classes. She has recently called out against the Workers' Party for "mindless socialism" to the applause of a population that looks very likely to vote her into the Party or even the Prime Ministry off the back of a very popular predecessor; it is more a matter of the scale of her win that will decide her term's path, one of moderation, or one of strong reform.
-
A Northern family watch the TV. Among them, a 2 year old child named Jeremy, the father, a dark-haired, tall, 25 year old industrial worker who hails from the South-East, and the mother, a 26 year old, blonde, short secondary-school teacher from the local area. The child is completely clueless, whereas the father is apprehensive to say the least.
"Have you seen this? Crowds of... idiots! Cheering a Southern elitist!"
"Yes, dear. I'm sure it'll be fine. She can't do much to us, though, can she?" The sudden change of tone in her voice from gentle comfort to genuine worry said it all to both of them. Jeremy sat perplexed, looking up at both of them in wonderment.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - January 1, 1985

Uneasy celebrations take place in the Wilson household, as three months remain until the next election and the moderate Conservative Walston Sr - who the father of the household has called a "passionate defender of my, and my colleagues', rights against much of his own party" - is going to be replaced with a woman that Mr. Wilson has called "the woman that Walston has had to defend them against". The new year heralds a new age for Osynstry - one of opportunity, or one of unrest. Perhaps both.

This was also the year Wilson would turn three. He can already read, can already write and already remembers things. His parents are immensely proud of him. He's completely oblivious to everything, watching the mysterious, rather loud people on the television shouting words he has slowly interpreted the meanings of from the context of their voices. No, he doesn't get what "traditional, co-operative economics" means, but he sure knows that Greenwood has a sincere hatred of it.

Richard Wilson leaves the house, to go to his Union meeting. The Union of Industry (UoI) is the largest trade union in the United Kingdom of Osynstry, and has co-operated or fought against governments in the past, most recently guaranteeing workers' rights through the 70s and 80s under Sir Walston. The Union leader and General Secretary, Oliver Redwood stands to speak:
"The people of this nation and in this Union here today are under serious danger. No, not from globalisation. No, not from deindustrialisation, even. A far greater problem lies in March - the ballot box. With many not seeing how discontent Greenwood is with workers and workers' rights, or indeed the working class in general, we will have some tough years ahead. I am preparing you now for your applications into the Union membership if you are not already within the Union, and for the colleagues here today who are part of the Union, I warn you now that we will have some serious fighting ahead with a populist, conservative and elitist possible Prime Minister should she win in March.

That is all."
-
Polls suggest Charlotte Greenwood is on perhaps even 40% of the vote at this point, which could give her a healthy majority in the Senate and a large plurality in the House, of which even Walston would be impressed of.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - January 16, 1985

"Your Majesty, you called for me?"
King Richard shakes his head. "We've been through this before. There's no need to call me Your Majesty."
"Yes, yes, sir."
"Calling me Your Majesty makes me comparable to all the other Kings out there. All the other Kings. Those with serious psychotic conditions that makes them so indulged in their own excellency and power that they demand the pettiest of things. I'm not one of them."
"Of course."
"Now, I called you here to address the current situation with Llywellyn. He's been acting rather strangely lately. I think all the news is overwhelming him, as he's just reaching the age where he is finally understanding it all."
"He's only 14, sir."
"Exactly my point. I'm immensely proud of him, as he's growing to be very mature before his age. I was never that mature at his age. I ultimately assume that this will give him a much thicker skin than I ever had."
"Of course."

Richard stands up, and prepares for his speech to the Elder Council. To him, they were just a group of white-haired political pundits, who just watched as political parties ripped each other limb from limb as if it were some sort of extremely slow-paced, boring movie. Imagine being sad enough to do that. It is a well-known fact that the King has a serious disregard for the partisan system. If it were up to him, all representatives would just represent themselves. But hey, that would be rather inefficient.

The King stands in front of a table of 20, elderly, rather boring sounding politicians.
"You join me here today on the pressing issue of this next election."
They nod slightly. Of course it is.
"Greenwood is a serious and undeniable threat to the nation. Mark my words, she will be the death of me. I'm an old man and she is threatening to take away the very last patience I have. She will attack people, she will attack the foundations of the nation and you must do everything in your path to stop it."
The Elder Council slowly nods. They don't really care, this isn't their business.
The King leaves. That's the speech. Not much of a speech, but he was known for his lack of words or bravado.

-

"The King's right again."
Mr Wilson, at his workplace in the city, turns off the radio. He is talking to a woman in her twenties, with a thick Weskershyre accent and a disinterest in... well, just about everything.
"Yes, Rick, you say that a lot. Wu'nt be surprised if you two were friends or something."
"I genuinely wish I was. And you know I mean that when I say it."
"Rick, I doubt the King himself reads the Peoples' Telegraph."
"Hey, I don't mind. As long as he doesn't support that Greenwood, then I don't ca-"
"Give the woman a chance already. She an't done owt yet. Let her show her true colours - then you can complain."
"... fine." He thought to himself that there was no way that he would give her the chance.
The bell rings, he can go home. To his family. They'd always be there for him, through thick and thin. Maybe one day, his son would join him on his endless complaining at the government. Probably not for a good few years though, he's only a toddler. Ah well.
- The following day...
The nation celebrates the 1059th anniversary of the Union, with a holiday. Politics is off for the day, as none of the politicians want to disrupt the National Osynstry Day parades, or the great family traditions of gathering on the special day that means so much to the entire country, from Gwynydd to the Apennines. The King makes his yearly speech, and everything seems to be going of accord.

Wilson just sits at the table, watching the TV endlessly drone on about new developments in the "election", or some other barely comprehensible and seemingly pointless nonsense. It's not important, he thought to himself, my family is important. His parents look down at him, smile lovingly, and look at each other with the same smile. Today was a day to be happy, to remember the good things the nation had done. Their parents had safe, well-paying jobs, they were even moving houses soon to an estate in the North of Weskerby. The father could finally leave his industrial job, the mother could finally be promoted and they could provide their son with the best education and life that was possible. Nothing could go wrong - unless, of course, Richard Wilson was right about Greenwood. In which case, Aether help us all.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - March 3, 1985

With the resignation of Thomas Walston Sr. and the approximately two-week long grace period between his resignation, effective tomorrow morning, and the next Prime Minister's appointment - Greenwood enjoys a healthy lead. Although she has decisively lost centrists' votes, she still stands to gain rural voters and National voters - a move that is likely to distance them from the populace once again for decades, having built up to a solidified position - and potentially still gain a majority.

Spoiler

Charlotte Greenwood would win a majority of 34 seats. This is considerably lower than either of her predecessor's majorities, and only Wilson in 2016 and Oakland in 2001 would gain slimmer majorities. The previous Prime Minister to gain such a small majority was Stephen Hastings, who stood as a Liberal in 1973.

The King, Richard V, "expressed his deepest concerns about the candidacy of Charlotte Greenwood", in a speech condemning her policies of "economic warfare". Harold Grantham has sent his "best wishes and, at the same time, [his] greatest worries" over the apparent victory of Greenwood. The Union of Unions (UU) demanded that Greenwood "set aside her divisive, populist agenda and work constructively with us towards real goals", and threatened "swift, widespread industrial action, if these demands are rejected".

In his home in Weskerby, the future Prime Minister, Jeremy Wilson, resides. He's just about to turn 3 years old, and he is completely oblivious to the upcoming appointment of the woman who will shape his future, inadvertently and contributing to her demise.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - March 20, 1985

The King sat in his throne, glaring upon his court. Why on earth had he appointed such useless, elderly pillocks? The only real benefit was that he could make the decisions, using the "past-their-prime" court as a shield for any of his decisions. As much as he'd love to publicly shout and proclaim how much he needed to back opposition - it's improper, and vulgar.

Richard spoke over radio, with a simple message:
"I don't care for nicknames, I don't care for politics - but Greenwood poses a serious threat to the people. I swear today, that if Greenwood attacks the working classes, that it is not within my duty to stand by and watch her do it with no resistance. I serve for the people, and nobody else. Make your voice heard at the ballot box, and make sure the politicians know you're here, and you want to be known. I wish the very best luck to whoever wins, whether it be Greenwood, Grantham or Hastings."

He began writing down his plans, thinking to himself of their name. Backup plan? No, too blunt. The Doomsday Device? Yes. Perfect. Deployed when everything's going down the plughole, and has largely unknown consequences. By remaining behind the scenes at first, but the moment he sees Greenwood posing any danger to the democracy, he would dramatically transition. There's always time...

Date - April 11, 1986 - Bloody Friday, 19:28

Bodies lay in the street. The dead. The community's losses, the blood of the workers and the police, lay as a stain on Osynstry's conscience, possibly forever.

A 4-year-old child straddled through the scores of death. He flicked the dark blond hair from his eyes as he snaked between the corpses of people he had once seen picking his friends up from school. The child then noticed one of his teachers, Mr Smith, a fifty-something balding grey-haired slim man, strewn across the floor. He bent down a bit to look into his eyes. Mr Smith's eyes were ice cold and empty. Something wasn't quite right - so he tried to wave in front of his eyes. No response. He got up and looked up and down his lying down body, with blood pouring from a large lesion in his head. Something had clearly ruptured his skull, anyone could tell you that, and the poor child could see the teacher's pink, lifeless brain through it.

With the child looking around for help, the only people he could find were the bodies of the dead. He tried to slightly nudge Smith's head, which immediately proceeded to fall slightly with a horrific cracking sound as his neck bent to the side, and an equally haunting rasp as air escaped his now empty lungs for the final time. With the child now finally realising that Mr Smith was gone, his only remaining presence an undignified, convulsed but well-dressed form on the pavement of the streets that had just hours ago been filled with the voices of the angry and the desperate. Now the angry and the desperate were often just gone. Their families, their friends - either gone themselves, or spending the day lamenting their passing. Their lives had been stolen from them prematurely.

Jeremy Wilson called out for help, but with no response. He then sat on the floor and cried, next to the body of the man who had this not happened, would have been there to help him.

Date - March 20, 1985

The exit polls suggest Greenwood is in for a majority of 80, on par with Walston and expectations for a 400-seat plurality in the House are high, with Greenwood already preparing her acceptance speech, according to sources close to her. If she wins, the country is in for a period to remember, but maybe not for the right reasons.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - March 23, 1985

Greenwood sat in her seat. This time, she was at the dispatch box. She had her one hundred and eighteen allies behind her, looking at the eighty-one adversaries across the benches. She felt emboldened, strengthened. She could finally pursue reform, and the end to socialism. The end to social conservatism, and a new Osynstry to rise out of the ashes of Asmontian Osynstry.

She stood before the Senate, and spoke. The words weren't important - but the way she said it, the articulation and the confidence in her voice, the soul in her movements, the way the Opposition looked upon her. She knew that despite what the King said, he respected her spirit and her energy. As much as she was disliked by the left, she presented a whole new era of strong politicians, of outspoken ones and of those who are willing to fight for what they stand for.

The streets were full of life as she left the Senate, nearly half of whom were behind her, and the other half respected her as a formidable rival. Her charisma and her inner strength were enviable and unusual among politicians who, since at least the days of George Asmont, the man she respected as a left-wing version of herself - as much as she disliked such a comparison - had not partaken in such brash, clear reforms as her.

Osynstry was about to enter a new era, whether they liked it or not. And she would be at the forefront of it - for a bit, anyway.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - April 11, 1986

"Only following orders."

A middle-aged, slightly plump and gruff-sounding policeman, whose name was largely unknown - and largely irrelevant - to the woman across from her. He was tall, and she was quite short - and his posture made sure she knew this fact, in a sadistic attempt to intimidate her. She was involved in the protests, not a ringleader, and the police were here to arrest as many as possible - at least, in her view.

"If you're just following orders" - she couldn't believe she had to say this - "then why are you here? Why aren't you on our side, fighting against this needless violence? Why needlessly keep us in captivity?"

She realised the words she had just uttered were hypocritical. He did too.
"Wouldn't that defeat the point of switching? Betraying my nation and the Prime Minister for your pathetic whinging?"

She remembered the Prime Minister's speech yesterday - one of pure contempt, and the thousands on the streets, unemployed, homeless, and the thousands of children going out there today, in the cold April rain, lonely, potentially even orphans. It broke her heart to think that this was "pathetic whinging".

"I'm not going to let you. You can't silence us." The sounds of shouting, the audible sound of breaking bones and bleeding and... the equally audible silence of death. She looked around, to her left, the grey skies fuelled by horrific fumes from the power plant, the noises of fear, of anger, of loss of hope. The synchronised voices of protest, and the response of "For Osynstry, for the Prime Minister, for the King!" - and the fact that the King's name was uttered in these horrific protests both disheartened her, and emboldened her, as she knew deep down that the King doesn't back this, and that words are hollow. The tension was palpable between the two.

She punched him, with pure instinct.

He stumbled back a few steps, his legs fumbling under him, trying to keep his body from the blood-covered ground, screaming out in a pathetic cry for help from his own predicament, before immediately silencing himself realising his own embarrassment; and the look of hatred on his face locked onto her eyes - but beneath it, she knew he had a heart, and feelings, and they were clearly turbulent.

The policeman finally regained his balance. Despite blood flowing from the side of his head, and despite his face clearly turning an unhealthy shade of pale white, his voice remained unhindered in its sardonic, monotone nature. "You're under arrest for assault of a policeman."
She looked down at the floor - and as her eyes returned up, she noticed a blood-red mark on his palm. As she examined further, she found his baton was crimson and glistening with the blood of another. This clearly wasn't a first time instance.
"Am I right in saying that baton is-"
"You have the right to remain silent. I strongly suggest, for you in particular, that you abide it as a guideline."

She glared at him - and the response was that this blood red baton was sent round the back of her head, at full force. "Now you learn why this baton is red."
"Mummy!"
Her 4 year old child looked over from outside of the power plant gates, and had recognised his mother moments before the baton hit her skull.

The look of anger, pure hatred on her face remained. She slumped to the floor, with little to no noise - except the fracture of her skull, and the top of her head became drenched in her own blood. She turned an unhealthy pale, and the policeman sobered when he realised what he had done. "I'm sorry it had to come to this." He remembered who she was - a dirty, no-good protestor - and his face hardened once again. He stepped on her body - her near-lifeless body coughing up blood as he stepped on her, and went to enforce the law on someone else, as her body remained uncomfortably slumped on the ground.

The child went through the open, damaged gate, and looked around slowly. The slowly dying noises of pain, death and anguish surrounded the poor child. He made his way over to the body, and looked confused at his mother. His mother was staring past him, coldly and with the look of heartfelt rage remaining on her unchanging face, as a streak of blood crawled down her hair.
Realising she wasn't responsive whatsoever, he instinctively but quietly uttered the word "Help." in distress.
Nobody responded, so he screamed it. The boy lied beside his mother's body on the tarmac, alone in the crowds of violence. All he could do was watched as hundreds of policemen attacked thousands of people with little regard for the wellbeing of, well, anyone, and while countless people fell to the ground in pain, potentially even death. He had no idea if his mother was dead, and all Wilson could do was watch and cry for help.

It took several minutes for someone to help him, another policeman who had seen the distress, but to Wilson, it felt like hours. They took his mother and him away to the local hospital, where hundreds of other near-dead protestors had been sent over the past few hours, as the paramedic, clearly in panic, urged the doctors to let her jump the queue, and that the boy's mother's pulse was fading fast.

 

[Alsatian Island]

Date - 12 April, 1986

Chaos. Disorder. Why?

Greenwood sat him her office, and the news wasn't good. The press had heard of her tactics on the unions - and the resulting fallout resulted in most of them firmly backing the unions, as public sentiment turns heavily against the Conservatives' approach.
Yet another blow.

She thought back to Prime Minister Walston. The pandering to the unions, the "watered-down conservatism", the wealth taxes, the allegiances with the centre - it all was so popular. And yet when a Conservative actually proved she was, at heart, an actual Conservative - all hell broke loose. When she promised to reform the economy, there was widespread commendation and backing. But when she actually began proceedings to do so, sentiment was cynical and dismissive. Her mind thought back to Walston's calls for Greenwood to "step down her proposals, until the Party do it for her", or Grantham's speech on "Greenwood, and the war on the people". This country really wasn't built for a right-wing leader. She knew that Asmont, that damn socialist, was looking at her leadership - and he was laughing, as his legacy ruined hers permanently, overnight.

She thought back to the right-wing leaders of Osynstric history. Newbury had been the last truly right-wing Prime Minister - and he had proved incredibly unpopular in his second term. The sentiment of the Fascist War and defence, the refusal to continue nationalising and the ramping up of military spending. He had been the truly popular conservative - and even his legacy would be trashed by Asmont's, as first the Senate Liberals and Socialists united under the Grand Coalition, then many remained unified under the Social Democrats for far longer, denying Newbury a four-term leadership that Asmont had enjoyed. By the time he returned in 1957, he proved divisive at best - and in his third term, his persona in the public's eyes soon turned to one of corruption and times long gone.

Socialism's iron grip on the voters and the media of Osynstry had been slow, gradual, from Asmont's first election in 1925 - but by the 1950s, it was seemingly irreversible. Promising things the country could never afford, then ransacking the fortunate and entrepreneurial - it had proved immensely popular, eventually. Prime Minister Lansbury, for instance - the Prime Minister that preceded Asmont - never lived to see any other Prime Minister in Number 19. She knew that should she fail, she could meet a similar fate. She was already in her early - no, mid-60s; it was entirely probable should a second Asmont arise from the ashes of a betrayed Conservative administration in 1989, and remain in power well into the new millennium, that she would not survive the end of it.

No, that wasn't going to happen.

The country can't consider Bloody Friday as the final nail in the coffin, can it?

Her Deputy, Oliver Immingham, arrived.
"Have you heard the news?"
Greenwood, in pure rancour, stared back, the menacing fire in her eyes startling the Deputy.
"... yes."
The hiss of the "s" had startled the Deputy again.
"R-right, and what of it?"

"We're going to be ruined. That's what. Those damn socialists are going to ruin us.

What I had feared would happen has happened. Asmont, from beyond the grave - with the consolidation of his long-standing Deputy and much less long-standing Prime Minister Brandreth - has finally secured the country with a grip tighter than Lansbury's finances post-1910s. Grantham, the Peoples' Telegraph, the Athersbury Gazette, the Wetherby Tribune, even the Daily Express are against us - united, with the banner of lightly-veiled hatred of the upper classes in their mind. We have fallen into the trap, we have taken on the unions - the key proponent of the left's stranglehold on fair Osynstry - and as a consequence, have declared war on the ignorant average worker, who only cares if his pay rise is threatened to be reduced, or if he doesn't bleed the company dry.

We will need a miracle. We are on the defensive against a rallying left, and with little defence. The public is turning against us, and Grantham and Asmont are united together with the intention of making sure that true conservatism remains out of office, for good. Mark my words, should we today here fail to rectify the disorder and civil unrest nurtured by this blunder, none of us shall live long enough to see another chance to salvage Osynstric conservatism. In just one year, the streets are discontent and rowdy, the cities are in uproar, the farms are joining the silent majority and the press are launching an offensive against what they perceive as the common enemy, in their ever-extended pursuit for more publicity.

I am afraid our administration has become, pardon the expression, sitting ducks and lame ducks, simultaneously. We may have been elected, and we may be in control, but we are doomed to have our policies reversed, our message silenced and our history tarnished by our successors, should we fail to climb the imperceivably steep mountain that the Osynstric establishment has put in the way of us and true reform. I am sure that we can - but I am not as sure that we will."