Peoples' Telegraph - (Old New Party) [Solo]

DATE - 15th Novembre, 2020 - 12:09pm.

He was pensive.

He should be happy. He'd won after all. He'd defied the odds, and won. That would show them, surely?

But his own companions? The ones who stood with him? Maybe they're to blame? Or the others - the hundreds of others - do they hate him?

He sits in his hall. His hall, full of two hundred and one people. He looks upon the benches opposite him, at the glaring, visibly unsettled faces of the Opposition. They'd lost to him - to the new Prime Minister. Except Wilson isn't new at all - he won the last election too, albeit by a far slimmer margin. He stood, and stepped forward to the dispatch box. There, he stared down his Opposition. There, stands two men. The Social Liberals had insisted that they remain the official Opposition - but the Athersic Democrats and the Conservatives made a hasty, uneasy truce against their civil war that had lasted for three decades; so they too demanded their recognition. The two Oppositions had decided to face the fact that neither was really legitimate - neither held more than a dozen or two seats, and thanks to the electoral system that they demanded remain in place for decades - the Prime Minister had gained a commanding majority despite less than half the votes being in his favour.

Let us interrupt the Opposition's groaning.

"Great Osynstry has existed for over a thousand years. I also return to this House with a great deal of Opposition, do I not?" He paused as Ledbury stared him down. But he knew it was a stare of glass - behind the glare, she was disheartened, weakened and in deep thought. He could tell she was demanding questions from herself - how could she not be, considering how a few weeks ago, she was projected the Prime Ministry, and a week ago, a real Opposition?

"However, I am determined to work across our party and across the benches with our political adversaries, to address the issues our nation faces in the coming years. I, of course, humbly thank the voters and the institutions of democratic processes that have protected our nation's interests for centuries, as well as those who participated in the election this week and made their voice heard. I cannot stress enough the importance of this.

Now, let us get onto our party's interests for the coming four years. The voting public has given us a strong, definite mandate for carrying out our promises and pledges - and this we shall stick by. We will be carrying out the interests of the nation as swiftly and as smoothly as possible, and the majority the public has given us should help us to achieve this. I am sure my Right Honourable Friends across from me will agree with me when I state that we must serve out our decisions under the nation's wishes and the nation's wishes only. In my second term, I am positive that the deadlock and slow, grinding process that plagued my first term will be further lessened, and we shall be able to better cater to the public's needs.

I congratulate all members of this Senate - whether they be on our benches or on the Opposition - for getting elected. You are among the 200 out of over 160 million who have been elected to this prestigious house, and as much as the Opposition may think they are outnumbered and thus overlooked, I will state now that your interests are in our priorities as a co-operative government, not a divisive one. I do not wish for our nation to steer too far from the nation you have grown up into, but for it to be modernised and streamlined is in our utmost priorities. We stand for the workers and the middle classes, and we will not pander to the interests of the upper classes, just as the Right Honourable Gentleman Anthony Black, my predecessor, did not during the crisis of 2013.

Our first act under the new Senate for the following four and a half years will be the re-enablement of the devolved Assembly of Weskerby. For centuries, the North has been overlooked, and with my heritage and heart still residing firmly in the North's grips, I must respect their collective voice by demanding that the North's voice is heard and that the North's interests are served."

Wilson sits down. He looks upon his own party slowly, as not to alert them into his intentions of discovering their opinion. They have stood up. They're cheering. Cheering? Even the Conservatives?

The Speaker, a visibly aged man in his sixties, soon stands and bellows:

"Order in the Senate!"

After some time, the vote for his beloved Weskerby Assembly has passed. The Speaker once again stands:

"The Ayes have it. 182, to 1."

They'd clearly let him off easily, this once. None of the Opposition voted down the Amendment, barring the notoriously rebellious and outspoken sole National MS, an even more visibly aged man from the deepest regions of the South-East.


As he leaves the Senate, feeling uplifted by a clear and indisputable victory for his lifelong ambition for Northern devolution, he hears of a development in the House. The Conservatives and Athersic Democrats have struck a deal, allowing one another confidence and supply. That could become worrying, considering the Conservatives' reputation in history to vote blindly against anything a leftist had to say, never mind a "radical socialist" such as Wilson. That reminded him, he had taken four years to deliberate upon his true alignment in his party. He began to moderate during the late 2010s, among a relatively social democratic party - but the new elected members are invariably socialist, and they promise a quicker and easier path to reform. That would be an issue for later.

He comes across the grave of Charlotte Greenwood on his path back to his Athersbury estate. He had forgotten, she had died just three days ago. As much as Wilson had campaigned against her bills, as much as he had demanded her removal from the Senate in the early 1990s, back when he was just 19, and recently elected in a by-election in his home seat of Shefforth City, he regretted her loss. Had the election genuinely killed her, or was it pure coincidence? Did she really hold such a hatred and disregard for the man who had contributed to her failure in 1993? A man who would later run the care homes that she resided within during her old age? She had undeniably lived a hard life, and Wilson argued once that "the grind of Greenwood's life has twisted her into the manipulative, sulking and undemocratic woman you see afore you today, Speaker"; maybe he even regretted saying that? Maybe he even admired her, for her steadfast and undisputably pre-emptively decided approach to virtually any issue one could throw at her?

Or maybe her death ushered in a new age for Osynstry. Maybe it was one which was uncertain, less stable than the one Wilson had lived through, and potentially more dangerous. Osynstry would finally have to properly walk onto the world stage, instead of "EI - enlightened isolation" - or as the former PM Black once remarked, "endless indecision" - and the right would no longer be so weak, so quiet and so divided. The figurehead of their division had passed, but maybe their conflict hadn't? He could hope.

... DATE: 12th Novembre, 2020 - 6:37pm

The frail, old woman sat in her frail, old armchair. Both were grey, both past their times and both worn down by a hard life. The TV was on something incomprehensible to her - and maybe it should be that way. Wilson had won. The man who called her "manipulative", the socialist who demanded her removal and succeeded alongside their left-wing companions, securing 30 years of neo-leftist leadership. But at least she could say, every election, that there would be another one, that she could live to be the Prime Minister's inspiration, that she could live to see a new real right-wing leadership. And the polls this time, the final time, would give her the chance to live again, could bring her back from the brink. And then he won.

This time, she couldn't fool herself that she would live through this term. The man was in his late thirties, spritely and enigmatic - she would give him that and that only - and the next election was in 2025. The fact that she had even survived this long was a genuine surprise, she had lost most of her teeth, her powerful voice, her ability to vocalise with her hands and tone, and eventually her ability to move properly. Maybe she could? One more time? Maybe she should have admitted to Wilson that she admired him? He embodied the charisma, the enigmatic vocalisation, the clear and concise speeches, the strength of confidence and the dismissal for the Opposition - except his was far more subdued, and veiled in his speeches with an air of confident co-operation - maybe she should support his Prime Ministry?

No. It is pointless even trying to conceive of that. Who would want a frail, old, dictatorial menace alongside them? It would ruin him having her by his side. And he would - nay, should disagree anyway. He is respected, she is hated. He represents the people, she stands against them. Nobody will ever like her for her, in the same way they like him, they will only like her because of a twisted personality in both their view of her, and themselves. Only the most disagreeable of people will ever regard her in esteem, or the most observant. The few.

Then her heart gave out.

Blinking lights, audibly flustered voices and the slowly fading feelings of adjusting machines, tubes and other now invisible equipment would accompany her to the end. She wanted to scream out that she was alive, as her final sense, hearing, refused to give out until she heard the doctor.

"Greenwood's gone. Time of death: six forty seven pm."

The final remark would change her from wishing her return, to snapping enough to accept her death.

"She's gone, and all the better for it. Time has ridden the nation of a heartfelt tyrant."

A heartfelt tyrant. The woman who cared for her family, her parents as they aged, donated to charity yearly, including in her will, was a heartfelt tyrant. That was all she would be remembered as.

"Goodbye, Charlotte." She remembered who that was. The voice of her son. If only she had the strength to say goodbye. No, she shouldn't burden him with her last wishes and thoughts. Goodbye, John.

DATE - Cenndey, 14 Aldurtury, 3E 1094 (18 November, 2020)

Today commemorates the 31st anniversary of the end of the Great Industrial Strike. With Grantham agreeing to their demands and forcing corporations and businesses to do so, the four-year-long strikes that had plagued Greenwood's administration quickly came to an end.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, Walston agreed to a co-operative approach to industry. This instituted a fair, equitable system in industry that helped worker and employer innovate jointly, and helped trade unions gain what Walston called an "adequate quantity of influence in the workplace". Despite most Conservative MSs and MHs being against Walston's agreement with workers over co-operative business, the results in the rises in productivity, income and falls in unemployment and redundancies soon proved to win over most of the opposition. By 1980, the future Prime Minister Greenwood's attempt to derail Walston's "Industry Agreement 1978" failed spectacularly, gathering just 57 out of 200 votes in the Senate, against 140 opposing.

When Greenwood became Prime Minister after Walston's resignation immediately after winning the 1985 election, she soon "declared war against the socialists" - by which she meant trade unions, miners, or indeed the entire working class, depending upon your opinions. In just six months, she had instructed police to break up the protests. In Bloody Awyndey (Friday), on Awyndey 16 Gwyrdd (11 April), 1986, she demanded the Weskershyre County Police assault and "pacify" the South Weskershyre Miners' Union.

46 miners died, 1 policeman died of his injuries, hundreds were injured and all that time, the protests were documented as "a peaceful shutdown". Greenwood would later defend these police to the hilt, which would later earn her the slogan "Enemy of the People". Bloody Awyndey would soon continue to help unions, previously fragmented, unite into one National Trade Union (the last time this had existed was under Elizabeth Weston 12 years previously) and fighting against the common enemy - the increasingly hostile Conservative government. As Thomas Walston, the former Prime Minister, continued to be "horrified and disgusted by the acts of malicious violence against working people", and all living former Prime Ministers sent a joint memorandum to Greenwood demanding she ceased and desisted, she ignored it and another incident of similar proportions - the March on Lynstre, Mynydd 20, 1987, in a steel factory in West Lynstre - would later cement her fate.

Over the following three years, the industrial workers would continue to cause economic discontent, the fall of the sterling and increasing civil unrest - nicknamed the "Dark Hour of Osynstry" - and later lead to Greenwood's expulsion. Her failed attempt to rig the 1993 election through communicating with foreign diplomats, Walston-era MSs and the Opposition's family was exposed days before the 1993 election and gave Grantham an even greater majority than he had gained to remove Greenwood 4 years previously, and by then the National Trade Union and the government had been at peace for 3 years.

The industrial strikes would leave a lasting legacy on Osynstry that Wilson would grow up under, having been born in the early 1980s. Prime Minister Jeremy Wilson, recalling upon the 30th anniversary of Bloody Awyndey, states that:

"The intense hardship, suppression, fear-induced brutal treatment faced by the workers of the 1980s, under Greenwood of the Conservative Party - the immoral violence, the justified social unrest and fallout, the economic hardship of millions, the attempts to take away the voice of the people through primitive sickening yet needless brutality and the inbuilt hatred of the working classes by her administration caused the deaths of hundreds of people. Bloody Awyndey, the March on Lynstre, the Great Coup of Osynstric Steel; they all taught us valuable lessons about co-operating between workers, employers and the government - and that trying to force workers into submission through violence will never work. The millions who participated in the strikes and stood against an inherently unequal and deeply corrupt, elitist and cronyist administration who benefitted from the peoples' minimalisation disrupted the economy, as well as tarnished their reputation and showed them up as immoral yet incompetent for half a decade, and showed Greenwood a clear, concise message: we will not be silenced by you. By ordering the police to deal with the problem with violence, the people had a mandate for your removal - and in 1989, they followed through on it in an inspiring display of democracy in action. Your unlawful, illegal and corrupted attempts to regain your control through under-the-table negotiation on information on former Prime Minister Grantham in 1993 were equally unfounded, and I found myself growing up as you fell - and I commend the King, all opposing members of political parties involved and the public for standing together against these attacks on democracy.

We remember the fallen, and condemn those who took their lives prematurely - but cease not to remember the speech that Greenwood would give in 1992 - commending the police who brutally and with no provocation, engaged open warfare with the citizens of our nation for wanting to have basic freedoms in the workplace. I solemnly swear that as Prime Minister, I will fight against any politician who suggests this is in any way acceptable, and will work for the people, as history has proven that the only way to peace is to work as a united and fair nation, and has taught us that inequality and authoritarianism always leads to hardship for all involved - and that it will never succeed in taking our great nation. Never take your freedoms and rights for granted, as in many nations across the world, these freedoms are not respected, or have not been in recent history - and always defend them when they are in danger, as we will stand with you in solidarity, as we did in the past. Other nations have not been as lucky as us, and Greenwood was comparatively peaceful and docile compared to the tyrants in control of many nations - and we stand with all fighting for their freedoms.

Never forget their suffering, for they fought and won for the freedoms and liberties we protect and possess today, and so that we may continue to stand united against those threatening to take those very freedoms away."

DATE - Sennday, 21 Aldertury, 1094/2020

Wilson met with Osborne in Llywellyn Square. Everything is named after that man, the inspiring man who unified Kingdoms and millions of peoples together into one regional powerhouse. Maybe Wilson was similar in some way? He'd unified the left under one party, a feat that was remarkable and unheard of since the days of the middle of the 20th century - a feat that would also fail dramatically and extensively on the right and the centre, with the Social Liberals stubbornly refusing to budge to the centre, and with Athersic Democrats still unwilling to join with Conservatives against the common enemy for fears of attribution to events that many of their voters don't even remember. No. Llywellyn was a national hero. Even King Richard reveres him - and Wilson truly looked up to the King as a patriarch and as an ally.

"I see you arrived with the intention of joining the Movement." Wilson nodded slowly. Both men had extensive smiles across their faces, both with the faces still largely unharmed and untouched by age - something most other politicians could not say for themselves - and both had a fire in their heart that would burn long after their minds had given out. The fire of change. And the last election had given him the mandate to turn this red fire into red Osynstry - a new, left-wing Osynstry. Yes, maybe it could be reversed, in the same way Greenwood would spent her elder years watching younger, centre-left politicians undo everything she did, and then himself bludgeon her final lasting legacies repeatedly - it is said she died of shock from his re-election.

"Then what more can I say? I am delighted that the Prime Minister is - for the first time in history - going to listen to the true left, and I think that the following few weeks will bring real, socialist reform to our nation that you preside over. And, I'm guessing you'll hold your side of the bargain?"
Wilson once again nods slowly and confirms his question. "Of course. I do indeed still intend to appoint the cabinet as mostly Movement MSs and MHs. Why shouldn't I, we are of course Workers' Party members and as part of this movement, we should publicly and unreservedly identify as left-wing. After all, we gained the mandate from the people in the elections - and I can do nothing but respect that mandate."

Both held out their hands and shook them firmly, with a continued look of confident re-assurance from one another. Osborne really looked up to Wilson, the man who had turned an economic crisis and the potential manipulation of the right under a charismatic Athersic Democrat and Conservative Party leaders into a narrow but decisive victory 4 years ago - and had defied expectations by building upon it for his second term. The man who had turned the two robust right-wing parties against each other, the man who had gained the support of the capital and the North - a feat that hasn't been achieved since the universal consensus against Greenwood, but it's better to think of the 1989 and 1993 elections as a referendum on old conservatism, rather than a partisan election.

They walked away and parted powerful men. Wilson now had the unwavering support of the majority of his party - and the youth demographic, and Osborne had finally convinced the previously stubbornly "publicly moderate, privately socialist" Prime Minister to join the Movement and begin real reform. 5 years of socialism.

Greenwood would be spinning in her grave. Maybe her death and the guarantee of five years of largely uninterrupted leadership - with the support from either Communists, Greens and Progressives for his more socialist libertarian ideas, and the Social Liberals for his more moderate social democratic and liberal ideas.

One month ago, the polls suggested that we would once again have a centre-right leader in control, for the first time since the mid-2000s. But instead, Wilson is now far more openly socialist and has finally positioned himself on the left of his own party. The civil war in his party would soon come to a close, with the centre viewed as traditional, old and now increasingly marginalised, and with their members voting with Wilson due to the pure fact that he has given their local areas a voice and guaranteed them victory - most of the time. The only thing Wilson now had to worry about was whether the centre would remain peaceful, or would engage in an internal conflict similar to the fallout of Anthony Black's economic crisis in the early-to-mid 2010s.

Wilson walked away a powerful man. The press would get to know tomorrow. Tomorrow, the press would hear of the first truly socialist Prime Minister to lead Osynstry for 23 years - and this socialist Prime Minister was in a far stronger place, and a far more left-wing centric place of power, so would be able to enact far greater reforms and have a far greater legacy on the nation.

Osborne, increasingly likely to become the Deputy Prime Minister and become the man who would make Wilson look like a calm moderate, walked away with a far stronger and more consolidated position than he entered with. Soon, the nation would have both Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister as socialist Northerners, both of whom would be younger than 40 years old and both lifelong Workers' Party members. And now Osborne could rely on Wilson, and vice versa, the Workers' Party had a far stronger position - particularly in the Senate, where abstaining socialists plagued the administration of the late 2010s.

If you're a conservative - ah well, there's always Cymbria in early December - the devolved government that wouldn't touch the right with a barge pole - and Weskershyre in January 2021... the Workers' Party stronghold and home county of Jeremy Wilson and Harold Osborne. Ah well, maybe wait until 2025. There's always 2025.

DATE - Mynndey, 24 Aldertury, 1094

A knock at the door.

"Sir? Prime Minister?"

Wilson opens the door, to see a fairly flustered Osborne step through from the cold, uninviting weather of the capital.

"Have you heard the recent broadcast, Jeremy?" They were close enough to use familiarities.
"Yes. Looks like we'll have to show those meddling Imperial puppets when to speak, won't we?" They laughed.
"I joke, but this is a serious problem. The idea that we don't support the Imperium's interests is outdated - I like to think of it as that we would prefer to be allies than puppets."

Osborne responded.
"Right, looks like I'll have to sort this out."
He stepped outside, and within minutes, as Wilson watched the television in his Prime Minister's Residence, he noticed - Osborne?

"This is an official message from the Chancellor of Osynstry, directed as a response to Lanorth's administration.

We do not stand for such explicit and clear threats against the Osynstric state, however it seems likely that this has been a misinterpretation and nothing more.

To clarify, the Osynstric position is that the Kingdom of Osynstry and Cymbria is no vassal state, no lesser state and no puppet of the Imperium. We stand with the Imperium, not below them. To assert such sovereignty over our own borders; for the very instance that it ever becomes necessary, which we hope will be never, we had to make clear our opposition to foreign interference. The attempt of the Lord Protector of Lanorth to challenge Osynstry's sovereignty in its own borders is one of these two things: a misunderstanding, or a direct threat. We will treat it as the first, and hope to clear any confusion created by the statements of Prime Minister Wilson yesterday - however, in future, we will address such instances against the state and the Prime Minister far more seriously than we have chosen to this time. We respect that Osynstry's historic position has been one of isolation, and this is the reason that we have entered the Auronian Economic Alliance and begun to co-operate in greater means and ways with the rest of the continent, and that the Imperium is arguably the most influential nation in the continent.

Maybe this is why we take this with such little regard - because this isn't the Imperium addressing us, this is one of its allies misinterpreting our message - possibly because of our ideological differences. Our final message is that we are always open to discussions on the issue, and that making foes over such a pointless allegation will benefit neither of our nations, especially as you appear to have misunderstood our point. Thank you, and Aether be with you all."

Osborne, after several minutes, returns to Wilson.
"There we are. Sorted."
Wilson turns to him, a face of either contempt, or approval - not entirely sure which, Osborne thinks.
"Don't you think you were, a little soft on them?"
Osborne assuredly turns back. "I don't think being so hard on them would have been wise. After all, they are foolish and they have recently lost their King. Maybe it's best to give them a second chance, before tolerance becomes indifference?"
Wilson's face warms. "That is true, and if I'm honest, I would have likely done something similar to you. Let's just hope this is a misunderstanding partly fuelled by their inherent hatred of the left - something I have never understood, but hey, maybe their education isn't quite up to Osynstric levels - rather than a direct assault on our nation. We're clearly well-equipped to deal with such a petty threat."
Osborne nods, says "Yes.", leaves, and Wilson slumps back, sipping whiskey and turning his television back on, as the rain pounded outside.

Signs of life in the private sector, Osborne new Deputy PM
Private sector indices suggest slight recovery from a fairly dismal period for the private sector, Wilson "calls for co-operative talks", and calls this "good news on all accounts"
Peoples' Telegraph - 25 Aldertury, 1094

As Wilson's socialist rhetoric at first worried economists that the private sector could slip from the low 50s into the high 40s (50 being stagnation, 0 collapse and 100 exponential growth) - it slightly grew, from an index of 53.4 in October to 53.9 in November. With the ISAO's findings being called "cautiously optimistic", they signal to Wilson's socialist rhetoric being - albeit only slightly - overwhelmed by the positive news of globalist advances. With the pound rising to 1.746 UBI, after a few days of relative stagnation and dragging down due to tensions, the stocks have also risen to 8,930.22 this morning on opening, up 0.26%.

The importance of the private sector's co-operation with the public sector has become apparent over the past four years, as Wilson has refused openly to go as far as many of his party colleagues and begin the complete nationalisation of the industrial sector, and instead vouched for the imposition of "co-operative" economics and increased union participation. This has given the private sector "the yellow card instead of the red card", and begun progress towards deals between the government and state-owned sectors with the private sector.

Prime Minister Wilson has also continued to openly show support for a "step-up in globalising Osynstry", saying:
"Osynstry is open for business. All nations who wish to begin negotiating trade deals are welcome to do so, particularly those within Auronia."
He has gained the support of Former Prime Minister Anthony Black, who has called his globalist stances "the key to opening our nation's true potential in a way that the Prime Ministers of history have neglected or only partially delved into", and the recently appointed Deputy Prime Minister Harold Osborne, who stated "we, as a nation, have been given the mandate from the public and from our own party to begin the measures to open our country up to the world in a manner never seen by our forefathers before".

The Prime Minister has also appointed Movement advocate and openly hard-left Harold Osborne, the old Minister for the Youth under Anthony Black, as his Deputy Prime Minister. Aged 45, Osborne is a notable "loudmouth from the deepest, reddest depths of the Movement", and is one of the several dozen demanding that the industrial sector is nationalised. Many have called this "an appeasement of the hard-left", and the Cabinet is slowly being pieced together by the two leaders of Osynstry - both of whom "would never have been even considered as potential Prime Minister or Deputy Prime Minister 10 or 20 years ago, one being the charismatic but inexperienced Northerner, and the other being the outspoken socialist trade unionist". Political experts and pundits alike are expecting Emily Adams, Michael Kingston and George Downton to be favourites for the high positions, with only Anthony Black being expected out of the Workers' Party to become a Cabinet member, expected to remain in his position as Foreign Minister.

- Deputy Prime Minister Harold Osborne, born 9th October, 1975 in Athersbury

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Post-liberalism; has it finally died?

WORLD NEWS | Politics
- 02:38, 28 Aldertury, 1094; Arthur Wesburn

The United Kingdom of Osynstry and Cymbria has seen Prime Ministers in the hundreds - conservative ones, liberal ones, the odd socialist one and all of those inbetween. Who can forget, however, the most notable Prime Minister of the late 20th century, Charlotte Greenwood?

What images come to one's mind when you think of this woman? The brutal suppression of workers? The Industrial General Strikes that twisted her arm firmly behind her back? Or the 1993 election - where she notoriously demanded that the voting age should be increased to 21 from 18; after the election - and then had the nerve to demand that they don't count the votes cast by under-21s. These voters, part of a group notoriously known as the "Generation L" for being the liberal generation that expelled her from power - born between 1949 and 1974 - had their verdict approved by the Royal Courts, and alongside her attempts to bribe major court officials and to force supporters to boycott taxes - a result that once again was overturned by the Royal Courts with little to no time wasted - led to her inevitable expulsion from the Conservative Party on March 20, 1993, by a joint verdict between the King, the Elder Council and the Senate, which in turn caused the Conservative Party to spiral into decline.

The resulting fallout, however, from this period has proved more significant than what Greenwood intended in the first place. Her attempts to overhaul welfare, to privatise industry, to re-isolate, to decrease wealth taxes and impose a flat one - all were swept away in Grantham's administration over the following years, and ceased to be recognised. However what her departure and henceforth absence, and the reputation gained by the Conservative Party as a result of their partial inability and partial failure to unify against Greenwood in her final years, would leave in its place would indeed prove far more significant and leave a lasting legacy on the nation.

Take for instance, Harold Grantham. The man who negotiated coalitions with the centre and the left alike to unify the nation under change - and despite his clear flaws, the man who served as the vanilla to Greenwood's sour taste. However, this does not consider his true positioning. Serving over a largely liberal House, this Workers' Party representative was largely unable to pursue real reform, only managing fairly significant but otherwise quite marginal social reform and having to constantly appease the liberal wing, to ensure that conservatives and liberals did not unite to fire it down. This co-operation between left and centre would play out over the next 25 years, under the next Prime Ministers, who would have to appease their other counterparts in a slow, grinding but aligned and well set-out approach. Prime Minister Evans would learn the mistakes of conservatism, and would pursue similarly small reform as Grantham did in the early 1990s, and the following two Prime Ministers would sit firmly in the liberal wings, both of whom would rely on the left for their support. As Ledbury soon proved unpopular, Black was elected.

Anthony Black was very much seen as an archetypal Osynstric Prime Minister. Grey-haired, tall, a typical knowledgeable tone with a hint of sarcasm always present, and a disinterest in what anyone else has to say - but inside, he knew that he really cared about others' opinions, aside from his semi-joking tone of dismissal. The Golden Years of post-liberalism very much came under his administration, which quickly set about - thanks to its positioning directly between the left and the centre; no, that's unfair to them, more straddling the two - beginning incremental reform and incentivising the Osynstric economy worldwide. By opening Osynstry as a tourist destination, by increasing exports, by slowly nationalising certain industries while privatising certain other ones depending on the optimal situation, and by providing a safe welfare net that managed to be a relatively small burden on the economy's back, he very much made the country a very good place to trade. This was, until 2013.

In 2013, it very much went the other way. A stock market bubble that had run up by about double in the last few years just burst in the morning, after an initial large sell-off by the Sampson and Sons Ltd. company, the stocks stabilised until 8:03am - when a day-long sell-off began, plunging the pound from 1.68 IBU to 1.54 IBU in one day, and sending stocks into a month-long freefall. Although it can be said that the Prime Minister quite adeptly, if sluggishly, rectified many of the instrumental factors and "gaping holes in the Osynstric economy", as he would later call it - his administration and its reputation never recovered from this.

Cue a young, Northern leftist loudmouth, Jeremy Wilson. A fairly new Minister for the Senate, and lifelong Workers' Party member - whose family had been massively affected by the Greenwood administration and the results of which would shape him as a person and a politician - Wilson was the vocal critic which much of the press got behind in voicing their outspoken dissent over the economic situation, the idea that had Grantham been permitted by the liberals of the Senate to carry out his reforms of regulating the economy, such a sell-off would have been statistically impossible, and thus we needed a new administration to change this. Despite initial successes in local elections, Wilson failed to garner much success, with Black's legacy being one of level-headed stability.

Then Black resigned.

And it all went down-hill for post-liberalism and the centre to centre-left from there. First, Black made the crucial mistake of announcing he would appoint Albert Charles as his successor for the election. This was the man notorious for the austerity measures that were voted down in 2013 and 2014, known as the "Pocket Thief" for his proposed tax reforms imposing greater burden on urban people, and the absence of the relatively popular Anthony Black as he quickly slipped into obscurity seemed to have a terminal effect on the Social Liberals' chances. Wilson suddenly seemed like the only other choice, as the second mistake of the liberals came along shortly after. As Charles' polling figures went into freefall, the Liberal Party, Athersic Democrats and Conservatives announced they would all agree to coalition deals with the Social Liberals. Associating one another with one another's flaws, from the Pocket Thief to the Greenwood legacy, proved to be the final nail in the coffin for their chances. By March, it seemed apparent that Wilson would gain about 30% of the vote - something that "shy Northern voters" proved to exceed to about 34%.

Wilson is known for many things. Being a subdued liberal is not one of them. Quickly leaving Black's legacy in the dust - but hastily appointing him as a Foreign Minister, in a move that would at first seem quite incompetent, but over time prove crucial and come to fruition as Black's leadership became historically popular and looked upon as a good, stable and well-handled period in Osynstric history, he would soon move onto tarnishing the final remnants of Greenwood's Prime Ministry, and moving the country's political compass in jerky movements toward the left.

When the 2020 election came around, it was expected that post-liberalism - after a close escape with the housing bubble in 2019 and a relatively stagnant economy in that year - would take back the country's helms. But as the final days of polling took place, it appeared Wilson's messages of the economy had resonated with voters. Whereas in 2013, a bubble had quickly burst thanks to deregulation - Wilson could make the case that yes, the economy stagnated in 2019 - but a similar situation had been easily handled thanks to the regulation of the stock markets and housing markets, especially with new housing reducing house prices while retaining near all of the house prices of existing properties, and this had an adverse effect. One month before the election, a Prime Minister Charles was expected. One week before the election, a dead-heat between Charles and Wilson had become apparent. By the last few days, Wilson had slightly pushed ahead - and then the next error of the liberals took place. In 2020, centrists had been so certain of the polls being wrong, that they made the polls wrong. By remaining divided, by being complacent and often not voting, they enabled Wilson to not only win unexpectedly, but win by a landslide of which many former Prime Ministers would be envious of. Post-liberalism had been defeated.

The question is now, why should post-liberalist Osynstry return? Yes, it had the stability of which the world envied and the democratic processes that Wilson's often lacklustre administration often don't quite achieve; but it ground to a halt at the slightest hint of controversy, and Wilson revitalised the idea of the workers' vote counting for a lot, as well as capitalising on the North's anger towards the economic situation adversely affecting them. But should Wilson have the effect of Black in 2016, when he resigns ahead of the 2025 election, the prospects of the left will ride purely on Harold Osborne. The favourite to become the next Workers' Party leader, and currently known for combining the sensible, common sense attitude of the post-liberal Black administration with the ardent and outspoken socialist views that make even the current Prime Minister seem centrist, his legacy could either be one of boring polarisation that could lose him an election, or successful and harmonious transition, and the continuing of the longest Workers' Party administration since the days of George Asmont. Should post-liberalism return, the Workers' Party will likely return for seconds in 2029. But should it? Would it? Would the post-liberals be right that their ideology is on the rise again, especially in light of the recent blunder that has shown up both the centre, right and left all at once? We can only wait.

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Cymbrian election looms; a tactical minefield for all involved

WORLD NEWS | Politics
- 23:01, 28 Aldertury, 1094; George Markburn

As the events of the last week come to a close with mixed results at best - for all parties involved. Osynstry's left leaves this with their leader seeming naive and gullible - though this effect will likely wear off with his repercussions against the ISAO, as he finally wises up to the world's calls against the ISAO. The results of Wilson's investigation are unknown, but the ISAO's leader has made it clear that co-operation has been denied on their part.

John yr Llanydd is very much the beacon of post-liberalism that centrists often hope will soon take over Osynstry once again - however those hopes were cut short when a narrow election quickly turned into a landslide for the incumbent Prime Minister, a man who openly states that "my intentions are to stop post-liberalism's steady advance, and although we as a government are always here to meet in the middle, we will not bow down before the leaders who ran this country for the decades that seemed so affluent - until everything went so horribly, horribly wrong [Black Monday]".

The election in Cymbria is one both to forget, and yet a very special one, as it will very much be the bellwether for the Wilson administration as to how their government is doing. Jeremy Wilson, George Osborne, Albert Charles, Georgia Weston, Howard Stewart, Olivia Ledbury, and of course the candidates - Emily Adams and John yr Llanydd. The other candidates increasingly appear to be unlikely to win - so now, they have the tentative decision on whether to continue standing and gain little to no chance of winning, or to publicly back their favoured candidate, but sacrifice any chance of their own representation. For the time being, the first option is the clear victor among the two - and this has serious consequences. As the election of the 11th of December - or the 9th of Thyntury nears, the centrist devolution advocate appears to be the closest option to what most current candidates want. The Greens and Progressives have both announced support for Adams' candidacy, and as undecided voters shrink, Adams appears to be having a slight edge over yr Llanydd. Most parties are not yet ready to come to terms with the prospect of losing...

but will they in time to save centrism in Cymbria, in a way they failed to in 2016 and 2020 in Osynstry? We will find out in the next weeks if this happens to be the case, or if history does indeed repeat itself.

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

A new month; a new Osynstry?

WORLD NEWS | Politics
- 23:01, 1 Swyntury, 1094; Arthur Wesburn

As Aldertury 1094 comes to a close, it leaves behind it a very, very different situation. Rather than a Prime Minister almost waiting to be elected out in a landslide, we have the same Prime Minister re-elected by this very landslide. Rather than a return to post-liberalism and the centrist Osynstry from the early 2010s, it seems inevitable that Osynstry will join the ranks of socialist nations. Rather than Wilson's entrance of the nation to the global stage being halted, it has sped up dramatically, with mixed consequences. It has definitely been a month to remember for all involved.

For example, take what the journalist and panel show presenter Richard Oxland said on Morning, Great Osynstry, on the morning of Aldertury the First no less:
"Wilson's got no chance. He's going to lose, and Georgia Weston is going to win. Mark my words, liberal Osynstry is on its way back. The polls don't lie."

Or what CBCO political pundit Thomas Johnson said on This Week in Osynstry, on the night before the polls opened:
"As the polls open, it seems clear that Wilson's mandate is over. Whether he has to beg the centre for a rainbow coalition, or whether he is completely turned down, his position will be weaker tomorrow evening that it is today, and there is little chance that a positive outcome for the left could happen today. I project Georgia Wilson, the prospective leader of the Social Liberals by Swyntury, will lead a liberal coalition into the Prime Ministry by Thorndey (Thursday)."

The mood of the nation on the election was very clear - Weston had a clear shot for the Prime Ministry. Even when the polls showed serious swaying in favour of Wilson, the projections were still that this was a mere blip in the polls - however it appeared the opposite was true, they were really correcting to the accurate values. This, coupled with the complacency of many liberal potential voters, led to a serious polling upset when polling day came around.

As a new month starts, and Georgia Weston has finally succeeded Albert Charles as leader of the Social Liberal Party - with another of the "Grantham generation" politician lost to the "Wilson generation" politicians, at the age of 29 - it appears clear that the nation is set for a turbulent, and potentially ground-breaking course; and a solidification of the notion that the election of such a drastically younger, newer politician, untarnished by the events of the 1980s and 1990s thanks to his age (or lack thereof) has turned the previously very much centrist nation on a course to the hard left.

Wilson and with him, the liberals and conservatives - the former of whom have lost an election they could've easily won, and the latter of whom remain as a straggling minority on the sidelines of Osynstric politics - are at loggerheads, and all face serious challenges. In the next four months, we shall see the Cymbrian, Northern, Lynseshire and Weskershyre regional devolutionary elections. Three of these are fairly easy wins for Wilson, as unionist homelands. However, Cymbria - the "second nation of Great Osynstry", and culturally separate and distinguished from the Kingdom, with Richard V hailing from Cymbria himself - has a very close contender - Emily Adams of the left faces John yr Llanydd of the centre regionals. The following month will surely determine the fate of the left and centre, and with it Wilson's administration.

One thing is for sure - this Osynstry has never been seen before. The last four years were seemingly a mirage of the real 2020s, new Osynstry that we are about to embark upon, and Wilson remains at the helm of an ever larger majority, albeit one very unsettled - of a nation that is quickly appearing as a location of significance worldwide for both positive, neutral and negative reasons.

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Divided, the left risks it all; but are they divided?

WORLD NEWS | Politics
- 13:40, 3 Swyntury, 1094; Arthur Wesburn

As the first month of Wilson's second term continues, something has become far more apparent: the left has gained considerable gains outside of the OWP. The Greens and Progressives were projected to gain about 20 seats in the House - both losing about 5 seats each - but the Greens in particular gained far more than expected. The Communists, previously viewed as a fringe party, were first projected 26 (-4), then 39 (+9), and ended up with 43 (+13) seats. This impressive showing across the left seems to stop with the Social Liberals - who lost just over 50 seats - suggesting perhaps that the fall of the centre-left is inversely proportional to the rise of the hard-left.

The hard-left this election has gained 580 seats in the House, including after the late Ian Palston's death and by-election - leaving leftist Social Liberals and their position as the "swing party" more irrelevant, and creating such a large majority in the Senate (160-41) that the right and centre have very little say in the proceedings of the nation, unlike the previous Parliaments, which had a slimmer majority in the Senate and over 100 less seats in the House for the hard-left.

This brings up one large question: come the next election, will the left remain divided? Especially in the Senate, divided parties lose. And in principle, these parties could form a meaningful coalition that can put forward one candidate in seats that aren't safe - however would Wilson really want to risk losing control? He knows the price of division within his own party became clear in the last year or two of his first administration, as liberals within his own party risked his control - however after the overwhelming swing back to democratic socialism within his own party, this has largely dissipated - or at least been prorogued.

There is also the matter of the Communist Party. A loose allegiance of members from anywhere between democratic socialism and hardline communism, they advocate completely different issues. Such a renegade party that only seems to back Wilson because he is "more socialist than his rivals", would seriously risk any shot of Osborne or Adams - the two likely contenders come 2025 for the candidacy of the OWP ticket - gaining the Prime Ministry next election.

In conclusion, the left will likely remain fragmented - but the extent of co-operation, which appears to have grown considerably from 2016 to now, and continues to grow thanks to the potential to force any bill through thanks to their healthy majorities, is another matter. How long could it last? Will it last beyond this term, or will the left once again fall apart after this brief period of harmony? And if so, do Osborne or Adams have any shot at gaining the Prime Ministry? As per usual, we will likely not know until the election - and as history has proved, assuming one result is inevitable is a likely blunder for all sides.

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Here we go again: our insight into the Cymbria 2020 elections

WORLD NEWS | Politics | Cymbria Election 2020
- 13:01, 7 Swyntury, 1094; Various

After the statistical issues, our political analysts have found that a bullish resurgence in the polling figures for Wilson suggests that perhaps the correction is more than just a return to post-election politics - and that we should expect a Wilson administration in Cymbria's devolved Senedd. Let us continue.

This situation seems remarkably similar to the 2020 election nationally, last month. This time last month, the Workers' Party enjoyed a surge in support - partly the polls being immensely off, partly the "Shy Socialist Effect", and partly undecideds joining Wilson's bandwagon - which in turn eventually precipitated a landslide in favour of Wilson.

So the big question is: are we going through the same thing again?

The short answer: almost definitely. Our polls show that Wetherby has gathered a ten-point lead within the space of just two weeks, and that chances of her winning are in the high 60s to low 70s, percentage wise, rising by the day.

So what should we expect from a Wetherby administration? Well:
- It is definite that Cymbrish-Osynstric governments will highly join together.
- Weskerby will join the push for Sutherby - or Aberswdd - to gain its own Synyddr
- Trade unions and the economy will receive similar reforms as the 2016-2020 Wilson administration
- The Cymbrish Party will likely stay subdued and secondary for the next decade or so, should the OWP successfully advocate itself as an alternative devolution party in Cymbria

Our final message is that it's never over until the polls are over and the votes are counted and certified. As much as polls can show us the trends - and that they currently show definite trends in favour of the leftists - they can never properly, justly forecast an election. They can merely show possible outcomes - and these are countless.

The date is 7 Swyntury, 1094.

The mood was jovial. The press, from loyalist press like the Peoples' Telegraph to even the usually oppositional Herald of Athersbury, all share the same message - Cymbria is heading for a blowout.

Wilson took a small sip from his glass of Sutherbic whiskey, and glanced out of the window. The nation clearly was behind him - maybe even Sutherby, the notoriously yellow region, could turn red? A man can dream.

He turned to his cabinet. They shouldn't be there, Weston would say. Maybe she was right: just weeks before the election he was preparing to commence transition, and even during the election he was expecting at most a renewal of his razor thin majority. But now here he is - a room filled with more socialists, with more OWP members and with more of his supporters. He had more power, quite clearly. Maybe it had gotten to his head.

"I come with a serious matter."

The cabinet leant forward.

"It is simply the matter of our continent. Few powers exist, and the only powers that exist have a serious contempt of the political left."

Anthony Black rose.
"What of it, Jeremy?"

"I'll tell you, Anthony." His face hardened. "We'll have to take it into our own hands. We must earn the respect of the Imperium, and perhaps even the upper hand against Lanorth. A nation cannot protect its continent without making itself known."

Black's eyebrow raised slightly, and as much colour as his eyes had conceded to the times, they remained deep with thought.
"And how do you propose we do that?"

Wilson turned to the rest of the Cabinet and leant forward towards them.
"I say, we outperform them in the one way we Osynstric people know how. We open up our economy, we make trade agreements, and we unleash the true productivity of the nation through my proposed reforms."

His glance sharpened.
"And by reforms, I mean the army. Our country will be known worldwide for not just its soft power, oh no."

Wetherby nodded in the corner, and Black, at first pondering upon the justification behind this, understood a deeper meaning behind this relatively vague statement, and sat down, somewhat satisfied.

"We have several uphill climbs ahead of us too. Firstly, our colleague Miss Wetherby here has the Cymbria race to contend for, of course, and I think I speak behalf of all of you when I wish her the best of luck.

Secondly, we have the matter of the ISAO. By undermining us, with little reasoning, we have little choice, do we not? It is time to take it back."

Northcliffe stood.
"But, Prime Minister, wouldn't that prove the world right?"

Wilson interrupted her.
"I knew someone would say this, so of course, I shall elaborate. We won't endanger our reputation in such a move - rather, we just don't let go of our hold on it. We have no reason to let another corrupt bureaucrat take it over to show up our administration for political gain, and thus we have no other choice."

A silence enveloped. Not an awkward one, but a settled one. A considered one.

"I also would like to begin in saying that you here today are embarking on a journey to an Osynstry that doesn't exist yet. I wish you all the best upon your voyage to the Osynstry we are building, and should I come back here again in 5 years as a Cabinet member, I'm sure our legacy will not be forgotten.

We will be the new Asmonts - but now, we are transitioning to a people's nation. You today have joined the history books and for that I commend you.

We all here know what our nation is capable of. However the world does not. It is us who shall show them."

Wilson sat back down, as the snow outside settled on the rolling gentle hills of Athersbury, as the millions of people below were unaware of the new Osynstry they were living in as of yet, engrossed in a typical Athersbury winter.

He sighed slowly, the gravity of the situation not concerning him in the slightest. In fact, it filled him with hubris. Were he an elderly rural foreigner with no regard for his own health, he would smoke a pipe on such an occasion.

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Skipton appointed leader of the Athersic Democrats; will the right finally unite?

WORLD NEWS | Politics | Cymbria Election 2020
- 21:34, 9 Swyntury, 1094; Various

This year has been a testing one for the political right. From bad to worse, they threw a 2020 election and alliances between the Athersic Democrats and Conservatives seem only skin-deep.

As Skipton is appointed the leader of the Athersic Democrats, he appears to be at the centre of his own party in a way that only Wilson and Black could say they were in their instances. Although this has proved immensely popular in the Athersic Democrats, the Conservatives - whose relations with the previously, more conservative Ledbury were far more cordial - are hesitant at best. Skipton has called for the "political centre-right to unite behind one party" - but the Conservatives are extremely reluctant.

This brings us onto the topic of the political right in general. Having previously, particularly in extended periods of the 19th century and the first and third fifths of the 20th century, dominated Osynstric politics in their own histories - and perhaps served as a formidable right in a nation that has typically been liberal and recently veered to the left. However, after the popular Walston resigned, his successor - in short terms - turned celebrations to civil unrest - both outside her party, and within it. By the mid-1990s, Greenwood had shamed her party, been ejected by the Elder Council - the first time a King and an Elder Council has removed a Prime Minister since the 18th century - and the political right had ripped apart into liberal conservatives and "old conservatives" - the former of whom, thanks to their refusal of Greenwoodist policies and ideas, has typically fared better. To say typically, even, would be underwhelming their comparative dominance of the political right.

As Stewart knew by now that the Conservatives were both reliant and subordinate to the Athersic Democrats - rendering them out of office permanently, without some form of miracle, which never came - he began forming alliances with the liberal conservatives in the Athersic Democratic Party. This at first seemed like an alliance that could quickly take back Osynstry's Prime Ministry... but here we are, three elections on, and every single election has shown a swing toward the left. So what went wrong?

Short answer: everything.
Stewart was, in short terms, not committed to the alliances he started - and the Athersic Democrats quickly clocked on that he just wanted power, not allegiance. Only under Ledbury would their alliance reconcile, and she only lasted short of three years. The Athersic Democrats viewed the Conservatives as a serious burden which should not be touched with a barge pole to make sure that their centrist voterbase doesn't desert them, and with it the political right - and the Conservatives viewed the Athersic Democrats as an attempt by liberals and the political centreground to encompass the right in order to push its liberal agenda, especially considering how the membership of the party has typically been overwhelmed by highly educated liberals and liberal conservatives. The legacy of Prime Minister Oakwood - who proved more centrist than the Liberal Prime Minister who followed him - would leave room for improvement, let us say, as Conservatives refused to co-operate later on, for they viewed the Athersic Democrats as dissidents who had transformed into "yet another load of liberals".

Result: four consecutive election defeats, each worse than the last.

There remains one question, as Skipton seems unlikely to want to affiliate himself with the Conservative Party, despite slight hints at remaining friendly with them - will the political right ever have a shot at the Prime Ministry, or will they waste all their bullets on one another?

The Peoples' Telegraph - the voice of Socialism in Osynstry

Wilson approves electoral reform - at the risk of his own majority

WORLD NEWS | Politics | Cymbria Election 2020
- 21:34, 15 Aeaftury, 1095; Arthur Wesburn

As election fever takes hold in the North, it appears Wilson has taken a step forward in trying to secure election fairness - regional proportionment. Now, rather than seats (which heavily favour winning parties), he has apportioned seats well - and despite what many OWP officials were saying, which was called by Wilson himself "a betrayal of democratic institutions, that if we win then we keep the archaic and unfair system"; he has carried out his election promise of "finally fixing the voting system".

Now, the seats look like this:

Osynstric Workers' Party - 103 (-48)
Social Liberal Party - 20 (+10)
Athersic Democrats - 19 (+11)
Conservative Party of Osynstry - 14 (+8)
Osynstric Liberal Party - 14 (+8)
Greens and Progressives of Osynstry - (5 + 4 ->) 9 (+4)
Cymbrish National Party - 8 (+3)
Communists of Osynstry - 7 (+4)
National Democratic Party of Great Osynstry - 3 (+2)
Libertarian Party - 1 (-)
Centrist Democrats - 1 (-2)
Independent - 1 (-)

Although the Osynstric Workers' Party controls a majority in the Senate, still - it is far more fragile than it was previously. Wilson is said to have approved it by OWP insiders "due to pressure from the Electoral Commission", who threatened to bring the OWP to court for obstructing democracy should they refuse to implement it by 2025. However, some have called it "a perfect opportunity for Wilson to, with a valid reason, excuse his centrist Members of the Senate and let Momentum take over". Just 19 of the previous 55 "Social Democratic Union" (centrist organisation within OWP) MSs remain, with only 12 non-SDU members being expelled as a result of the seat losses.

The Peoples' Telegraph shall call it a step in the right direction - but a party with just 44% of the vote getting a majority of the Upper House still isn't right; however it is far superior to a party with 44% of the vote getting 77% of the seats.

The Independent - upholding liberal democracy since 1828
- 16 Aeaftury, 1095; Politics

Prime Minister passes law on free speech
Wilson has said "only way to address wrong speech is to allow a lot more of it" - but does he truly believe that?

Today in Osynstry's Parliamentary houses, Wilson and his Workers' Party have successfully - just - passed a bill "protecting free speech". However - does it really protect anything, or is it just a publicity stunt?

Let us first go back to the days of Thomas Walston, back in the early 1980s (mid 1050s for those using the Osynstric calendar), when there was a worrying right-wing populist rise in both his own party (Greenwood, anyone?), and in the general public. This left Walston - in his own view, that is - with one choice; to have to limit the freedom of speech in this particular respect. Under the new and soon to be famous Section 86d, it soon became permissible in court to use allegations of "speech of insulting or slanderous nature against persons to which they may find distressing, fraudulent or otherwise offensive". This went as well as one can imagine; Greenwood got to become the leader of the ruling Conservative Party and won (albeit quite narrowly considering) the next election. And we all know what that led to.

So really, the repealing of Section 86d is, well, a long time coming. Anthony Black gutted it in 2010, but refused to completely remove it "for it may be of use to some defendants and prosecutors alike" - therefore its repealing is even more meaningless. And as for the Prime Minister's approach to it - he seems to have taken "hubris" to a new level. The speech on free speech, the lack of a use of a parliamentary whip; I for one am surprised there was no fireworks display, or proclamation of the end of tyranny.

But, this brings us into the very topic of Jeremy Wilson. He seems to think that he is some form of new chapter; and maybe he's right? Osynstry's economy has been dragged down numerous times by what he calls "old, bygone, traditional ideologies", and yet under his administration, there has been the aversion of the housing crisis in 2019 and rates of growth which - although at least partly due to some very unscrupulous and condemnatory behaviour from the ISAO under Anderson - have surpassed that of Black's economic heyday. With living standards going up and with poverty in Osynstry all but rapidly reducing, it is little surprise that he will take any opportunity to have a fanfare - however it rather cheapens the entire process. However - he often takes this far too far. Wilson is no legend, is no Saint Llywellyn or even George Asmont (although he surely fancies himself as a new version of the man). His deputy Osborne keeps him in check, as well; and the public have shown their approval of Osborne over Wilson, of experience and wisdom over youth and outspoken abnormality, and of his professionalism that Wilson only seems to parody. Should Osborne choose to take the reins in 2025 - we should expect the Workers' Party to return to subdued yet quickened reform, rather than an administration that has often been empty and lacking in real action - regardless of how much noise it has made.

Wilson has already twigged onto this, too - in recent weeks, he has been very much out of the spotlight and yet reforms have been coming in thick and fast. This is very much an exception for Wilson at this point to come out and make a speech on his relatively small reform; however this reform in itself is very ceremonial too. Maybe, just maybe, he finally learnt his lesson from his very hollow and sluggish incremental process of "loud yet empty" leadership of the 2010s, and moved on to a term we may very well call "Osbornian leadership" - and maybe, just maybe he could earn the posthumous respect of Prime Minister George Asmont.

So, depending on your opinion; this is either the final nail in the coffin for a law intended for worse times, or this is just another attempt from an ever stronger and louder left to claim the liberty role. Either way, there are upsides and downsides; and either way, Wilson won't be affected by this either positively or negatively, as much as many are sick of his bravado and as much as his own party wants his charisma to win him further seats, somehow.

The Independent - upholding liberal democracy since 1828
- 16 Aeaftury, 1095; Politics

"Tripartisan alliance", as the centre and right take on the left in the North
After parties that have spent decades fighting one another have finally agreed to put their differences aside for this election - did it pay off?

As the electoral pact begins, it appears to have eroded away some of Wilson's advantage. Having been set for a slim majority, the Workers' Party came out of the other side of this election with 43.9% of the vote. That's less than the national average in the general election last November - and shows, just maybe, it worked.

To expand on this, we'll explain exactly what the electoral alliances were; for it would be foolish of me to not mention that it wasn't a rainbow coalition. Firstly, the Greens and Progressives joined with the Social Democrats (sometimes known as Social Liberals) to form the Social Democrats (yes, the same name, the creativity oozes out of this, doesn't it?). Then, the Conservatives and the Athersic Democrats merged to create the Moderates. Then, the Liberal Party and the Centrist Democrats combined their efforts to create the Liberal Coalition - however this was not as popular as expected.

In the end:
Workers' Party (Jeremy Wilson) - 43.9%
Social Democrats (Georgia Weston) - 20.2%
Moderate Party (Edmund Charles) - 16.1%
Liberal Coalition (Robert Gordon) - 10.6%
Communist Party (Charley May) - 5.8%
National Democratic Party (Mark Johnson) - 2.1%
Libertarian Party (John Waltham) - 1.8%

After the election, the Social Democrats announced they would remain an entity, as would the Liberal Coalition, renaming themselves to the Liberal Democratic Party. However, the Moderate Party soon fractured back to Athersic and Conservative, so it became more like this:

Athersic Democrat (Edmund Charles) - 9.1%
Conservative Party (William Skipton) - 7.0%

However, the optimism maybe isn't so well placed. The Liberals in particular gained against the Workers' Party, and the Social Democrats gained a few points - but so did the Communists gain a point, and they didn't even have a coalition. Perhaps it was to do with a rallying against the dominant party - the sentiment over the method. Added to which, the Moderates fell considerably from when they allied. When they joined, they had between 18% and 20% of the electorate - and yet now, they share 16%. As well as this, the Workers' Party stopped falling in the election and rose 1 point from their expectations the day before; perhaps this signals that the progress is merely temporary.

And in the end, look who won. Despite the fact that the Workers' Party sure would have preferred an absolute majority of voters, they held resilient against an effort from the entire political spectrum and saw off challenge from the centre-left, centre and centre-right alike. The headlines today will not preach of a Workers' Party loss, or gain, but rather business as usual for a party that has, for the last four years, successfully kept control of much of the nation's institutions and assemblies. And also bear this in mind - the Workers' Party only had 39% of the vote last Northern election.